Search

RESUMO Este artigo examina as raízes históricas do que considera ser um importante debate sobre a identidade do Brasil nos marcos do pensamento econômico: o país teria uma natural vocação agrícola, dotada de vantagens comparativas, ou deveria investir na diversificação estrutural e industrializar-se? Argumenta-se que essa é uma questão presente já no momento da Independência e que debates já existiam em Portugal desde o século XVIII. Analisam-se os debates travados na Assembleia Constituinte de 1823 quanto à concessão ou não de benefícios tributários às fábricas de ferro. Por um lado, os “agraristas” defenderam a primazia agrícola, enquanto os “industrialistas” argumentam a favor da ação estatal no estímulo à atividade industrial. Procura-se demonstrar, assim, a existência de concepções diferentes para o futuro econômico do país que ecoam pelos 200 anos de vida independente. ABSTRACT This article examines the historical roots of what it considers one of the main debate on Brazil’s identity within the framework of economic thought: would the country have a natural agricultural vocation, endowed with comparative advantages, or should it invest in structural diversification and industrialize? It is argued that this is an issue already present in the independence process, and debates already existed in Portugal since the 18th century. The debates held in the Constituent Assembly of 1823 regarding the granting or not of tax benefits to iron factories are analyzed. On the one hand, the “agrarists” defended agricultural primacy, while the “industrialists” argued in favor of state action in stimulating manufacturing or industrial activity. It seeks to demonstrate, therefore, the existence of different conceptions for the economic future of the country that echo through the 200 years of independent life. RESUMEN Este artículo examina las raíces históricas de los que se considera ser un importante debate sobre la identidad de Brasil en los marcos del pensamiento económico: ¿el país tendría una vocación natural agrícola, dotada de ventajas comparativas, o debería invertir en la diversificación estructural e industrializarse? Se argumenta que esa es una cuestión ya presente en el momento de la independencia y debates que ya existían en Portugal desde el siglo XVIII. Se analizan los debates asegurados en la Asamblea Constituyente de 1823 en cuanto a la concesión o no de beneficios tributarios a las fábricas de hierro. Por un lado, los “agraristas” defendieron la primacía agrícola, mientras que los “industrialistas” argumentaban a favor de la acción estatal en el estímulo de la actividad industrial. Se pretende demostrar, así, la existencia de concepciones diferentes para el futuro económico del país que trascienden por los 200 años de vida independiente.

Resumo Este artigo analisa a expansão baleeira norte-americana, ocorrida entre o final do século XVIII e a primeira metade do XIX, em direção ao litoral brasileiro. Foram escrutinadas fontes em dois arquivos e museus da Nova Inglaterra, o Mystic Sea Port e o Whaling Museum. No primeiro, consultamos as relações de viagens baleeiras ocorridas entre a segunda metade do século XVIII até 1920. Também arrolamos documentos avulsos, cartas de marinheiros e comandantes, relações de embarcações e informações sobre os portos da região. No Whaling Museum analisamos logbooks de viagens ao Brasil, cartas náuticas, mapas e fontes avulsas. Na Gazeta de New Bedford, levantamos informações sobre expedições à costa brasileira realizadas entre 1843 e 1845, os balanços da produção de óleo de baleia, espermacete de cachalotes e ossos de baleias. Foram examinadas e sistematizadas informações sobre os comandantes, as embarcações e suas rotas, além de dados quantitativos a respeito de baleias e cetáceos abatidos no litoral brasileiro. Por fim, destacamos o grande peso da indústria baleeira americana naquela conjuntura de afirmação do capitalismo e globalização da economia. Abstract This article analyzes the North American whaling expansion that took place between the late eighteenth century and the first half of the nineteenth, towards the Brazilian coast. Sources have been scrutinized in two New England archives and museums, the Mystic Sea Port and the Whaling Museum. In the first, we refer to whaling relations that occurred between the second half of the eighteenth century until 1920. We also listed separate documents, letters of sailors and commanders, boat relations and information about the ports of the region. At the Whaling Museum we analyze Brazil travel logbooks, nautical charts, maps and single sources. In the New Bedford Gazette, we collected information on expeditions from 1843 to 1845 to the Brazilian coast, the balances of whale oil production, sperm whale sperm, and whale bones. Names of commanders, boats and directions of each of them were analyzed. As a result, we present the number of whales and cetaceans slaughtered on the Brazilian coast, the results of production and how the American whaling industry stood out in a state of affirmation of capitalism and economic globalization.

Esta incursión intelectual busca analizar, por una parte, en el estudio combinado de la bibliografía ya existente sobre Cuéntame Cómo Pasó, y las diatribas teóricas sobre la especificidad de la cultura de masas en la Modernidad, una síntesis mediadora que esté en condiciones de aportarnos las herramientas intelectuales requeridas para un análisis de los elementos ideológicos subterráneos de una de las series de mayor éxito y audiencia en la historia de la televisión en España. El objetivo de nuestra invectiva estará marcado por el intento de desgarrar el velo ideológico de una de las producciones más exitosas de la cultura de masas en nuestro país. El estudio que nos ocupa arrojará luz sobre el objetivo que nos hemos marcado, esto es, que la historia de la familia Alcántara servirá de modelo prototípico para la defensa velada de la revolución pasiva franquista merced del industrialismo y la constitución fraternal de un nuevo pueblo español (estructura del sentir) que terminará votando la Constitución de 1978 y apoyando, sin ambages, la figura del Rey Juan Carlos I como piloto del cambio en España. This intellectual incursion seeks to analyze, on the one hand, in the combined study of the already existing bibliography on Cuéntame Cómo Pasó, and the theoretical diatribes about the specificity of mass culture in Modernity, a mediating synthesis that is in a position to provide us with the intellectual tools required for an analysis of the underground ideological elements of one of the most successful series and audience in the history of television in Spain. The objective of our invective will be marked by the attempt to tear the ideological veil of one of the most successful productions of mass culture in our country. The study that concerns us will shed light on the objective that we have set ourselves, that is, that the history of the Alcántara family will serve as a prototypical model for the veiled defense of the passive Francoist revolution at the mercy of industrialism and the fraternal constitution of a new Spanish people (structure of feeling) that will end up voting the Constitution of 1978 and supporting, without ambiguity, the figure of King Juan Carlos I as the pilot of change in Spain.

The article proposes the critical analyses of the P. Mehring conception of philosophical pedagogy founded on the German idealism and Humboldt’s philosophy of education. Transformations of the philosophical pedagogy are considering on the background of organizing changes in the education in the industrial and post-industrial contexts with regard to its meaning, logics and causes. The advantages of the interdisciplinary approach are proving on the problem field of the philosophical pedagogy in times of its rising and falls.The restoration of philosophical pedagogy of the early and developed industrialism is proposing with its idealistic and institutional paradigm (Humboldt-Hegel-Spranger) and the alternative one – the critical anti-institutionalism(Nietzsche -Adorno-Foucault), The heuristic metaphor of the invention of freedom shows on the political engagement of philosophical pedagogy what has both the negative and positive aspects. Some political pathologies of the state in the early post-industrial societies need pedagogical treating. That is why the revival perspective of philosophical pedagogy is inquiring. For this case some actual ideas of W. von Humboldt and its transformations are used to show the risks and dangerous of educational reforms in the post-industrial contexts.The Kantian and Hegelian transformations are researching with the aim to show different tendencies of the development of education in philosophical reflections of pedagogical issues with political consequences regarding as possible paradigmatic changes which can exist as complementary ones. The coherence of political and pedagogical ideas can exist in different constellations pursuing different purposes. The pedagogical construct of freedom as autonomy was often used in the political programs and political decisions, but the political reason is also an important factor for the transformations of contemporary educational systems and practices. The pedagogical construct of freedom foresees the autonomy of educational institutions and independency of individual which cal be lost by his transforming to a Wikipedia-citizen.

This Special Issue “Ecocentric education” contains articles focused on ecological values in environmental education (EE) and education for sustainable development (ESD). Ecocentric education is based on a critical theory, originating from Erich Fromm [1], Herbert Marcuse [2], and Paulo Freire [3], and on ecological pedagogy (ecopedagogy), developed by Richard Kahn [4]. These critical theorists served as catalysts in the transformation of education towards the recognition of the “domination” of capitalist, corporate, and/or political power in shaping societies, challenging the broadly shared assumptions and practices [5]. Fromm [1] and his peers believed that education makes learners internalize alienation from humanity and nature, a process which is inherent in the industrial capitalist society. This process increases uncritical adherence to dominant values such as consumerism, downplaying the negative side effects of technocratically defined “progress”. https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci10090217 LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/helenkopnina/

Received 6 October 2018. Accepted 11 January 2019. Published online 1 April 2019. The past half century has witnessed major socio-political transformations across the globe. The end of formal European colonialism, basically achieved except for small pockets in the aftermath of the Carnation Revolution in Portugal in 1974, was followed by the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991 in parallel to the one of Keynesian organized capitalism in the Northwest and of “state-led development” in much of the South, but also the rise of Asian economies, starting with Japan and now featuring China. The subsequent era of globalization and individualization was short-lived and has given way to the notion of a “multi-polar” globe marked by the at best half-intended withdrawal of the US from hegemony and the loose association of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa under the name of BRICS. What has not changed across this half century is the depletion of the earth’s resources and the pollution of the environment. This article retraces the rise of ecological issues to become a global concern, and it does so by relating shifting interpretations of the issue to assignments of political responsibility in the changing global context. Emerging from a comparative research project on Brazil, South Africa and Europe, it draws its examples from these regions, but aims at developing a more general argument about the current impact of historical power asymmetries on ways of dealing with the ecological crisis. Work on this article has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) for the project “Trajectories of modernity: comparing non-European and European varieties” (TRAMOD), based at the University of Barcelona as ERC Advanced Grant no. 249438; from the consortium Humanities in the European Research Area (HERA) for the project “The debt: historicizing Europe’s relations to the ‘South’” (HERA Joint Research Programme “Uses of the Past”); and from the Russian Science Foundation (RSF) for the project “Varieties of modernity in the current global constellation: the role of the BRICS countries and the Global South” (grant no. 18-18-00236), based at Ural Federal University in Yekaterinburg.

Agrarian mercantilism, being the ruling tradition throughout the 18th century, extended its influence into the 19th century under the cover of classical economics as applied to the ‘natural order’ of economic development. The agrarian sector with its excellent political representation, backed that trend. Given this state of affairs, it is no surprise to find that the industrial discourse met with difficulty in trying to find a place within the fields of economic analysis, economic policy and technical education. Catalan industrialists, producers’ associations and the economists linked to them would consequently be the first to support the industrial cause. The key to their success was the link they established with the liberal cause. Throughout the century, the industrial discourse was not uniform either in connection with demands for tolls (prohibitionism, protectionism, free trade) or in connection with its doctrinal source (eclecticism, social economics, saintsimonianism, etc.), La tradición económica dominante en el siglo XVIII, el mercantilismo agrarista, prolongará su influencia en el siglo XIX al amparo de las tesis de la economía clásica relativas al «orden natural» del desarrollo económico. Desde los hechos económicos, el peso del sector agrario y la excelente representación política de sus intereses, reforzaron aquella corriente. Por lo mismo, no han de extrañar las dificultades del discurso industrial para abrirse paso en el ámbito del análisis, en la esfera de las políticas comerciales o en el de las enseñanzas técnicas. Consecuentemente serán los industriales catalanes y sus sociedades patronales y económicas, los principales abanderados de la causa industrial. Su éxito radicó en asociar su suerte a la de la causa liberal. Con todo, a lo largo del siglo, el discurso industrial no fue uniforme ni en sus demandas arancelarias (prohibicionismo, proteccionismo, librecambio) ni en su matriz doctrinal (eclecticismo, economía social, sansimonismo).

Cet article explore un point aveugle de la thèse d’Albert O. Hirschman dans Les passions et les intérêts : le topos du doux commerce aurait disparu des consciences au XIXe siècle en raison des conséquences sociales de la révolution industrielle. Pourtant, dans les débats qui animèrent les penseurs « industrialistes » sous la Restauration (1814-1830), l’association entre paix civile et développement économique prit de nouvelles formes topiques et argumentatives avec le passage conceptuel de la « nation commerçante » à la « société industrielle ». Ce passage n’est pas neutre : il reconfigura la topographie du doux commerce. D’une part, le thème de l’industrie pacifique superposa au modèle de l’échange marchand (délibératif et plutôt égalitaire) celui de l’atelier productif (coopératif et plus hiérarchique). D’autre part, il ouvrit la perspective non plus d’un simple adoucissement, mais d’une substitution radicale de l’intérêt aux passions et d’une élimination totale du conflit par la paisible exploitation de la nature. Toutefois, l’émergence de la question sociale sema la discorde au sein des industrialistes : sans rejeter entièrement le lieu commun, les saint-simoniens se séparèrent des libéraux en détachant le thème de l’industrie pacifique du dogme de la libre concurrence. This article deals with a blind spot in Hirschman’s analysis in The Passions an the Interests: according to him, the topos of the doux commerce would have been erased from the collective consciousness during the 19th century, due to the social consequences of the industrial revolution. However, in the debates that animate the industrialist thinkers under the French Restoration (1814-1830), the association between civil peace and economic development takes on new topical and argumentative forms with the conceptual shift from the “trading nation” to the “industrial society”. This shift is not indifferent: it has reconfigured the topography of the doux commerce. On the one hand, the theme of peaceful industry superimposed the workshop model (regarded as cooperative, productive and hierarchical) on that of commercial exchange (regarded as more egalitarian). On the other hand, it opened the prospect not only of a simple softening, but of a radical substitution of interest for passions and of a total elimination of conflict thanks to the peaceful exploitation of nature. However, the emergence of the social question sowed discord among industrialists: without rejecting the commonplace entirely, the Saint-Simonians separated from the liberals by detaching the theme of peaceful industry from the dogma of free competition.

Dans son livre Tomorrow! A Peaceful Path to Real Reform (1898; traduction française Les Cités jardin de demain, 1969) Ebenezer Howard proposait le schéma d’une société idéale et y formulait sa solution à la « question de la terre », c’est-à-dire les phénomènes conjoints de la congestion urbaine et de l’exode rural. Sa vision est centrée sur la « Cité sociale » : une Cité centrale entourée de villes-satellites, toutes ayant un nombre limité d’habitants. Ses célèbres diagrammes et cartes montrent combien était complexe, détaillé et même pointilleux l’examen qu’Howard fit de la réforme agraire, avant qu’il ne se risque à rendre publiques ses vues sur le sujet. Alors que son programme de réforme est habituellement connu pour ses aspects spatiaux, les autres dimensions centrales du projet de Cité-jardin ne relèvent pas en fait de la cartographie ou de la planification, mais du mode d’organisation sociale envisagé. Dans l’introduction à son unique livre, Howard indique clairement que deux des trois « propositions » desquelles il s’était inspiré étaient elles-mêmes influencées par la matrice idéologique de l’industrialisme : la « Ville modèle » de Buckingham, nommée Victoria, et le district industriel d’Alfred Marshall. Howard prétendait dépasser l’apparente contradiction entre le socialisme et le capitalisme en implantant fermement sa vision sur ce terrain partagé par ces deux conceptions de la société. Le programme de la Cité-jardin d’E. Howard est donc vraisemblablement une des expressions les plus accomplies d’un projet de société idéale, élaboré selon les grandes lignes de forces de l’idéologie et de l’expérience collective de l’industrialisme. In Tomorrow! A Peaceful Path to Real Reform (1898) Ebenezer Howard proposed a blueprint for an ideal society, in which he formulated his solution to the ‘Land question’—roughly speaking, the conjoined phenomena of the overcrowding of towns and cities, and the so-called ‘rural exodus’. His was a vision of a ‘Social City’: a ‘Central City’ surrounded by six satellite towns or ‘Garden Cities’, all with limited numbers of inhabitants. The famous diagrams and maps show how complex and detailed and even fastidious Howard’s investigation of the topic of land reform had been before he ventured to publish his views on the subject. While his programme is usually known for these spatial aspects, the other core elements of the Garden City programme are actually not about planning or mapping, but about the proposed social organisation. In the introduction to his only book, Howard makes it clear that two out the three ‘proposals’ from which he initially drew inspiration were themselves influenced by the pregnant ideological template of industrialism: Buckingham’s ‘Model Town’ of Victoria and Alfred Marshall’s ‘industrial district’. Howard purported to transcend the apparent contradiction between socialism and capitalism by planting his vision firmly on the common ground of these two supposedly incompatible conceptions of society. Ebenezer Howard’s ‘Garden City’ proposal is thus arguably the most accomplished formulation of a plan for an ideal social model along the main lines of the collective psyche and experience of industrialism.

International audience; The question of the relationship between Comte and Saint-Simon is still a very controversial issue: Comte, who for seven years acted as secretary to Saint-Simon, has been afterwards very unfair to him. The first step toward a clarification is to settle some facts. The paper focuses on what happened between the two publications of the Plan des travaux scientifiques nécessaires pour réorganiser la société (May 1822- May 1824), a crucial episode which ended with Comte breaking off definitively with Saint-Simon. Thanks to the new edition of the Collected Works of Saint-Simon, it is possible to find, in what was published at that time, an account of the way Saint-Simon understood his collaboration with his secretary; La question des rapports entre Comte et Saint-Simon est toujours en suspens, la version qu’en a donnée le premier étant très sujette à caution. Pour tenter d’y voir clair, il convient de commencer par régler certaines questions factuelles. Les pages qui suivent s’en tiennent aux années qui séparent les publications, dans des périodiques édités par Saint-Simon, du Plan des travaux scientifiques nécessaires pour réorganiser la société (mai 1822-mai 1824) et qui s’achèvent sur une rupture. Grâce à la récente édition des Œuvres complètes de Saint-Simon, il est possible de dégager ce que ses écrits de cette période nous apprennent sur les relations entre les deux hommes

La École Polytechnique fue la institución académica y científica determinante para la conformación definitiva de la profesión del ingeniero contemporáneo, así como para la consolidación de las redes de infraestructuras y servicios públicos como elementos articuladores de las sociedades modernas. En este artículo abordamos precisamente la importancia de las infraestructuras físicas y financieras para la doc-trina del industrialismo saintsimoniano y para, en general, la configuración del pen-samiento politécnico.The infrastructure networks in the polytechnic ideologyThe École Polytechnique was the academic and scientific institution for to define the modern engineer profession and the consolidation of the nets of infrastructures and public services as unifying elements of the modern societies. In this article we me-ditate about the importance of the physical and financial infrastructures for the Saint-Simon’s doctrine and for the ideals of the engineer who belonged to the École Polytechnique.

Information and communication technologies (ICT), like all technologies, are catalysts for political change and potential conflict. The Internet effect continues to fuel the explosive growth of ICT, and has enduring implications. It has sparked the long fuse of an Information Revolutionand a Social Network Revolution. This revolutionary wave is fundamentally altering both the structure of institutional arrangements and the behavior of bureaucratic organizations by transforming traditional tactics for organizing, communicating, collaborating, and participating in the political system. Does the accelerated rate of systemic change caused by the Internet effect create social cohesion, or cleavages that may lead to increased conflict? The purpose of this study is to determine, by qualitative as well as quantitative means, whether a causal relationship exists between the degree a society is connected via social media networks (Internet and the World Wide Web [WWW]) and the institutional capacities of central governance. Blending theory with data, a statistical regression model is developed to evaluate the degree and measure the magnitude of this relationship. The findings gleaned from this analysis suggest that a conditional causal relationship does exist between social connectivity and state capacity. http://archive.org/details/globalconnectivi1094534651 Major, United States Army Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

This article uses literary sources to draw ontological distinctions among three distinct energy sources: wind power, biomass, and fossil fuels. The primary aim is to demonstrate how radically our fossil fuel regime has changed human ontology in the last two centuries during which we have entered the Anthropocene. Because this radical transformation contains myriad elements, this article will focus on transportation: the speed, quality, and quantity of travel permitted by successive energy sources. To consider the comparative literatures of energy as they relate to transportation, we will begin with wind, then consider muscle-driven biomass giving way to coal locomotion, and conclude with the highest octane fuel, petroleum. The central interest is in how the fuel depicted in literature illuminates historical moments in which the interfaces between self, society, and nature are configured by specific energy regimes. By using literature as a source text, we may arrive at an emotionally and philosophically more robust synthesis of energy history than the social and natural sciences, relying upon objective accounts and statistics, are able to provide. By re-reading literature through the lens of the Anthropocene, we gain perspective on how earlier insights into the relationship between energy and experience can inform our explorations of today’s ontological reality. Energy literature instructs us out of the fossil fuel mindset of world domination and back to a physical realm in which we are small actors in a world guided by capricious forces. Such a reality requires hard muscular work and emotional immersion to restore an ethic of care and sustainability.

Theoretical considerations regarding international comparative research on employment The aim of this text is to introduce the main debates dealing with cross national comparative research on employment relations. Comparisons show differences and similarities, which can thus be relativized. After a critical approach to these debates, it appears necessary to build a framework which takes into account the effects of institutions and the behaviour of actors within the sphere of economic production and social reproduction., L'objectif de cet article est d'introduire aux principaux débats théoriques dans le domaine des recherches comparatives internationales sur l'emploi. Les comparaisons internationales permettent de mettre en évidence les différences et les similitudes nationales et de les relativiser. Ce texte offre une approche critique de ces débats. Il suggère également de construire une vision incluant la prise en compte des effets institutionnels et du comportement des acteurs dans la sphère de la production économique et dans la reproduction sociale., Algunas consideraciones teóricas acerca de las investigaciones comparativas internacionales sobre et empleo Introducción a los principales debates teoricos en el campo citado. Las comparaciones internacionales permiten poner de relieve y a la vez relahiszar las diferencias y semejanzar nacionales. A partir de una aproximación critica a dichos debates, se sugiere la elaboration de un modelo que incluya tanto los efectos institucionales como los de la manera de portarse de los actores en el campo de la production economica y en el de la reproduction social., O'Reilly Jacqueline. Considérations théoriques à propos des recherches comparatives internationales sur l' emploi. In: Sciences de la société, n°36, 1995. Travail, emploi, formation. pp. 11-32.

This paper is framed within the theoretical context of the debate on the trend towards the convergence of the various systems of industrial relations linked to economic globalisation. It begins with a brief presentation of the cur rent state of the art, making reference to ideas such as the industrialism» of the 1970s and the theor y of strategic elections of the 1980s and 1990s. By using empirical research on the implementation of Japanese firms in Europe, particularly in France and Spain, it is proven that this does not bring about any equalisation of labour relations. Each countr y maintains, reproduces and rebuilds its own special brand of industrial relations. Not only do institutions and the dynamics of social and labour players count in the practical processes of globalisation, they are active players in its development Este trabajo se sitúa en el contexto teórico del debate sobre la tendencia hacia convergencia de los diversos sistemas de relaciones laborales ligada al fenómeno de la globalización económica. Se parte con una breve presentación del estado actual de la cuestión en la que se hace referencia a los planteamientos del «industrialismo» de los años sesenta y a los de la teoría de las elecciones estratégicas de los ochenta y noventa. A través de una investigación empírica sobre la implantación de empresas japonesas en Europa, y particularmente en Francia y en España, se hace ver cómo el hecho no se traduce en ningún tipo de homogeneización de las relaciones laborales. En cada país se mantienen, reproduce y, a la vez, se re-constr uyen unas relaciones laborales peculiares. Las instituciones y la dinámica de los actores socio-laborales no sólo cuentan en los procesos prácticos de globalización sino que, además, son entidades activas en su desarrollo.