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Humanitarianism is a contested concept. Should humanitarian action seek to address only the symptoms of crises, or also their causes? Can humanitarian agencies best achieve their goals through a commitment to neutrality, or should they take a self-consciously political approach? This paper argues that debates about the desirability of more ambitious approaches to humanitarianism have been clouded by a lack of conceptual clarity. Showing that the perspective of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is not as apolitical as is often presented, and that so-called 'political humanitarianism' conflates four conceptually distinct ways of being political, the paper suggests that a black and white characterisation of approaches to humanitarianism as either political or apolitical is more accurately rendered as (at least) five shades of grey. Distinguishing the variants of 'political' humanitarianism matters, and the paper highlights how their conflation has marred normative debates on the desirability of different approaches.العمل الإنساني بوصفه مفهوماً متنازع عليه. هل يجب أن يسعى العمل الإنساني إلى معالجة أعراض الأزمات فقط أم أسبابها أيضًا؟ هل تستطيع الوكالات الإنسانية تحقيق أهدافها على أفضل وجه من خلال التزام الحياد، أم ينبغي لها اتباع نهج سياسي واعي بذاته؟ يجادل هذا المقال بأن النقاشات حول الرغبة في اتباع نهج أكثر طموحًا للعمل الإنساني قد خيم عليها الافتقار إلى وضوح المفهوم. يوضح المقال أن منظور اللجنة الدولية للصليب الأحمر ليس غير سياسياً، كما تقدم في كثير من الأحيان، وأن ما يسمى بـ "العمل الإنساني السياسي" يدمج أربع طرق مختلفة من حيث المفهوم لكونه سياسياً، يقترح المقال أن التوصيف بالأبيض والأسود لمقاربات الإنسانية على أنها إما سياسية أو غير سياسية يُقدّم بشكل أكثر دقة (على الأقل) كخمس درجات من الرمادي. التمييز بين المتغيرات المختلفة للمسائل الإنسانية "السياسية" - وهذا المقال يسلطان الضوء على كيف أن الخلط بينهما قد أفسد المناقشات المعيارية حول الرغبة في اتباع نهج مختلفة. عبارات محورية: العمل الإنساني الكلاسيكي، العمل الإنساني الجديد، اللجنة الدولية للصليب الأحمر، الحياد، المبادئ الإنسانية، العمل الإنساني السياسي، العواقبية، الأخلاق، الجهر، سيادة الدولة.人道主义是一个会引起异议的概念。人道主义行动是否只应处理危机的症状，还是也要处理危机的原因？人道主义机构能否通过承诺保持中立来最佳地实现目标，还是应采取自觉的政治方针?本文认为，关于希望有更进取的人道主义方法的讨论，由于缺乏概念的明确性而蒙上阴影。本文表明，红十字国际委员会的观点并不象常展示的那样，是非政治化的，同时，所谓的“政治人道主义”包含了四种概念上截然不同的政治化的方式，本文建议，这种非黑即白的定性，把人道主义方法定性为政治化或非政治的特性，可以更准确地转变成（至少）五度灰。区分“政治”人道主义的不同变体很重要--而本文强调了它们的结合如何破坏了关于不同方法的想望的常规辩论。 关键词：旧式人道主义、新式人道主义、红十字国际委员会、中立、人道主义原则、政治人道主义、结果主义、义务、发声、国家主权.

Responding to disasters triggered by natural hazards is a deeply political process, but it is usually presented by practitioners as an apolitical endeavour. This is striking when disasters occur in authoritarian and politically highly polarised conflict-affected settings. Although the literature provides leads as to why and how humanitarians depoliticise aid, there has been little empirical research on the implications of depoliticisation, especially at the community level. Based on qualitative fieldwork that focused on the drought responses that overlapped with the 2016-19 sociopolitical crises in Zimbabwe, this paper details the practices, motivations, and implications of humanitarian depoliticisation. It differentiates between strategic, coerced, and routine managerial depoliticisation, and argues that, in an authoritarian conflict-affected setting, depoliticisation strategically allows state and non-state actors to defuse sensitive issues and actor relations and to remain safe. However, depoliticisation can also have implications for information management, monitoring, accountability, and protection, and thus ultimately for upholding humanitarian principles.يُعدّ التصدي للكوارث التي تسببها الأخطار الطبيعية عملية سياسية عميقة، ولكن عادة ما يقدمها الممارسون على أنها مسعى غير سياسي. يكون هذا مدهشاً عندما تحدث الكوارث في البيئات الاستبدادية والمستقطبة سياسياً للغاية والمتأثرة بالصراع. على الرغم من أن الأدبيات تقدم أدلة حول لماذا وكيف ينزع العاملون في المجال الإنساني المساعدات من السياسة، إلا أنه لم يكن هناك سوى القليل من الأبحاث التجريبية حول الآثار المترتبة على عدم التسييس، خاصة على مستوى المجتمع. استنادًا إلى عمل ميداني نوعي يركز على التصدي لحالات الجفاف المتداخلة مع الأزمات الاجتماعية والسياسية في زيمبابوي في الفترة من 2016-2019، تبيّن هذه المقالة بالتفصيل الممارسات، والدوافع، والآثار المترتبة على عدم تسييس العمل الإنساني. إنه يفرّق بين نزع التسييس الاستراتيجي، والقسري، والاعتيادي، ويناقش بأنه، في بيئة سلطوية متأثرة بالصراع، فإن عدم التسييس على نحو استراتيجي يسمح للجهات الفاعلة الحكومية، والجهات غير الحكومية نزع فتيل القضايا الحساسة، والعلاقات بين الجهات الفاعلة لتبقى آمنة. ومع ذلك، فإن عدم التسييس يمكن أن يكون له أيضاً آثار على إدارة المعلومات، والرصد، والمساءلة، والحماية، وبالتالي دعم المبادئ الإنسانية في نهاية المطاف. كلمات محورية: الاستبداد، الصراع، نزع التسييس، الكارثة، الجفاف، الحوكمة، العمل الإنساني، السياسة، زيمبابوي.对自然灾害引发的灾害作出响应，这是一个非常政治化的过程，但实践者通常将该过程展示为一种非政治的努力。当灾害发生在专制政权和在政治上高度两极化的受冲突影响的背景下时，这一点很明显。尽管文献提供了关于人道主义者为何及如何将援助去政治化的线索，然而，关于去政治化的影响，基于实践经验的研究却很少，尤其是在社区层面。干旱响应与2016年至2019年津巴布韦的社会政治危机重合在一起，根据侧重于该响应的定性实地调查，本文详细阐述了人道主义去政治化的实践、动机和影响。该文章区分了战略性、强迫性和常规管理的去政治化，并主张，在专制政权的受冲突影响的环境下，去政治化在战略上允许国家和非政府行动者化解敏感问题和行动者关系，同时保持安全。然而，去政治化也可以对信息管理、监测、问责和保护产生影响，从而最终对维护人道主义原则产生影响。 关键词：专制主义、冲突、去政治化、灾害、干旱、治理、人道主义、政治、津巴布韦.

Ethics are the driving force of the humanitarian field, a domain that has been governed by general and universal ethical principles. Researchers have largely focused on studying the organizational commitment to these principles, paying less attention to the role-specific ethics of this field. Moreover, researchers who consider the humanitarian field from a media studies lens have often focused on media representation, while questions about communication as practice are sidelined. In this paper, I approach humanitarian ethics with a particular focus on role morality and communication practices. With a particular focus on the role of a humanitarian communications specialist, I argue, in this paper, that the feminist ethics of care is a useful ethical framework that can guide communication specialists to better practices when they are in the field of operation. I also answer the following research questions: What are the main ethical principles that humanitarian communication specialists are expected to observe as humanitarians? Why are these principles insufficient? How might feminist ethics of care fill the gap left by current humanitarian principles and what would be the added value of this framework for practicing humanitarian communication? To answer, I ground my approach in an experiential understanding built from my personal experience as a humanitarian communications specialist. Second, I offer a literature review to highlight the common ground between humanitarian ethics and the feminist ethics of care and the added value of the feminist ethics of care why applied by humanitarian communication specialists. Third, I provide some examples of communications practices that may follow the feminist ethics of care model.

The establishment of the International Criminal Tribunal's post-World War II is the clear sign of augmented figure of International Crimes especially. The culmination of flagship tribunals like Yugoslavia and Rwanda opened the new phase for several significant questions such as the maintenance of humanitarian principles throughout the investigation, relevancy of evidence, authenticity, and overall mechanism and its legality too. The chances of an independent investigation mechanism for international crimes may also not be denied. Under such a state of affairs, the issues of collection, preservation, and scrutiny of the evidence of the most serious International Crimes and violations of normative principles set out by International Criminal Law becomes crucial to know to ensure fair and transparent justice. Indeed, the investigation procedure required for such fairness and transparency demands unequivocal maintenance of humanitarian principles throughout the process and legality for the sake of legal authority behind. Consequently, the present paper counts the impact of the investigation mechanism on criminal for international crimes and the existence of the symptoms of humanitarian principles with its legality by analyzing several International Instruments, Judicial Decisions, and other fact findings on the record.

The following paper explores the position of India on refugees and its resistance to signing the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. It first revisits the colonial frame in which a refugee policy was thrust upon the country. Secondly, it analyzes the geopolitical and internal constraints that determined India’s approach to the refugee question in the 1950s. Finally, it focuses on the current moment to discuss the implications of the recent amendment of the Citizenship Act for refugees in India. Such a long-term approach can open the door to a process of accommodation both by international organizations and by national governments around some universal humanitarian principles that must govern refugee policies. States remain sovereign in their international commitments. They choose to ratify a treaty or not, and to denounce it or not. In addition, human rights institutions are regularly criticized and attacked by States while their legitimacy is often questioned. It is this sovereign freedom of each State, which makes this matter difficult to grasp. We believe that understanding the factors influencing States in their choices is particularly crucial in this period of instability in international relations., L'article qui suit explore la position de l'Inde sur la question des réfugiés et sa résistance à signer la Convention de 1951 relative au statut des réfugiés. Il revisite tout d''abord le cadre colonial dans lequel une politique des réfugiés a été imposée. Ensuite, il analyse les contraintes géopolitiques et internes qui ont déterminé l'approche indienne à la question des réfugiés dans les années 1950. Enfin, l'article met en lumière l'impact, sur les réfugiés, de l'amendement de 2019 à la Loi sur la citoyenneté en Inde. Les États restent souverains dans leurs engagements internationaux. Ils choisissent de ratifier ou non un traité, de le dénoncer ou non. De plus, les critiques et attaques régulières à l'encontre des institutions des droits humains par les États entraînent une remise en question de ces mêmes institutions et de leur légitimité. C'est cette liberté souveraine de chaque État qui rend cette question difficile à appréhender. La compréhension des facteurs qui influencent les États dans leurs choix est particulièrement cruciale en cette période d’instabilité des relations internationales., El siguiente artículo explora la posición de la India sobre los refugiados y su resistencia a firmar la Convención sobre el Estatuto de los Refugiados de 1951. En primer lugar, revisa el marco colonial en el que se impuso al país una política de refugiados. En segundo lugar, analiza los condicionantes geopolíticos e internos que determinaron el enfoque de la India sobre la cuestión de los refugiados en la década de 1950. Por último, se centra en el momento actual para evidenciar las implicaciones de la reciente modificación de la Ley de Ciudadanía para los refugiados en la India. Los Estados siguen siendo soberanos en sus compromisos internacionales. Deciden ratificar un tratado o no, y denunciarlo o no. Además, las instituciones de derechos humanos son criticadas y atacadas regularmente por los Estados, mientras que su legitimidad es a menudo cuestionada. Es ésta libertad soberana de cada Estado la que hace que éste asunto sea difícil de entender. Creemos que comprender los factores que influyen en las decisiones de los Estados es especialmente crucial en este periodo de inestabilidad en las relaciones internacionales., Boutier Indira. The Non-Ratification of the 1951 Convention on Refugees: An Indian Paradoxical Approach to Human Rights. In: Revue Québécoise de droit international, Hors-série juin 2021 – State Compliance with International Human Rights Law: State-of-the-art, Improvement and Challenges. pp. 115-135.

إن فظاعة ووحشية جرائم الحرب في النزاعات المسلحة الغير دولية وعدم حماية الأفراد في حالات الاضطرابات والتوترات الداخلية التي لم تستثن حتى الفئات الضعيفة والأعيان اللازمة لحياتهم کما حدث في ليبيا واليمن والسودان وسوريا، فضلا عن مون المبادئ الإنسانية أصبحت مهددة بالزوال في ظل هذه النزاعات نتيجة لإزدياد تعلق أطراف النزاع بمفهوم النصر ولو على حساب هذه المبادئ، لطالما اعتبرت الاضطرابات والتوترات أوضاعا داخلية تنطبق عليها القوانين الداخلية، مما يعني أنه لا يمکن تطبيق أحکام القانون الدولي الإنساني على المتضررين من الانتهاکات التي تقع عليهم لذلک سعت الکثير من المنظمات المهتمة بحقوق الإنسان إلى تغيير هذا التوجه في مختلف المؤتمرات الدولية التي نظمتها، وذلک من منطلق أن حماية شخص الإنسان وسلامته وکرامته وحياته ضرورة آمرة في کل الأوقات والظروف، ولذلک فإن قضاء هذه الأوضاع من مجال حماية القانون الدولي الإنساني لا يعني غياب القانون عنها، وإنما توجه الحماية نحو قواعد أکثر شمولا: موضوعيا، زمنيا، مکانيا، وشخصيا، والمقصود هنا هي قواعد القانون الدولي لحقوق الإنسان. The atrocity and brutality of war crimes in non-international armed conflicts and the failure to protect individuals in situations of internal disturbances and tensions that did not exclude even the vulnerable groups and objects necessary for their lives, as happened in Libya, Yemen, Sudan and Syria, as well as the moon, humanitarian principles have become threatened with extinction in light of these conflicts as a result of the increasing attachment of The parties to the conflict in the concept of victory, even at the expense of these principles, have always considered disturbances and tensions as internal conditions to which internal laws apply, which means that the provisions of international humanitarian law cannot be applied to those affected by the violations that occur to them. Therefore, many human rights organizations have sought to change this approach. In the various international conferences that I organized, on the premise that the protection of the human person, his integrity, dignity and life is a peremptory necessity at all times and circumstances. Therefore, excluding these situations from the field of protection of international humanitarian law does not mean the absence of law from it, but rather directs protection towards more comprehensive rules: Objectively, temporally, spatially and personally, what is meant here are the rules of international human rights law. The study aims to lay down a system or rules to regulate these internal tensions and disturbances, whether international or non-international armed conflicts, in order to reduce the occurrence of violations and alleviate suffering in international humanitarian law. The problem of the study revolves around two main issues: First: Since internal disturbances and tensions are not covered by international humanitarian law, then what is the best way to find legal rules in order to protect the individual from the arbitrariness and excesses of authority, and how can the humanitarian activities aimed at helping victims of violence be protected? Second: Did international law provide the necessary protection that guarantees at least the minimum rights for civilians and civilian objects during internal tensions and disturbances, and if this is the case, were these rules actually applied during them? The study reached many results, including in terms of application, as the current non-international armed conflicts demonstrated the ineffectiveness of applying international humanitarian law to them and the difference in legal systems applied to the two types of international armed conflicts and non-international armed conflicts, so that the former has growing legal rules in order to protect its victims. While we find that the second type has only some insufficient rules

The principles which deal humanity are the core values of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and Human Rights Law (HRL). Both of these codified laws expressly provide utmost protection for rights of women and children suffering war hostilities, armed conflicts and other natural disasters. These vulnerable groups are protected in the behest of International Law as well as Municipal laws. Indeed, it is admitted fact that during such crisis they become most vulnerable subject of the society. In this context, the statutory laws in Pakistan have also been promulgated in consonance with the IHL, HRL and Refugee Law. The main corpus of these rules has been embodied either directly or indirectly in the Constitution of Pakistan, 1973, and as such, International Law have been ratified and thus is provisions are binding on Pakistan. However, it is observed that their applicability is not proper at state level, and as such they could not have provide effective remedies to the children and women in Pakistan. The aim of this research is to analyse critically, the applicability of Municipal Laws concerning with the protection of the rights of women and children in Pakistan, and for this objective, doctrinal research method has been adopted.

The humanitarian setting poses a number of challenges to organizations, so it is important to respond in an adequate way. Organizational culture is a significant factor in organizational performance and can be a deciding factor between success and failure. Every organization has its own unique culture, whether management is aware of it or not. In order to perform in the most efficient way and to be able to carry the strategy into effect properly, humanitarian organizations need an adequate and strong organizational culture. Then, to strengthen the team's sense of purpose and help it move in a unified direction humanitarian principles and standards are developed. For the development of the organization timely establishment of value systems and patterns of behavior is very important. Organizational culture is important for internal structure as well as for external bonds among participants.

The Emergency Social Safety Net (ESSN) programme, which was launched in 2016, has become the central element of the humanitarian response to the plight of Syrian refugees in Turkey and an instrument of European migration control policies. This paper offers a contextual analysis of this European Union-funded cash assistance scheme by examining the modes of interaction between its major assumptions and the broader humanitarian response in the context of Turkey. It finds that the ESSN comes with compromises on humanitarian principles and standards, amplifies the protection and assistance divide, and fails to address the realities of Turkey with respect to the country's housing and labour markets and weak protection framework. The paper concludes that a more inclusive approach to eligibility and higher transfer payments can contribute to the addressing of assistance needs provided that cash support is combined with robust protection programming and the implementation of sector-specific projects and policies.

Over half of Syrian refugee households in Lebanon are food insecure with some reliant on an electronic voucher (e-voucher) system for food aid. The interplay between the digitisation of food aid, within the socio-technical context of refugees, and community collaborative practices is yet to be investigated. Through design engagements and interviews with refugees and shop owners we explore the experiences of a Syrian refugee community in Lebanon using the e-voucher system. We provide insights into the socio-technical environment in which the e-voucher system is dispensing aid, the information and power asymmetries experienced, refugee collaborative coping practices and how they interplay with the e-voucher system. We highlight the need for: (1) expanding refugee digital capabilities to encompass understandings of aid technologies and identifying trusted intermediaries and (2) for technologies to support in upholding humanitarian principles and mitigating power and information asymmetries. Lastly, we call for CSCW researchers and humanitarian innovators to consider how humanitarian technologies can enable refugee collaborative practices and adopt everyday security as a lens for designing aid technologies. The paper contributes to CSCW knowledge regarding the interplay between aid technologies and refugees? socio-technical contexts and practices that provides a basis for future technological designs for collaborative technologies for refugee food security.

This article aims to explore the principles of humanity in Islamic International Law, which include humanitarian principles in peace situation and in time of war and assess their suitability with current international law. To achieve this purpose, this article uses historical assessment methods and textual interpretations to study a string of historical events as well as analyze sources of text from the Quran, hadiths and other legal documents. The principles of humanity outlined in this paper are an important aspect of organizing relationships between humans either in peace or during the war. In fact, the Islamic Law of the Quran, the hadiths and actions of the Prophet ﷺ throughout history has always elevated human dignity and human values. The results show that Islamic International Law through its humanitarian principles contributes significantly to the regulation of human life in line with the development of international law. In light of the sentiment expressed by some of the international community that Islam is a terrorist religion, the humanitarian principles outlined in this article are expected to repel the allegations and thus formulate a set of ideas that will support and improve the implementation of existing international law

This article examines the role of international humanitarian law (ihl) and humanitarian principles in the discourse of humanitarian negotiation. The article is based on extensive, semi-structured interviews conducted with 53 humanitarian practitioners about their experiences engaging in negotiations in the field. The article proceeds in four parts. Part 1 discusses two key factors at play during humanitarian negotiation processes. The first factor is the counterpart’s familiarity with relevant legal and normative frameworks. The second factor is the interests that can drive counterparts’ behavior. Part 2 presents a framework for understanding how the interaction of these two factors – familiarity and interest-alignment – can shape the discourse of humanitarian negotiation. Part 3 addresses the impact of these same issues on the humanitarian side of the negotiation. In particular, there is the possibility that humanitarian actors themselves might also lack familiarity with ihl and/or humanitarian principles and might find that their interests exist in tension with humanitarian laws and principles. The final section offers concluding remarks.

The importance of this research is that it goes beyond the many descriptive studies that dealt with pre-Islamic poetry and poetry in particular. This research deals with the dualism of white and black in the poetry of Antar and the relationship of this duality with the same poet. It may come to mind that the poet To ignore the mention of this duality in his poetry, but contrary to what the reader expected more than mentioned and talk about, and so he does not escape from the basic problem facing him in his life, a color node, but tries to address it and face to overcome Through its introduction and conform to religious, mythological and social standards and the same And moral values, by deconstructing this dualism and making black as well as white acceptable on both the personal and social levels. Through his poetic style and his good use of white and black, he attempts to modify the balance between his understanding and his society understands of human relations in accordance with humanitarian principles and not just formal forms in which society believes and gives them something of holiness.

The principles of dignity, participation and stewardship feature prominently in humanitarian ethics. Thus, critical considerations by individuals leading military Humanitarian Assistance Disaster Relief (HADR) missions should include whether the mission is sustainable, and whether it allows and encourages citizen decision-making and active involvement in the recovery process. Through the combination of the haste to provide aid, and the dominant narratives, culture and traditions inherent to military forces, however, I argue that military actors are often either unaware of these considerations or fail to incorporate them into their response. The result is that the provision of military aid, while beneficial in the immediate short term, often neither strengthens local capacities nor aligns with the longer-term needs and desires of disaster-affected citizens. In exploring the delta between these well-defined humanitarian principles and what military planners and commanders achieve, I retrospectively examine aspects of the 2010 Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) HADR mission in Haiti. Through so doing, I demonstrate the potential impacts of military HADR missions on the decision-making capacity and active involvement of disaster-affected citizens in the recovery process

In the debate on how to improve efficiencies in the humanitarian sector and better meet people’s needs, the argument for the use of artificial intelligence (AI) and automated decision-making (ADMs) systems has gained significant traction and ignited controversy for its ethical and human rights-related implications.Setting aside the implications of introducing unmanned and automated systems in warfare, we focus instead on the impact of the adoption of AI-based ADMs in humanitarian response. In order to maintain the status and protection conferred by the humanitarian mandate, aid organizations are called to abide by a broad set of rules condensed in the humanitarian principles and notably the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence. But how do these principles operate when decision-making is automated?This article opens with an overview of AI and ADMs in the humanitarian sector, with special attention to the concept of algorithmic opacity. It then explores the transformative potential of these systems on the complex power dynamics between humanitarians, principled assistance, and affected communities during acute crises. Our research confirms that the existing flaws in accountability and epistemic processes can be also found in the mathematical and statistical formulas and in the algorithms used for automation, artificial intelligence, predictive analytics, and other efficiency-gaining-related processes.In doing so, our analysis highlights the potential harm to people resulting from algorithmic opacity, either through removal or obfuscation of the causal connection between triggering events and humanitarian services through the so-called black box effect (algorithms are often described as black boxes, as their complexity and technical opacity hide and obfuscate their inner workings (Diakopoulos, Tow Center for Digital Journ, 2017). Recognizing the need for a humanitarian ethics dimension in the analysis of automation, AI, and ADMs used in humanitarian action, we endorse the concept of “explicability” as developed within the ethical framework of machine learning and human-computer interaction, together with a set of proxy metrics.Finally, we stress the need for developing auditable standards, as well as transparent guidelines and frameworks to rein in the risks of what has been defined as humanitarian experimentation (Sandvik, Jacobsen, and McDonald, Int. Rev. Red Cross 99(904), 319–344, 2017). This article concludes that accountability mechanisms for AI-based systems and ADMs used to respond to the needs of populations in situation of vulnerability should be an essential feature by default, in order to preserve the respect of the do no harm principle even in the digital dimension of aid.In conclusion, while we confirm existing concerns related to the adoption of AI-based systems and ADMs in humanitarian action, we also advocate for a roadmap towards humanitarian AI for the sector and introduce a tentative ethics framework as basis for future research.

Active conflict settings constitute challenging operating environments for humanitarian health organisations and workers. An emerging feature of some conflicts is direct violence against health workers, facilities, and patients. Since the start of the war in 2011, Syria has endured extreme and deliberate violent attacks on health facilities and workers. This paper reports on the findings from a qualitative study that examined the lived experiences of Syrian humanitarian health workers facing extreme ethical challenges and coping with moral distress. In-depth interviews were carried out with 58 front-line health workers in north-western and southern Syria. Participants described a number of ethical and operational challenges experienced while providing services in extreme conditions, as well as strategies used to deal with them. The complex intersection of personal and organisational challenges is considered and findings are linked to key ethical and humanitarian principles. Both practical recommendations and action steps are provided to guide humanitarian health organisations.تمثل بيئات الصراع النشطة بيئات عمل صعبة للمنظمات الصحية الإنسانية والعاملين فيها. ومن السمات الناشئة لبعض النزاعات العنف المباشر ضد العاملين الصحيين والمرافق الصحية والمرضى. تعرضت سوريا لهجمات عنيفة شديدة ومتعمد على المرافق الصحية والعمال منذ بداية الحرب في 2011. يُقدم هذا البحث نتائج دراسية نوعية بحثت التجارب التي عايشها العاملون الصحيون في المجال الإنساني السوري الذين يواجهون تحديات أخلاقية بالغة لمواجهة الكارثة الأخلاقية. أجريت مقابلات معمقة مع 58 من العاملين الصحيين في الخطوط الأمامية في شمال وجنوب سوريا. وصف المشاركون عدد من التحديات الأخلاقية والتشغيلية التي يواجهونها أثناء تقديم الخدمات في الظروف القاسية، فضلًا عن الاستراتيجيات المستخدمة لمواجهتهم. يتم النظر في التداخل المعقد بين التحديات الشخصية والتنظيمية، وترتبط النتائج بالمبادئ الأخلاقية والإنسانية الرئيسية. تُقدم توصيات عملية وخطوات عمل لتوجيه المنظمات الصحية الإنسانية. كلمات دليلية; مساعدة، صراع، أخلاق، صحة إنسانية، نوعية، سوريا، عنف.在充满纷争的环境下，人道卫生组织和工作人员的工作极具挑战性。卫生工作者、设施和患者遭受到直接暴力冲突。自 2011 年叙利亚战争开始以来，叙利亚的医疗机构和工作人员不断遭到蓄意的极端暴力袭击。本文报告了一项定性研究的结果，该研究调查了叙利亚人道主义卫生工作者面对极端道德挑战、应对道德困境的经历。作者对叙利亚北部和南部的 58 名前线卫生工作者进行了深入访谈。他们讲述了在极端条件下工作时，遇到的道德挑战和工作挑战，以及应对这些挑战的策略。作者考虑到个人挑战和团队挑战穿插起来的难点，并将调查结果与关键的道德规范和人道主义原则联系起来。本文为人道主义卫生组织提供了一些实用的建议和行动步骤。 关键词：援助、冲突、伦理、人道主义健康、定性、叙利亚、暴力.

There are two dominant trends in the humanitarian care of 2019: the ‘technologizing of care’ and the centrality of the humanitarian principles. The concern, however, is that these two trends may conflict with one another. Faced with the growing use of drones in the humanitarian space there is need for ethical reflection to understand if this technology undermines humanitarian care. In the humanitarian space, few agree over the value of drone deployment; one school of thought believes drones can provide a utility serving those in need while another believes the large scale deployment of drones will exacerbate the already prevalent issues facing humanitarian aid providers. We suggest in this paper that the strength of the humanitarian principles approach to answer questions of aid provision can be complimented by a technology-facing approach, namely that of robot ethics. We have shown that for humanitarian actors we ought to be concerned with the risks of a loss of contextualization and de-skilling. For the beneficiary, we raise three concerns associated with the threat to the principle of humanity for this group: a loss of dignity by reducing human-to-human interactions; a threat to dignity through a lack of informational transparency; and, a threat to dignity by failing to account for the physiological and behavioral impacts of the drone on human actors. Although we acknowledge the obstacles (and dangers) associated with understanding the physiological and behavioral impacts we insist that the moral acceptability and desirability of drones in humanitarian contexts is dependent on the findings from such studies and that tailored ethical guidelines for drone deployment in humanitarian action be created to reflect the results of such studies.

الملخص إن العمل التطوعی انعکاس لرقی الفکر والقیم والثقافة الإنسانیة، وانطلاقا من المبادئ والقیم التی جبل علیها المجتمع الکویتی، ومن حبه للوقوف إلى جانب الضعفاء، ومساعدته للمحتاجین، تأسست جمعیة الهلال الأحمر. الکویت کانت ولازالت وستظل معطاءة للأبد من خلال مؤسساتها الحکومیة الأهلیة المتنوعة ولا سیما الهلال الأحمر الکویتی علی الصعیدین العربی والإسلامی بل والإنسانیة جمعاء. ومن أهداف جمعیة الهلال الأحمر الکویتی تحقیق مبادئ اللجنة الدولیة للصلیب الأحمر والهلال الأحمر فی الکویت وخارجها، تحقیق الرعایة الاجتماعیة والطبیة لجمیع المحتاجین، وتقدیم المساعدة والإسعافات الأولیة وعملیات الإنقاذ خلال أی أزمة ناجمة عن الکوارث الطبیعیة أو البشریة، وتقدیم المساعدة، والحمایة لأسرى الحروب والأفراد الجرحى أثناء الحروب، ورفع المعاناة عن شعوب العالم والمنطقة. ان المکانة التی تبوأتها الجمعیة عالمیا کانت بفضل الدعم والمؤازرة التی تجدها من قیادة الدولة الرشیدة، وتوجیهات سمو أمیر البلاد الشیخ صباح الأحمد الجابر الصباح المستمرة بتعزیز دور الجمعیة وتوسیع نشاطها محلیا وخارجیا، وتفعیل آلیاتها للوصول إلى الضعفاء والمحتاجین فی کل مکان وحرصها الدائم على الرقی والتحدیث لمشاریعها وبرامجها الإغاثیة والإنشائیة والتنمویة والطبیة والتعلیمیة عاما بعد عام، هادفة خدمة الإنسان وتوفیر متطلبات المعیشة والحیاة الکریمة، وواضعة ضمن أولویاتها الخطط والبرامج التأهیلیة للأسر والأفراد لتنمیة ذواتهم وتطویر مجتمعاتهم. وندعو جمیع المؤسسات الأخرى ان تحذوا حذوها. تعمل جمعیة الهلال الأحمر الکویتی- من خلال اتفاقیات جنیف الأربع، وکذلک المواثیق والعهود الدولیة التی تشکل القانون الدولی لحقوق الإنسان- على تحقیق المبادئ السبعة الأساسیة لحرکة الصلیب والهلال الاحمر والتی تشکل فی مجملها القانون الدولی الإنسانی وهی کما یلی: - المبادئ الإنسانیة: تکریس الجهد والوقت للقضاء على المعاناة الإنسانیة، وحمایة الحیاة والصحة، فضلا عن ضمان واحترام الکرامة الإنسانیة، وتحسین التفاهم الدائم، والتعاون والسلام بین شعوب العالم. - مبدأ النزاهة: الامتثال لمبدأ عدم التمییز بین الأدیان والأجناس أو الأیدیولوجیات. - مبدأ الحیاد: عدم المشارکة فی أی أعمال عدائیة أو فی الحجج التی تتعامل مع قضایا ذات طابع سیاسی أو دینی أو مذهبی. - مبدأ الاستقلال: حیث یجب أن تعمل الجمعیات الوطنیة باستقلالیة، مع الالتزام بالقوانین التی سنت فی کل بلد، ومع الحفاظ على الاستقلال الکامل. - مبدأ الخدمة التطوعیة: فجمیع العملیات فی المجتمع طوعیة تماما وغیر مربحة. - مبدأ الوحدة: حیث یحظر أن یکون فی المجتمع الواحد أکثر من کیان واحد للصلیب الأحمر والهلال الأحمر فی کل بلد.. کما یجب أن تکون خدماتهما متاحة لجمیع الأطراف، وشاملة للبلد بأکمله. - مبدأ العالمیة: فهی حرکة للمجتمع الدولی، حیث یتمتع الجمیع بنفس الحقوق، ویتعاون بعضهم مع بعض. توجهت أهم إسهامات الهلال الأحمر الکویتی فی الإغاثة الخارجیة إلى أفغانستان، دعم النازحین العراقیین، اندونیسیا، کشمیر بباکستان، بنجلادیش، تایلاند، کارثة تسونامی، مالدیف، سریلانکا، سوریا، جمهوریة صربیا، فلسطین، الولایات المتحدة الأمریکیة، لبنان، الیمن Summary Volunteerism is a reflection of the development of human thought, values ​​and culture. Based on the principles and values ​​that the Kuwaiti society has raised, and its love to stand by the weak and help the needy, the Red Crescent Society was founded. Kuwait has been and will continue to be a permanent donor through its various local institutions, especially the Kuwaiti Red Crescent, on the Arab and Islamic levels, and even on humanity as a whole. The aim of the Kuwait Red Crescent Society is to achieve the objectives of the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Red Crescent in Kuwait and abroad, to provide assistance, first aid and rescue from any crisis caused by natural or human disasters, to provide assistance and protection to prisoners of war and individuals and to alleviate the suffering of the peoples of the world. And the region. The aim of the Kuwait Red Crescent Society is to achieve the principles of the International Committee of the Red Cross and Red Crescent in Kuwait and beyond, to achieve social and medical care for all in need, to provide assistance, first aid and rescue operations during any crisis resulting from natural or human disasters, to provide assistance and protection to prisoners of war and wounded individuals during Wars and the suffering of the peoples of the world and the region. The position assumed by the Assembly worldwide was thanks to the support and support that you find from the leadership of the wise state, and the directives of His Highness the Amir Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah continued to strengthen the role of the Assembly and expand its activities locally and externally, and activate its mechanisms to reach the vulnerable and needy everywhere and its constant keenness to upgrade and update its projects Rehabilitation, medical and educational programs year after year, aiming to serve the human being and provide the requirements of living and decent life, and sets priorities for programs and programs for families and individuals to develop their own and develop their communities. We call on all other institutions to follow suit. Through the four Geneva Conventions, as well as the international conventions that constitute international human rights law, the Kuwait Red Crescent Society works to achieve the basic principles - Humanitarian principles: to devote time and effort to eradicating human suffering, to preserve the health and respect for human dignity, to understand the permanent understanding, work and peace among the peoples of the world. - Principle of Integrity: Compliance with the principle of non-discrimination between religions, races or ideologies. - The principle of neutrality: not to participate in any hostile actions or arguments that deal with issues of a political, religious or doctrinal nature. - The principle of independence: where the National Societies must operate, while maintaining full independence. - The principle of volunteer service: all operations in the community are completely voluntary and unprofitable. - The principle of unity: where it is governed to be in the same society. - The principle of universality: It is a movement of an international community, where everyone is? The most important contribution of the Kuwaiti Red Crescent in external relief to Afghanistan, support for the displaced people of Iraq, Indonesia, Kashmir, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Thailand, Tsunami, Maldives, Sri Lanka, Syria, Serbia, Palestine, USA, Lebanon, Yemen

With the publication of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in Assam, the indispensable question regarding the legal status of individuals who would be excluded from the final version arises. This paper critically analyzes the legal framework that addresses and governs statelessness, by taking into consideration, both the domestic laws, and the international treaties which India is a party to, and argues that the contemporary legal system does not address the issue of statelessness effectively and requires an overhaul. The lack of a comprehensive legislative policy to address statelessness will prevent uniformity in the expulsion methods that is employed by the state. In the light of forced deportation and the subsequent expulsion, this paper highlights the significance of formulating a uniform policy that operates on established humanitarian principles that does not vary from one instance to another.

The paper describes philosophical ideas of Eurasianism and a problem of choice Russia’s of the Eurasian state model in terms of modernity. The paper pays special attention to the studies of the Eurasianism founders of the 20s of the XX century, who have developed a strategy of the Eurasian state. The author emphasizes the importance of the Eurasian worldview in adjusting of the concept of the constitutional state to the current processes of globalization. In the author’s opinion, building of the Eurasian reality and acceptance of the Eurasian worldview are the basis for favorable environment in a country. The Eurasian worldview is based on the humanitarian principles, which are necessary for building self and healthy society in a State. The article suggests the basic criteria for implementation of the Eurasian worldview. This criteria is that a State should maintain stability without emphasizing the dominance of slavs, religion, turanstvo. According to the author, a State should not control these aspects, since they together should form a spiritual basis of the Russian society. The author pays special attention to the problems of globalization. According to the author, the Eurasian model of a State is based on the Eurasian values and attitudes that are in agreement with a concept of a State based on the rule of law. The study is based on dialectical method, according to which society, human, and state are considered in the process of continuous modification and interconnection.

The rehabilitation of international humanitarian law (IHL) has become a priority for those who think that the horrors of contemporary wars are largely due to the blurring of the distinction between civilians and combatants and for those who think that campaigning for the respect of IHL could result in more civilised wars. Similarly, respect for humanitarian principles is still seen by many as the best tool available to protect the safety of aid workers. In this text, I argue that both assumptions are misled. The distinction between civilians and combatants, a cornerstone of IHL, has been blurred in practice since the late nineteenth century. In addition, humanitarian agencies claiming to be ‘principled’ have been victims of attacks as much as others. History and current practice tell us that neither IHL nor humanitarian principles provide safety or can guide our decisions. Accepting their symbolic value, rather than their unrealised potential to protect and solve operational dilemmas, would free humanitarian agencies from endless speculations.

Grounded in the moral responsibility to help those who seek assistance and refuge, humanitarian-aid organizations occupy a central place in our contemporary social life. The question arises as to whether the humanitarian response can provide solutions for those exiled by political persecution. In interdisciplinary work in political philosophy and ethnography, I examine the experiences of politically exiled scholars from Turkey who have received temporary postdoctoral fellowships in European institutions of higher learning through ‘academics at risk’ organizations fashioned on humanitarian principles. Welcomed in their European hostlands as ‘victims’ of and ‘refugees’ from autocratic countries, these academics have become marginalized by an anonymizing victim–saviour discourse perfused with the moral sentiments of pity and compassion. Rejecting the emptying-out of their political agency and critical academic acumen by such humanitarian gestures, they have turned to strategies of ‘dis-exile’ that seek to reintroduce singularity, collective action and solidarity into the political realm.

Aceh Province as an Islamic Sharia Regional has culture and customs based on the values of the Quran and Hadith. For the Acehnese people, customs and laws cannot be totally separated that Acehnese customary law continues to grow until the birth of Acehnese Qanun Number 9 of 2008 concerning the Development of Indigenous and Customary Life. In the implementation, the customary sanctions experience some obstacles due to their unwritten characteristic that made them slightly shifted by the presence of national law. As what happens nowadays in Central Aceh District which is famous with its traditional values, there found legal issues for the customary instrument (Sarak Opat) when the customary sanctions considered discriminatory and arbitrary. Therefore, the settlement of customary disputes must be in accordance with humanitarian principles prioritizing the principle of deliberation and peace although many obstacles still exist at the level of implementation because of lack of understanding by both community and customary instruments related to the implementation of customary itself.

Humanitarianism is war’s philosophy to treat the enemy as a human after becoming dysfunction to fight further. So far, humanitarian law is clear- at least in codes- regarding international and traditional wars. After 9/11 the world experienced a total new war where, at least one party is nonstate actor. How to deal the injured, captured and dead combatants and non-combatants during the war became unclear and debatable. The war was fought in the parts of Pakistan including Swat that witnessed a huge displacement and destruction. People suffered hugely at the hands of the combating parties. It made it debatable to study whether there is a set of humanitarian codes, owned and practiced by military and militants. An intellectual work therefore, is mandatory to know the roots, sources and codes of humanitarian principles of the war on terror and its relevance with the fighting in Swat.

Conducting and communicating research is a responsible intellectual job. A researcher would go analysing immense literature and would search for valid evidence. Prior to narrating an authentic statement. Correspondingly while selecting a method for study it is vital to opt for an approach that is ethically suitable in a defined context. While applied on a set of a populace, generally denoted to as a sample and/or universe. Therefore, social research would be a more laborious task. Hence, the social context is ever-changing in terms of time and space. Diverse methods of social research are being invented yearly. To compete with consistently changing social phenomena and needs of evidence. Operational research, evaluation, and screen monitoring are the most prominent approaches of modern social research. Hence, these naïve approaches of social research would undergo learning and adaptation. Community development projects and retrospective studies thereof are also being synthesized, with existing methods of social research. An identical practice is an adaptation of the Randomized Controlled Trial hereinafter (RCT) approach to conduct impact evaluations of humanitarian and development projects. Hitherto, RCT was being widely used by health researchers as a clinical research approach. Hence, an adaptation of this clinical research approach for field studies, particularly for the evaluation of humanitarian projects. Those are being implemented to provide survival support to vulnerable communities. It would require this approach to undergo some ethical adaptations. This research paper is developed to commence a wider literary discourse on requisite ethical adaptations for RCT to use in the evaluation of humanitarian projects. This research paper brings the findings from desk and field. To discuss key questions; where and how we can use RCT, and what ethical adaptations are necessary not to be forgone? This discourse is established on the usefulness of RCT, ethics of social research, ethics of evaluation, and humanitarian principles. The overarching purpose of this research paper is to facilitate the adaptation of RCT in the field of impact evaluation. While considering the ethical principles of the development sector and evaluation. Article visualizations

Health insurance is a type of insurance product that specifically guarantees the cost of health or care ofthe insurance members if they are sick or have an accident. Implementation of social security is a stateobligation mandated by the 1945 Constitution. The issuance of the Social Insurance Management Agency(BPJS) act as the implementer of the National Social Security System act (SJSN) resulted in PT Askestransforming into Social Insurance Management Agency on Health (BPJS Kesehatan). The National SocialSecurity System is organized on the basis of humanitarian principles, principles of benefit, and the principleof social justice for all Indonesians. The National Social Security System aims to provide and guaranteesthe fulfillment of a decent life base for each participant and/or his family member. The National SocialSecurity System is organized on the basis of such principles: mutual cooperation, non-profit, disclosure,prudence, accountability, portability, mandatory membership, trust fund, and the social security fund willbe used entirely for program development and for the interest of participants. Although the preparation andimplementation of the National Social Security System is quite well, but in reality there are still variousimpacts and problems encountered in the operation of BPJS Kesehatan such as lack of socialization, servicefacilities, inappropriate data, and personnel who are still lacking in giving a good services and information.

To understand the role that NGOs’ representation of Syrian displacement plays in global governance before getting into the visual analysis it is important reflect upon the aspirations of emergency organizations. How do relief agencies intend, perceive and present their role to the public? Are they interested in participating or influencing global governance? Do they consider their role as promoters of universal values or technical agents performing a specific task? Answering these questions is important to unpack their distinctiveness and the different ways in which different NGOs conceive and perform their mission in the international arena. In this sense, it is extremely interesting to look at how relief organizations accommodate their humanitarian role and the humanitarian principles within contexts that are inescapably highly political (e.g., situations of violence, displacement, political contestation or belligerent occupation). Not only do NGOs work within a complex web of political interests, international relations and systems of power, but, for better or worse, their humanitarian and advocacy actions have practical political implications. The investigation of how different organizations negotiate their relationship with politics allows us to better understand where each positions itself within the heated debate around the interrelations of humanitarianism and politics discussed in the first chapter.

Asia and especially East and Southeast Asia has been recognized for their remarkably economic development. However, humanitarian issues in the region have been very rarely and openly debated consequently there are questions for effectiveness, genuine commitment, ability and even the reliability of the countries in the region in responding the issue on humanitarian. In such a context, it is plausible to discuss the reinforcement of Universal Values for Humanitarian Cooperative Arrangements in Asia. There are relevant issues deserve to be deliberated critically: the changing landscape of humanitarian problem, evolving definition of sovereignty, spreading of universalism and the need of institutionalized humanitarian cooperation. Dialogues should be continued among different sectors of society to convey the message that humanitarian actions are feasible to be materialized and assumed as a realistic implementation of Asian solidarity in a concrete agenda. Humanitarian principles serve an invaluable purpose by embedding the principles of humanitarianism in any action to solve the real and factual humanitarian problems. Eventually, finding solutions to humanitarian problems requires more than principles; it necessitates innovation, flexibility, and a clear understanding of the essential agenda by governments and other stakeholders, and political willingness.

The term “humanitarian crisis” combines two words of controversial meaning and definitions that are often used in very different situations. For example, there is no official definition of “humanitarian crisis” in international humanitarian law. Although some academic disciplines have developed ways of collecting and analyzing data on (potential) crises, all of them have difficulties understanding, defining, and even identifying humanitarian crises. Following an overview of the use of the compound noun “humanitarian crisis,” three perspectives from respectively the disciplines International Humanitarian Law, Public Health, and Humanitarian Studies are discussed in order to explore their different but partly overlapping approaches to (incompletely) defining, representing, and negotiating humanitarian crises. These disciplinary perspectives often paint an incomplete and technocratic picture of crises that is rarely contextualized and, thus, fails to reflect adequately the political causes of crises and the roles of local actors. They center more on defining humanitarian action than on humanitarian crises. They also show four different types of humanitarian action, namely radical, traditional Dunantist, multimandate, and resilience humanitarianism. These humanitarianisms have different strengths and weaknesses in different types of crisis, but none comprehensively and successfully defines humanitarian crises. Finally, a multiperspective and power-sensitive definition of crises, and a more fine-grained language for comprehending the diversity of crises will do more justice to the complexity and longevity of crises and the persons who are surviving—or attempting to survive—them.

The purpose of this research is to understand how humanitarians and militaries cooperate during humanitarian civil–military coordination in humanitarian response after the Cold War. The research evaluated the international practices explanation through a longitudinal study from 1991 to 2009, a natural disaster case (Haiti Earthquake, 2010), and a complex emergency case (Battle for Mosul, 2016 to 2017). The international practices approach best explains the cooperative framework facilitated by the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN OCHA) Humanitarian Civil-Military Coordination Service (UN-CMCoord). It emphasizes field-level interaction and consensus-building processes in international relations. This research developed the international practices lifecycle to visualize how local social interaction generated a new practice that became diffused, institutionalized, or faded. Empirically, not only did a cooperative framework emerge, but now cooperation is expected in natural disasters and complex emergencies. Practices primarily emerged to fill gaps in policy. Host nation support, humanitarian leadership, and CMCoord staffing and competence were essential to building trust and facilitating humanitarian civil–military coordination. A key finding was the inconsistent application of the humanitarian principles. With the collapse of humanitarian space, humanitarians and militaries can use this information to better work together in the future. Commander, United States Navy Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

This article analyzes the importance and potential of e-learning and online learning in the integration of engineering education and humanities. The authors analyzed the views of both domestic and foreign experts on the role of strengthening the relationship between technical and humanitarian principles of engineering education in the renovation of a higher technical school and training of specialists with a set of competencies corresponding to challenges of the 4th industrial revolution. The key trends in the changed humanitarian component of training of engineering personnel, its relationship with the complex of technical and natural disciplines in the context of implementation of the new University 4.0 model were considered. It is concluded that effective interconnection between technical and humanitarian knowledge is a necessary component of renovation of professional training of technical specialists and the University 4.0 model. In this situation, the prospects for integration of engineering education and humanities are justifiably linked with further development and improvement of the electronic and online learning system. This option is the most optimal, cost-effective and painless (not requiring a fundamental change in the curriculum), and it coincides with the basic directions of renovation of technical universities and optimization of the educational process. Further modernization of higher professional education with regard to the trends in the knowledge economy, which determined the new University 4.0 model, is inextricably linked with the improvement of the e-learning system.

Despite their protected status as neutral aid providers under international humanitarian law, aid workers have fatality rates exceeding those of uniformed military and law enforcement personnel. Unlike military personnel, moreover, humanitarians have no system of “force protection,” and humanitarian principles preclude the use of deterrent weapons. Instead, their main tools are negotiations with belligerents for secure access and actively cultivating acceptance with local communities. Every year, since the data has been recorded, hundreds of aid workers have been killed, kidnapped, or seriously wounded in the course of their work, and deliberate violence is a more common cause of workplace-related death of aid workers than accidents or illness. Although these attacks are concentrated in a small number of countries, in these high-violence contexts, the problem is becoming more intractable and the violence more intense. Consequently, the ability of humanitarians to meet the needs of affected populations is greatly reduced.

In 2016, the UN International Law Commission (ILC) adopted its Draft Articles on the Protection of Persons in the Event of Disasters with a view to enhancing the protection of basic human rights of persons confronted with calamitous events, human-made or natural ones. This contribution aims at assessing the pertinence and value of the Draft Articles for the protection of the rights of victims of detonations of nuclear weapons. It will take into account other applicable norms of international law, in particular IHL and the adoption, in 2017, of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), providing for the duty of States Parties to assist victims of past and future nuclear weapons’ use and nuclear testing, and will analyze the relationship between these two recent documents. The chapter consists of three parts: In Sect. 6.1, it will examine whether, and to what extent, the Draft Articles are applicable to situations of detonation of nuclear weapons, including when caused by terrorists. In other words, the definition of ‘disaster’ will be at stake. Section 6.2 will be dedicated to the question of who bears the main responsibilities for the protection of persons in the event of a disaster, and to the duty to cooperate between States. In Sect. 6.3, the scope and role of the applicable principles, such as human dignity, human rights and humanitarian principles, which have to be respected and promoted in the aftermath of a disaster, will be discussed and compared with similar duties deriving, among others, from the assistance clause of the TPNW.

Humanitarian assistance, increasingly being used as a strategic tool, to fulfill the political objectives has been a widely discussed issue at national and international levels. Non-governmental Organizations including United Nations and its agencies are questioned on their neutrality while providing the humanitarian assistance in many places and more often during the complex humanitarian emergencies. This has not only raised questions on humanitarian principles but also created a very negative and counterproductive situation and thus limits an impartial, neutral and effective humanitarian action. The deontological approach might not be applicable in every scenario. One size does not fit all. So, consequentialist approach together with the morality of the action itself needs to be adopted for expanding the horizon of humanity without compromising the core humanitarian principles. All actors should respect the humanitarian principles. Humanitarian assistance is to be impartial and not driven by the politics of the conflict, aimed only at alleviating the people’s suffering. The core humanitarian imperatives founded on neutrality and independence are the key tools to secure access to all communities in need; impartiality and humanity represent the essence of humanitarian philosophy and cannot be compromised.

This paper explores the crucial part that faith-based organisations (FBOs) play in acting as intermediaries between international donors and local faith communities (LFCs) implementing humanitarian relief projects for Syrian refugees. Humanitarian responses to the mounting Syrian refugee crisis have coincided with greater collaboration between international donors and LFCs. This cooperation often is facilitated by a complex web of non-state intermediaries at the inter- national, national, and local level. This study probes the breadth of roles of these intermediaries, drawing on primary data from case studies of two Christian intermediaries supporting Christian LFCs as they deliver aid primarily to Muslim Syrian refugees in Jordan and Lebanon. The results of the study are connected to the wider literature on LFCs in humanitarian response, revealing how intermediaries address issues of accountability, capacity-building, impartiality, neutrality, and professionalism. The paper concludes by offering suggestions for further research on intermediaries as key actors in the localisation of humanitarian assistance.

Ambitions to fulfil accountability demands in humanitarian action are high, including for protection activities in armed conflict settings. However, from a Dunantist position, meeting accountability demands is often not only unsatisfactory for practical reasons, but is also inappropriate in view of humanitarian principles and flawed from related ethical perspectives. Regarding accountability primarily as a technical exercise, rather than as being linked to ethical perspectives on humanitarianism and its principles, may thus inadvertently contribute to reduced acceptability of, and ultimately reduced access for, humanitarian actors. Dunantist actors wishing to stay true to their ethical approach need new ways of thinking about accountability, a reflection which can serve as an example for an ongoing need to consider differences between actors within the humanitarian–development nexus.

IntroductionThe incidence of natural disasters is increasing worldwide, with countries the least well-equipped to mitigate or manage them suffering the greatest losses. Following natural disasters, ill-prepared foreign responders may become a burden to the affected population, or cause harm to those needing help.ProblemThe study was performed to determine if international guidelines for foreign workers in the health sector exist, and evidence of their implementation.MethodsA structured literature search was used to identify guidelines for foreign health workers (FHWs) responding to natural disasters. Analysis of semi-structured interviews of health sector responders to the 2015 Nepal earthquake was then performed, looking at preparation and field activities.ResultsNo guidelines were identified to address the appropriate qualifications of, and preparations for, international individuals participating in disaster response in the health sector. Interviews indicated individuals choosing to work with experienced organizations received training prior to disaster deployment and described activities in the field consistent with general humanitarian principles. Participants in an ad hoc team (AHT) did not.ConclusionsIn spite of need, there is a lack of published guidelines for potential international health sector responders to natural disasters. Learning about disaster response may occur only after joining a team.Dunin-BellO. What do they know? Guidelines and knowledge translation for foreign health sector workers following natural disasters. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2018;33(2):139–146.

Europe’s response in 2015 to the arrival of the largest forced displacement of peoples since the second world war, was not to attend to their needs but to securitise its borders and use laws aimed at people traffickers and smugglers, against those giving aid to the destitute new arrivals. This article focuses on a discussion at the launch of Humanitarianism: the unacceptable face of solidarity, between the Institute of Race Relations, NGOs, solidarity campaigns, academics and students concerned about the EU’s attitude and policies to search and rescue in the Mediterranean Sea, the harassment and criminalising of those trying to give support to refugees and the ways to organise to preserve humanitarian principles in Europe. Discussion covers the secret deals being made by the EU with countries around the Mediterranean, in Libya and in central Africa to act as gatekeepers to prevent migration to Europe, the difficulty of challenging the Facilitation Directive which allows humanitarians to be prosecuted as people smugglers, within a European Parliament which has increasing numbers of members from the extreme Right, and the importance of independent research to counter the myths and misinformation from the EU and member states on migration and asylum.

Resumen La Sociedad Chilena de Enfermedades Respiratorias nació en 1930 como una sociedad de Tisiología, ya que la tuberculosis era un problema crítico de salud pública en esos tiempos. Desde entonces y hasta ahora los miembros de la sociedad han logrado incorporar los grandes y progresivos avances del conocimiento global sobre las enfermedades respiratorias y sus tecnologías en la práctica, docencia e investigación de esta especialidad médica en Chile. Este artículo comenta sobre los inicios y ulterior desarrollo y evolución de la neumología en medicina y pediatría en Chile. También se refiere a los pioneros y a algunos de los más destacados protagonistas como también a las instituciones involucradas y a las principales actividades realizadas por la ahora llamada Sociedad Chilena de Enfermedades Respiratorias de 87 años de edad. Se plantean algunos de sus principales desafíos presentes y futuros. Es de esperar que la Sociedad pueda superar estos desafíos respetando rigurosamente los principios éticos y humanitarios que inspiraron a sus fundadores.

Deporte para la acción humanitaria (DAH) se refiere a las actividades de inversión e intervención que utilizan el deporte como instrumento para lograr propósitos de acción humanitaria, como aliviar el sufrimiento, la construcción de la paz, mantener la dignidad humana y proteger los derechos fundamentales de las víctimas. Asimismo, el deporte puede constituir un método psicosocial competente y un vehículo importante de concienciación y la recaudación de fondos.Para conseguir esto, se le exigen determinadas condiciones al deporte para la acción humanitaria: debe respetar los principios humanitarios (el Código de Conducta relativo al Socorro del Movimiento Internacional de la Cruz Roja y la Media Luna Roja); concentrarse en metas no relacionadas con el deporte (además del enfoque deportivo); seguir un proceso lógico basado en un cambio de conducta; trabajar en colaboración con distintos participantes, y poner en marcha un proceso efectivo de vigilancia y evaluación. Este artículo describe estas condiciones, proporcionando un marco para diseñar una intervención deportiva de «acción sin daño».Publicación en línea: 11 diciembre 2017

Purpose This paper aims to define a set of anti-squandering guideposts to improve the sustainability and efficiency of allocating financial resources to investment projects. Design/methodology/approach A set of sustainable financing and anti-squandering measures are proposed for a better allocation of the bank’s financial resources. These measures were derived from the doctrine of “ethic economics”, humanitarian principles and Islamic teachings. Rastin banking provides a base to apply these measures. Findings A draft of the regulations for sustainable financing and anti-squandering measures was compiled for Rastin banking operations, which is briefly presented in this paper and can be used as a basis for the codification of the respective laws. Research limitations/implications Such kinds of regulations are novel and need to be deeply discussed in the first place. After adaptation, adjustment and performing the necessary modifications, the text of the law can be codified. Practical implications Banks through granting loans, credits and other financial facilities can affect the investment projects in such a way to prevent the extravagant consumption of financial resources in investment projects and consider the sustainable development guidelines. Social implications The proposed guideposts can be detailed and adopted in other countries, especially those that are inefficient in their banking and financial operations. Originality/value Wasteful allocation of financial resources leads to the wastage of resources and reduction of productivity and provides benefit neither for the people nor for the society. Hence, the present paper tries to practically solve the problem for financial operations.

Our globalizing world is presently in a state of global turmoil. While felt everywhere in the world, it is the Middle East in general, and Syria and Iraq in particular, where the meaning and the implications of the global turmoil have recently coalesced. As a regional hegemon bordering Syria and Iraq, Turkey is situated at the heart of these challenges. Despite the existing stalemate in Turkey–EU relations, Turkey can deal with these challenges more effectively if Turkey and the EU work together to develop common responses to them on the basis of humanitarian principles and values. In line with the ‘EU Global Strategy,’ Turkey and the EU could work together to provide humanitarian and effective responses to significant security risks they face and play an important role in post-conflict reconstruction and mediation. There is a need to revitalize Turkey–EU relations in a way trust and collaboration replaces skepticism and instrumentalism.

This article explores how climate change and disasters can change the trajectory of land grabs and how humanitarian principles, instruments and climate change mitigation strategies are used to justify large-scale land deals in the wake of a disaster. Focusing on a small island in the Philippines devastated by the 2013 typhoon Haiyan and the community’s history of agrarian land conflict, the article demonstrates how this complex interplay camouflages the power dynamics between the dominant elite and peasants, obscures the line between land grab and provisions for human security and has the potential to abruptly change spatial, institutional and political land arrangements in poor communities on a global scale.

This article aims to acknowledge and articulate the notion of “humanitarian experimentation”. Whether through innovation or uncertain contexts, managing risk is a core component of the humanitarian initiative – but all risk is not created equal. There is a stark ethical and practical difference between managing risk and introducing it, which is mitigated in other fields through experimentation and regulation. This article identifies and historically contextualizes the concept of humanitarian experimentation, which is increasingly prescient, as a range of humanitarian subfields embark on projects of digitization and privatization. This trend is illustrated here through three contemporary examples of humanitarian innovations (biometrics, data modelling, cargo drones), with references to critical questions about adherence to the humanitarian “do no harm” imperative. This article outlines a broad taxonomy of harms, intended to serve as the starting point for a more comprehensive conversation about humanitarian action and the ethics of experimentation.

This paper draws on official records of international and British organizations, newspaper reports, and volunteer memoirs to study the failure to protect humanitarian workers in the Second World War. The Second World War saw a significant expansion in the use of air warfare and flying missiles and these technological advances posed a grave threat to civilians and humanitarian workers. In this context, the International Committee of the Red Cross advocated unsuccessfully to restrict air warfare and create safe hospital zones. The British Government grappled with the tension between military and humanitarian objectives in setting its bombardment policy. Ultimately, humanitarian principles were neglected in pursuit of strategic aims, which endangered civilians and left humanitarian workers particularly vulnerable. British Voluntary Aid Detachment nurses experienced more than six-fold greater fatality rates than civil defence workers and the general population. The lessons from failures to protect humanitarian workers in the face of evolutions in warfare remain profoundly relevant.

Realist and Marxist critiques of humanitarian intervention are distinctively materialistic in scope. The IR literature has already described this scepticism as a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion’, a term associated with the work of Paul Ricoeur, which aims to unearth the intervenors’ material and geopolitical interests hypocritically hidden behind the pretext of humanitarianism. The article first notes the decontextualised misappropriations of the term as an iconic and omnipotent instrument of doubt, as well as the limitations of the social constructivist response on the matter. By contextualising Ricoeur’s hermeneutics of suspicion as developed in his life work, the article then calls for an extension of critique from a hermeneutics of suspicion to a hermeneutics of naïveté. Applied in the critique of the ideology of humanitarian intervention, the article thus calls for a shift of focus from the examination of the distorting (Marxism, realism) and legitimising (social constructivism) functions of this ideology to its integrating function that has allowed the evocation of humanitarian principles as international norms, and uncritically vindicates this arrangement. The article proposes that this hermeneutical detour could allow critique to proceed to a greater analytical depth, opening up a set of critical questions.

Achieving localisation (the transfer of control to local actors) has proven extremely challenging in the development sector, and the humanitarian sector appears to be facing equal challenges. This chapter seeks to engage with that struggle and examine why this lesson has been so difficult to learn. Drawing on conference workshops and 10 key informant interviews, this paper examines the obstacles and opportunities for localisation, seeking to understand what makes it so hard for those who hold disproportionate power in humanitarian encounters to hand over power. The authors found a clear sense of localisation being a process rather than an outcome; optimism that momentum is slowly gathering towards this process, and a clear sense of the steps required to fully achieve it. Examining practitioners’ perspectives in this way adds an important voice to discussions of humanitarian practice.

Background Humanitarian health care organizations and health workers working in contexts of armed or violent conflict experience challenges in fulfilling ethical obligations and humanitarian principles. To better understand the types of challenges experienced in these contexts, we conducted a systematic literature review. Methods A broad search strategy was developed for English language publications available in PubMed, Ovid/EMBASE, and Scopus. The search relied upon three key concept blocks: conflict settings, humanitarian or relief organizations, and non-clinical or non-military ethics. To be included, publications had to (1) refer implicitly or explicitly to ethics and/or humanitarian principle(s), (2) relate to non-military relief work in active conflict or conflict-affected settings, (3) relate to organizational mission and/or delivery of services, and (4) relate to events after 1900. Records were qualitatively analyzed using an emergent thematic analysis approach that mapped challenges onto recognized ethical obligations and humanitarian principles. Results A total of 66 out of a possible 2077 retrieved records met inclusion criteria. The most frequently noted ethical challenges for organizations working in conflict settings were (1) providing the highest attainable quality of care, (2) protecting workers, and (3) minimizing unintended harms. The humanitarian principle most frequently noted as challenging to uphold was neutrality (the duty that humanitarian actors must not take sides in a conflict). Ethical challenges and humanitarian principles were commonly co-coded. For example, the challenge of providing the highest attainable quality of care frequently intersected with the humanitarian principle of humanity. Conclusions By categorizing the types of ethical challenges experienced by humanitarian care organizations, this review can help organizations anticipate issues that might arise in conflict settings. The identified relationships between ethical challenges and humanitarian principles suggests that frameworks and guidance for ethical decision-making, if adapted for conflict settings, could support organizational capacity to fulfill ethical and humanitarian commitments.