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RESUMO O artigo discute a existência de documentos e arquivos de direitos humanos, analisando o uso dessa classificação em arquivos públicos e privados, institucionais e pessoais. Arrola e critica fatores históricos, teóricos e metodológicos que favorecem o uso dessa classificação mais comumente em arquivos públicos e defende que, independentemente do caráter de seus produtores e acumuladores, é o uso posterior dos documentos e arquivos que permite que sejam considerados de direitos humanos. ABSTRACT The article discusses the existence of human rights documents and archives, analyzing the use of this classification in public and private, institutional and personal archives. It lists and criticizes historical, theoretical, and methodological factors that favor the use of this classification more commonly in public archives and argues that, regardless of the character of their producers and accumulators, it is the subsequent use of documents and archives that allows them to be considered related to human rights. RESUMEN Este artículo discute la existencia de documentos y archivos de derechos humanos, analizando el uso de esta clasificación en los archivos públicos y privados, institucionales y personales. Enumera y critica los factores históricos, teóricos y metodológicos que favorecen el uso de esta clasificación más comúnmente utilizada en los archivos públicos, además de argumentar que, independientemente del carácter de sus productores y acumuladores, es el uso posterior de documentos y archivos lo que les permite ser considerados como de derechos humanos.

The Protection of Personal Data became an important issue for the Albanian citizens. The new era of the protection of personal data through administrative claims started after 2008. This brought up sensitive issues like unauthorised legal processing of data on media and online portals, e-mail lack of personal data security, online data processing and online security etc. The sensibility of people increased when personal data were used for political or commercial benefits. During the COVID-19 pandemic period our lives were dominated by technology as the only means of connecting with others or continuing our normal life in abnormal conditions. On one side, human rights were suffering the most powerful restrictions and on the other,technology was gaining position faster. This paper raises questions on the relation between the protection of dignity, honour and privacy of the persons as a democratic value and technological evolution. This paper aims to introduce the Albanian legislation on the protection of privacy and personal data, legal reforms and their adaptation to international law through case law and jurisprudence. Findings, suggest the need for an international global binding act, which would facilitate the process of exchanging information, reduce administrative barriers, and increase the connection and collaboration.

The purposes of this study are 1) To find and analyze wiretapping arrangements in the criminal act of corruption from human rights’ perspective. 2) To find and analyze the urgency of wiretapping regulation on corruption in human rights’ perspective. The method used in this study is a normative-juridical research. The results of this study can be stated that wiretapping is an act carried out to obtain private information or confidential which aim of revealing the truth existence of a criminal act of corruption. Regulations regarding wiretapping in corruption crimes regulated in Law Number 20 of 2001 concerning Amendments to Law Number 31 of 1999 concerning the Eradication of Criminal Acts of Corruption and Law Number 30 of 2002 concerning the Commission for the Eradication of Criminal Acts of Corruption. Regarding the authority of the KPK in conducting wiretapping. However, the regulations that have regulated the wiretapping have not regulated the wiretapping in detail in its entirety, so in its implementation it often contradicts human rights. In the last three years one of the corruption laws has undergone a renewal, namely Law Number 30 of 2002 concerning the Corruption Eradication Commission as amended to become Law Number 19 of 2019 concerning the Second Amendment to Law Number 30 of 2002 concerning the Corruption Eradication Commission. The reforms contained in the law include the renewal of rules regarding wiretapping, but unfortunately the renewal has caused controversy in the public realm. So it is necessary to establish a special law regarding wiretapping. Abstrak Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah 1)Untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis pengaturan penyadapan pada tindak pidana korupsi perspektif perlindungan hak asasi manusia. 2)Untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis urgensi pengaturan penyadapan pada tindak pidana korupsi perspektif perlindungan hak asasi manusia. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu metode penelitian yuridis normatif. Hasil penelitian ini dapat dikemukakan bahwa penyadapan merupakan suatu perbuatan yang dilakukan untuk mendapatkan informasi yang bersifat privasi ataupun rahasia yang mempunyai tujuan untuk mengungkapkan kebenaran adanya suatu tindak pidana korupsi. Pengaturan tentang penyadapan dalam tindak pidana korupsi telah diatur didalam Undang-Undang Nomor 20 Tahun 2001 Tentang Perubahan Atas Undang-Undang Nomor 31 Tahun 1999 Tentang Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi dan Undang-Undang Nomor 30 Tahun 2002 Tentang Komisi Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi yang didalamnya telah mengatur tentang kewenangan KPK dalam melakukan penyadapan. Akan tetapi pengaturan yang telah mengatur tentang penyadapan belum mengatur secara keseluruhan tentang penyadapan secara rinci sehingga pada pelaksanaannya sering kali bertentangan dengan hak asasi manusia. Dalam tiga tahun terakhir salah satu Undang-Undang tindak pidana korupsi telah mengalami pembaharuan yaitu Undang-Undang Nomor 30 Tahun 2002 Tentang Komisi Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi sebagaimana telah diperbaharui menjadi Undang-Undang Nomor 19 Tahun 2019 Tentang Perubahan Kedua Atas Undang-Undang Nomor 30 Tahun 2002 Tentang Komisi Pemberantasan Tindak Pidana Korupsi. Pembaharuan yang terdapat didalam Undang-Undang tersebut termasuk pembaharuan aturan mengenai penyadapan, namun sayangnya pembaharuan itu menimbulkan kontroversi diranah publik. Sehingga perlunya dibentuk Undang-Undang secara khusus tentang penyadapan.

The realization of the right to health must be made possible by the State, focusing on the implementation of public policies to guarantee the implementation and functioning of the services demanded by the respective population groups. Thus, this writing aimed to analyze how the right to health is contemplated in quilombola communities in a geographic region of Bahia. Methodologically, it has a qualitative approach, with information obtained through structured interviews (about the infrastructure and/or public health services) developed with the representations of the Residents' Associations of 14 quilombos in the geographic region of Guanambi/Bahia during the year of 2016. The findings indicate that a community had a specific physical structure for basic health care, however, it was deactivated. Three communities were not covered by the Community Health Agents Program (CHAP). Among the 11 that indicated coverage of the Program, in seven the professionals did not reside in the quilombo territory. Given the widespread lack of infrastructure and recurrent inadequacy in the provision of PACS services, the permanent neglect of the right to health in this quilombola population is evident., A concretização do direito à saúde deve ser viabilizada pelo Estado, com foco na efetivação das políticas públicas para garantia da implantação e funcionamento dos serviços demandados pelos respectivos grupos populacionais. Destarte, essa escrita objetivou analisar como o direito à saúde é contemplado em comunidades quilombolas de uma região geográfica baiana. Metodologicamente enquadra-se como de abordagem qualitativa, com informações obtidas por meio de entrevistas estruturadas (sobre a infraestrutura e/ou serviços públicos de saúde) desenvolvidas com as representações das Associações de Moradores de 14 quilombos da região geográfica de Guanambi/Bahia durante o ano de 2016. Os achados indicam que uma comunidade possuía estrutura física específica para atendimentos básicos em saúde, no entanto, estava desativada. Três comunidades não tinham cobertura do Programa de Agentes Comunitários de Saúde (PACS). Entre as 11 que indicaram cobertura do Programa, em sete as(os) profissionais não residiam no território do quilombo. Diante da ampla ausência de infraestrutura e recorrente inadequação na prestação de serviços do PACS, evidencia-se a permanente negligência ao direito à saúde nesta população quilombola., La realización del derecho a la salud debe ser viabilizada por el Estado, enfocándose en la implementación de políticas públicas para garantizar la implementación y funcionamiento de los servicios demandados por los respectivos grupos poblacionales. Así, este escrito tuvo como objetivo analizar cómo el derecho a la salud es contemplado en comunidades quilombolas de una región geográfica de Bahia. Metodológicamente, encaja con un enfoque cualitativo, con información obtenida a través de entrevistas estructuradas (sobre infraestructura y/o servicios públicos de salud) desarrolladas con las representaciones de las Asociaciones de Vecinos de 14 quilombos de la región geográfica de Guanambi/Bahia durante el año de 2016. Los hallazgos indican que una comunidad tenía una estructura física específica para la atención básica de salud, sin embargo, estaba desactivada. Tres comunidades no estaban cubiertas por el Programa de Agentes Comunitarios de Salud (PACS). Entre los 11 que indicaron cobertura del Programa, en siete los profesionales no residían en el territorio Quilombo. Ante la ausencia generalizada de infraestructura y la insuficiencia recurrente en la prestación de los servicios de los PACS, se evidencia el descuido permanente del derecho a la salud en esta población quilombola.

The global consequences of rapid climate change cannot be overstated. In Africa, drought, flooding and environmental degradation are increasingly important drivers of migration, affecting already vulnerable and indigenous persons, together with factors such as conflict, poverty, and weak democratic governance. This article argues for alternative ways to protect vulnerable persons, alternatives which include regional integration frameworks on mobility. The article interrogates existing regional and subregional migration frameworks in Africa in order to ascertain the level of obligation to protect and facilitate the movement of those compelled to flee disaster-affected areas and seek safety in neighbouring countries. Regional and sub-regional groupings need to learn from each other, as well as utilise and expand on existing provisions for the free movement of people, to effectively accommodate the growing trend of migration due to environmental concerns. A laudable measure to ensure protection and facilitate the movement of such vulnerable persons can be found in the recently endorsed Protocol on the Free Movement of Persons in the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

The article focuses on the Americans with Disabilities Act which acknowledges subjectivities and human rights involved in disabled identity and mentions that the coronavirus pandemic has brought into war of survival Topics discussed include biopolitics and thanatopolitics that might display to have been in opposition, proliferation of life that blunted emotional response and utilitarian guidelines adopted by several states

Lately lawyers and medical professionals pay more attention too the process of minor patient healthcare. The research shall address the issues of legal relationship between minor patients and medical professionals, consent to treatment of minor patients and communication problems including the scope of information which the doctor can provide to the minor patient’s relatives to protect themselves and patients. Legislation prescribes that the information provided by the medical professional to the minor patient must be not only easy-to-understand, but also be consistent with the patient’s age maturity. However, in Latvia, for example, there are no guidelines that specify how medical professionals can determine the patient’s maturity. In the course of provision of medical services to the minor persons legal disputes involving communiucation failures between the minor patients, their relatives, legal representatives and the doctors arise increasingly frequently. The research will look into issue of communication problems in healthcare. The aim of the research is to provide insight into challenges of legal relations betweem minor patients and medical professionals and communication problems in healthcare.

State have every right over its natural resources, they have the right to exploit and preserve their natural resources. Under International Law states have permanent sovereignty over their natural resources. The natural resources located within the territorial jurisdiction of sovereign state belong to the community i.e. the people themselves. Never the less the principle has received the renewed emphasis offer the initiation of the ages of decolonization. The principle of the permanent sovereignty over natural resources has been develop and reiterated in number of pertinent initiatives taken by the international organizations. There are number of provisions relating to permanent sovereignty over natural resources are embodied in the resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly while other are contained in international contentious or treaties. This paper will be analyzing the concept of sovereignty of the state over the natural resources. The right of state over its natural resources has been an inherent right of every nation. Paper will be analyzing the various initiatives taken by the international organization for the protection of this concept of sovereignty of states over natural resources. This entitlement of the rights to the state will ensure the Human Rights to its nationals.

Lange war der 8. März in der Ukraine der Tag, an dem die Frauen des Landes Blumen und Konfekt erhielten. In den letzten Jahren hat sich die Bedeutung des "Internationalen Frauentags" allerdings allmählich gewandelt, zum Beispiel durch Frauenmärsche, die Rechte statt Blumen einforderten, wodurch der Feiertag politisiert wurde. Angesichts des russischen Angriffskrieges ergeben sich für den ukrainischen Feminismus neue Herausforderungen, aber auch Chancen.

The United Nations treaty bodies were established to monitor the implementation of human rights by states parties. Through ‘General Comments’ – legally non-binding clarifications of treaty obligations – they have also influenced the development of international human rights law – for example, on the right to life and climate impacts. We address this phenomenon by establishing a twofold argument. First, we argue that General Comments are used by the committees to informally shape international law. They deliberately act as human rights law-makers, knowing that international institutions, organizations and professionals in their network will subsequently refer to such instruments. Second, we argue that treaty bodies not only rely on their network once they have adopted their outcome, but the experts’ personal networks also shape the drafting process of General Comments. We develop and illustrate an analytical framework with two case studies of General Comments on the human right to water and the torture prohibition. The analysis demonstrates the need for external knowledge of both technical and legal aspects of the norms being interpreted. By addressing pressing human rights challenges, expert committees can shape the law in times of stagnation and resist contestation even from powerful states.

Resumo O artigo tem como objeto políticas públicas específicas para ambientes de protestos sociais com vistas a evitar violações de direitos humanos. Parte-se do princípio de que o direito de protesto é um direito humano fundamental, e de que eliminar os protestos sociais é impossível e, acrescenta-se, indesejável. A metodologia escolhida foi a análise das normativas e recomendações internacionais a respeito do tema à luz de literatura crítica. Seus resultados foram organizados em cinco tópicos para a construção de normativas em nível nacional: necessidade de autorização prévia para a realização; responsabilidade dos organizadores; participação de grupos marginalizados politicamente; atuação dos comunicadores; medidas para e sobre a atuação das forças de segurança. Em sua conclusão, o artigo oferece 40 boas medidas sintetizadas das formulações internacionais. Abstract The article has as its object specific public policies for social protest environments with a view to preventing human rights violations. It is based on the principle that the right to protest is a fundamental human right, and that eliminating social protests is impossible and, furthermore, undesirable. The chosen methodology was the analysis of international regulations and recommendations on the subject in the light of critical literature. Its results were organized into five topics for the construction of regulations at the national level: the need for prior authorization for implementation; responsibility of organizers; participation of politically marginalized groups; performance of communicators; measures for and about the performance of security forces. In its conclusion, the article offers 40 good measures synthesized from international formulations.

Głównym celem artykułu jest pokazanie, że poza działalnością kapłańską kapłan powinien angażować się w życie społeczne. Można wyróżnić dwie zasadnicze formy obecności Kościoła w życiu społecznym. Pierwszym z nich jest szeroko pojęte nauczanie w sferze społecznej, drugim konkretna działalność. Człowiek w świetle nauki społecznej Kościoła jest najwyższą wartością na świecie, a rodzina właściwym środowiskiem życia i rozwoju człowieka. Kościół realizuje więc swoją misję społeczną w oparciu o rodzinę. Rodzina jest wartością nie tylko dla jednostki, ale także dla szerszej zbiorowości, w tym przypadku dla wspólnoty państwowej. Zasadniczym pytaniem, jakie znaleźć można w kapłańskim prorokowaniu społecznym jest kwestia narodu. Naród zarówno poprzez wspólnotę, jak i kulturę stwarza warunki rozwoju człowieka we wszystkich płaszczyznach rozwoju:- w płaszczyźnie prawdy /rozwoju intelektualnego/,- w płaszczyźnie piękna /rozwoju duchowego/,- w płaszczyźnie dobra /rozwoju moralnego/,- w płaszczyźnie świętości/rozwoju religijnego.Kwestią, która również znajduje się w polu zainteresowań nauk społecznych Kościoła jest kwestia charakteru państwa, relacji państwo - Kościół, a także kwestia ustroju państwa. Koncepcja państwa nie może być Kościołowi obojętna. Problematyka zatem takiego systemu, który pozwala ludziom żyć na odpowiednim poziomie życia, musi być w centrum zainteresowania nauki społecznej Kościoła. Z różnych kwestii społecznych, które są przejawem obecności Kościoła w życiu, można wyróżnić problematykę praw człowieka i obecności wartości chrześcijańskich w życiu społecznym. Zasygnalizowane są tu najważniejsze pytania, które dotykają człowieka znajdującego się w centrum zainteresowania Kościoła.

Dyskryminacja genetyczna oznacza traktowanie kogoś w odmienny sposób ze względu na jego cechy genetyczne, które pozwalają stwierdzić, jakie predyspozycje zdrowotne ma człowiek. Przykładem jest genetyczne uwarunkowanie do zapadnięcia na chorobę Huntingtona czy ryzyko rozwoju raka jelita grubego. Z punktu widzenia prawa pojawia się ważny problem: czy wiedza o danych genetycznych może być wykorzystana w sposób, który będzie dyskryminował jednostkę? Przykładowo problem ten może polegać na tym, że ubezpieczyciel odmó­wi zawarcia z nami umowy dotyczącej ubezpieczenia na życie lub podwyższy naszą składkę. Pierwszą metodą badawczą jest analiza dogmatyczna, która obejmuje dwa elementy: metodę ilościową i jakościową przeprowadzenia inwentaryzacji prawa międzynarodowego oraz metodę prawnodogmatyczną, tj. krytyczną analizę literatury i orzecznictwa. Drugą metodą badawczą jest analiza prawnoporównawcza, która ma na celu porównanie regulacji występujących w uniwersalnym oraz regionalnym systemie praw człowieka. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zbadanie, na ile kwestia zakazu dyskryminacji genetycznej jest uregulowa-na w prawie międzynarodowym publicznym. Dlaczego dyskryminacja genetyczna powinna być wyróżniona na tle ogólnych norm dyskryminacyjnych? Wiele aktów prawnych (np. Powszechna Deklaracja Praw Człowieka) zawiera ogólne normy antydyskryminacyjne. Przykłady dyskryminacji genetycznej wskazują jednak, że obecnie istniejące regulacje mogą okazać się niewystarczające. Artykuł jest także próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, czym jest dyskryminacja genetyczna. Genetic discrimination means treating someone differently because of their genetic traits, which make it possible to determine what health predispositions a person has. Examples include a genetic predisposition to Huntington’s disease or the risk of developing colorectal cancer. From a legal perspective, an important issue arises: can knowledge of genetic data be used in a way that is discriminatory towards the individual? For example, the problem may be that the insurer refuses to enter into a life insurance contract with us or increases our premium. The first research method is the dogmatic analysis, which includes two elements: the quantitative and quali­tative method of making an inventory of international law and the legal-dogmatic method, i.e. the critical analy­sis of literature and case law. The second research method is a comparative legal analysis, which aims to compare regulations found in the universal and regional human rights systems. The aim of this article is to examine the extent to which the prohibition of genetic discrimination is reg­ulated in public international law. Why should genetic discrimination be singled out against general anti-dis­crimination standards? Many legal acts (e.g. the Universal Declaration of Human Rights) contain general anti-discrimination standards. However, examples of genetic discrimination indicate that current regulations may not be sufficient. This article also attempts to answer the question of what genetic discrimination is. Генетическая дискриминация означает иное отношение к человеку из-за его генетических признаков, которые определяют, какую предрасположенность к заболеваниям имеет человек. В качестве примера можно привести генетическую предрасположенность к болезни Гентингтона или риск развития колоректального рака. С юридической точки зрения возникает важная проблема: можно ли использовать данные о генетической информации таким образом, чтобы дискриминировать человека? Например, проблема может заключаться в том, что страховщик отказывается заключать с нами договор страхования жизни или увеличивает наш страховой взнос. Первый метод исследования – догматический анализ, который включает в себя два элемента: количественный и качественный метод изучения международного права и юридико-догматический метод, т.е. критический анализ литературы и судебной практики. Вторым методом исследования является сравнительно-правовой анализ, целью которого является сравнение положений, содержащихся в универсальной и региональной системе прав человека. Цель данной статьи – изучить, в какой степени запрет дискриминации по генетическим признакам регулируется международным публичным правом. Почему генетическую дискриминацию следует отличать от общих дискриминационных норм? Многие правовые документы (например, Всеобщая декларация прав человека) содержат общие антидискриминационные нормы. Однако примеры генетической дискриминации указывают на то, что существующих в настоящее время норм может быть недостаточно. Статья также является попыткой ответить на вопрос, что такое генетическая дискриминация. Генетична дискримінація означає різне ставлення до людини через її генетичні особливості, які дозволяють визначити, яка схильність до здоров’я людини. Приклади включають генетичну структуру хвороби Гентінгтона або ризик розвитку колоректального раку. З юридичної точки зору виникає важ­лива проблема: чи можна використовувати знання генетичних даних у спосіб, який дискримінує особу? Наприклад, проблема може полягати в тому, що страховик відмовляється укладати з нами договір стра­хування життя або підвищує наш внесок. Першим методом дослідження є догматичний аналіз, який включає два елементи: кількісний та якіс­ний метод проведення інвентаризації міжнародного права та юридично-догматичний метод, тобто кри­тичний аналіз літератури та юриспруденції. Другим методом дослідження є порівняльно-правовий аналіз, метою якого є порівняння норм в універсальній та регіональній системі прав людини. Метою цієї статті є дослідити, наскільки питання заборони генетичної дискримінації врегульовано міжнародним публічним правом. Чому слід відрізняти генетичну дискримінацію від загальних дискримі­наційних норм? Багато правових актів (наприклад Універсальна декларація прав людини) містять загальні антидискримінаційні норми. Однак приклади генетичної дискримінації вказують на те, що чинні правила можуть виявитися недостатніми. Стаття також є спробою відповісти на питання, що таке генетична дис­кримінація.

Amid the euphoria of Qatar being selected as the host for the 2022 World Cup, Qatar is in the spotlight of the international community because of the human rights violations that have occurred against its migrant workers. The human rights violations referred to are migrant workers receiving inadequate wages and housing, not being granted a residence permit, poor working conditions and forced labor during preparations for the World Cup. The research method used is descriptive analysis with empirical normative research. This study aims to analyze how the protection of international law and Qatar's national law, especially regarding migrant workers in addressing issues of human rights violations during the process of preparing for and organizing the World Cup. This research also analyzes the policies of FIFA and ILO in eradicating and resolving cases of human rights violations of migrant workers at the World Cup. Based on the research results, it is known that there is international and national legal protection for Qatar in guaranteeing the fulfillment of human rights, especially migrant workers. In addition, international organizations such as the International Labor Organization (ILO) and FIFA can also take responsibility for fulfilling and protecting the human rights of migrant workers., Di Tengah euforia terpilihnya Qatar sebagai tuan rumah Piala Dunia 2022, Qatar menjadi sorotan masyarakat internasional dikarenakan pelanggaran HAM yang terjadi terhadap pekerja migrannya. Pelanggaran HAM yang dimaksud adalah para pekerja migran mendapat upah dan tempat tinggal yang tidak memadai, tidak diberikan izin tinggal, kondisi kerja yang buruk hingga kerja paksa selama persiapan Piala Dunia. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah analisis deskriptif dengan jenis penelitian normatif empiris. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis bagaimana perlindungan hukum internasional dan hukum nasional Qatar khususnya mengenai pekerja migran dalam menyikapi permasalahan pelanggaran HAM selama proses persiapan dan penyelenggaraan Piala Dunia. Penelitian ini juga menganalisis kebijakan FIFA dan ILO dalam memberantas dan menyelesaikan kasus pelanggaran HAM pekerja migran di Piala Dunia. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diketahui bahwa terdapat perlindungan hukum internasional dan nasional Qatar dalam menjamin pemenuhan hak asasi manusia khususnya pekerja migran. Selain itu, organisasi internasional seperti International Labour Organization (ILO) dan FIFA juga dapat ikut bertanggung jawab dalam pemenuhan dan perlindungan Hak Asasi Manusia para pekerja migran.

Although homonationalism is a fundamental category in queer studies, it has never been used to understand the history of the Argentine lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender movement and the emergence of a hegemonic queer memory based on the self-representation of Argentina as a “European-like” and “white” nation that often claims to be different from “the rest” of Latin America. This article examines the history of the Argentine construction of whiteness to understand hegemonic queer memory today and analyze why the 1976–1983 dictatorship has been hyper-memorialized, while state violence against queer people in democratic times is downplayed. We also refer to homonationalism to understand the success of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender rights revolution and present a discussion of the relationship between lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender politics and the construction of queer memory. As homonationalism shaped the formation of a hegemonic queer memory in the twenty-first century, alternative memories of police harassment of travestis and homosexual men after and before the dictatorship have been hidden in plain sight through reframing, displacement, temporal transpositions, and other forms of scripting.

On April 28, 2022, the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Costa Rica (UCR), mounted the exhibition entitled: University, culture and freedom. Posters and covers of Valeria Varas, which was replicated on September 12, 2022 (without the covers), at the School of General Studies of the UCR, in recognition of the solidarity work that the designer carried out in the 80s, in Costa Rica, in favor of human rights protection in Central America. El 28 de abril de 2022, la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de Costa Rica (UCR), montó la exposición titulada: Universidad, cultura y libertad. Afiches y portadas de Valeria Varas, la cual se replicó el 12 de setiembre de 2022 (sin las portadas), en la Escuela de Estudios Generales de la UCR, en reconocimiento a los trabajos de solidaridad que la diseñadora realizó en los años 80, en Costa Rica, en favor de la protección de los derechos humanos en Centroamérica.

Several African countries have recently adopted fairly democratic constitutions. An emerging trend in these constitutions is the establishment of constitutional courts or constitutional councils as key institutions for human rights protection. However, the adoption of fairly democratic constitutions sometimes is not complemented by the democratisation of politics, as autocratic governments remain in place after the adoption of a new constitution. When this happens, these countries' constitutional courts become key sites of human rights protection struggles, as many turn to public interest litigation in an effort to protect human rights. Using the Constitutional Court of Zimbabwe as a case study, the article investigates the behaviour of these courts and their reliability as human rights protection institutions, when they operate under autocratic political conditions. The article makes use of the systemic level factors theory as a conceptual framework for analysing the jurisprudence of this Court. It identifies trends in the manner in which this Court has handled high-level profile human rights cases that involve the interests of the ruling party or government. These trends are that in the majority of cases the Court has ignored the Constitution and delivered judgments that are meant to protect the government from certain political risks. In a few cases the Court appeared to be bold enough to enforce the Constitution, but a closer analysis of these cases reveals that the Court decided in that manner because the reconfigured political strategy of the ruling party and the internal factional contestations in the ruling party required or permitted the Court to make those decisions. The article concludes that the performance of the Constitutional Court of Zimbabwe thus far paints a gloomy picture as far as its reliability and utility as a guardian of human rights and democratic institutions under the current autocratic regime in Zimbabwe are concerned.

The natural environment and sustainability play an increasingly important role in social work as a discipline and profession. This is often described as the ecosocial paradigm. Even though the paradigm shares important ethical foundations with human rights–based social work, the connection between both is rarely examined in social work scholarship. This article addresses the gap by asking the following questions: How is the ecosocial paradigm linked to the human rights discourse in social work? What is the environmental dimension of human rights, and what implications does it have for social work? How can a human rights–based social work encompass the environmental dimension? In response, the article argues for the integration of new environmental perspectives into human rights–based social work. First, it shows that social work needs to refocus on collective human rights, such as the right to a healthy environment, recently recognized by the United Nations. Regarding the rights of children and youth, good examples of social work advocacy can already be found. Second, research knowledge and practice within the ecosocial paradigm are valuable resources for human rights–based social work, mainly regarding environmental justice and the principle of sustainability. Ultimately, it is only possible to strive for the realization of human rights, social change, and an inclusive and sustainable future if the natural environment is integrated as a social work concern.

[ES] Las tecnologías digitales abren nuevos escenarios para la vida en sociedad, para la economía y las relaciones interpersonales. Son muchos los retos y desafíos frente a los que nos sitúan la revolución tecnológica como sociedad. Las tecnologías abren nuevos horizontes al papel regulador del Derecho y a la labor de los profesionales del Derecho, llamados a encontrar el equilibrio entre la utilización de las tecnologías y el respeto a los derechos y libertades del individuo. Estamos ante desafíos globales, un cambio de paradigma y de época. Nuevos retos para los que hay que hallar soluciones aterrizadas en la realidad concreta y desde la perspectiva garantista de los derechos. El gran reto es proteger y garantizar el derecho fundamental a la protección de datos en un contexto público-privado de aceleración de la innovación, transformación digital, de fomento de la economía de datos y de generalización de aplicación de la inteligencia artificial, desde una visión holística de la sociedad y la economía y con una perspectiva inclusiva, ética y garante de los derechos humanos. [EN] Digital technologies open up new scenarios for life in society, for the economy and for interpersonal relationships. There are many challenges facing us as a society as a result of the technological revolution. Technologies open up new horizons for the regulatory role of law and the work of legal professionals, who are called upon to strike a balance between the use of technologies and respect for the rights and freedoms of the individual. We are facing global challenges, a change of paradigm and of era. New challenges for which solutions must be found that are grounded in concrete reality and from the perspective of guaranteeing rights. The great challenge is to protect and guarantee the fundamental right to data protection in a public-private context of accelerating innovation, digital transformation, the promotion of the data economy and the widespread application of artificial intelligence, from a holistic vision of society and the economy and with an inclusive, ethical and human rights-guaranteeing perspective

States have been increasingly engaging in a practice of ex gratia payments during armed conflict as a way to win ‘hearts and minds’ or mitigate local animosity from combat operations that cause civilian loss or damage. These represent voluntary payments for damages which are not the result of a violation of the laws of war. This practice provides a contrast to reparations, which are the result of a legal obligation to remedy breaches of law. This article critically assesses how these two concepts interact with each other. Analysing the current practice, this work argues that ex gratia payments can represent another barrier for victims seeking redress. Crucial here is that these payments are seen as both an explicit and implicit waiver of any future claims. This ignores the potential for synergy between the two concepts on both moral and operational grounds. To better facilitate this potential synergy, this article takes inspiration from some of the human rights jurisprudence surrounding reparations programs and considers ex gratia payments in light of their standards instead of accepting them as a blanket waiver. This would align these payments better with both the operational and moral imperatives underlying these payments.

Since the establishment of the guidelines for the development of the welfare state and the rule of law in Ukraine, doctrinal debates about the content of these concepts have not stopped. Legal theoreticians, constitutionalists, jurists of the sectoral direction investigate various problematic issues related to both – the rule of law and the welfare state. Such studies mainly concern each concept taken separately. The range of scientific research is pretty wide, starting from the attempts to formulate a comprehensive definition up to efforts to provide a universal list of signs (components) of each of the named phenomena. However, many domestic researchers pay attention to the contradictions between the doctrines of the welfare state and the rule of law rather than to their separateness. These contradictions are embedded in their deep essence, and which, in their practical dimension, can hinder the development of both – the welfare state and the rule of law. Nevertheless, the Euro-Atlantic civilization, of which Ukraine sees itself as a part, is constantly moving towards the socialization of states and the development of the rule of law. This process does not take place with the same success in all states. Ukraine belongs to those states that prefer to declare this intention. There are many explanations for this state of affairs, but the author of this article focuses on only one of them, namely the unjustified interference of state institutions in the free development of society based on respect for human rights and the rule of law.The author’s conclusions relate to the ways of overcoming the existing contradictions between the two concepts. First of all, we are talking about human dignity, as the basis of all human rights, including social rights. Other ways are the application of such components of the rule of law as proportionality, limitation of discretionary powers, legal certainty, transparency and accessibility, the right to appeal, etc., З часів закріплення в Основному Законі України дороговказу на розбудову соціальної держави та дію верховенства права доктринальна дискусія щодо змісту цих концептів не припиняється. Теоретики права, конституціалісти, правники галузевого спрямування досліджують різноманітні проблемні питання, пов’язані як із верховенством права, так і з соціальною державою. Такі дослідження переважно стосуються кожного концепту, взятого окремо. Діапазон наукового пошуку дуже широкий – від спроб сформулювати вичерпне визначення до намагань надати універсальний перелік ознак (складників) кожного з названих явищ. Проте не так багато вітчизняних дослідників звертають увагу не на окремість доктрин соціальної держави та верховенства права, а на суперечності між ними. Ці суперечності закладено в їхній глибинній сутності, і в їхньому практичному вимірі вони можуть перешкоджати розвитку як соціальної держави, так і верховенства права. Утім, євроатлантична цивілізація, частиною якої бачить себе і Україна, невпинно рухається в бік соціалізації держав і розбудови верховенства права. Не скрізь цей процес відбувається з однаковим успіхом. Україна належить до тих держав, які радше декларують цей намір. Такому стану речей є багато пояснень, але автор цієї статті зосереджується тільки на одному з них, а саме на необґрунтованому втручанні державних інститутів у вільний розвиток суспільства на засадах поваги до прав людини та верховенства права.

Este artigo analisa a construção da Política Estadual de Atendimento e Tratamento da pessoa LGBT em Minas Gerais e sua aplicação nas unidades socioeducativas do estado. A pesquisa se baseou em análise documental e entrevistas semiestruturadas. Verificamos que o sistema socioeducativo mineiro busca implementar padrões institucionais produzidos pelo Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA) e pelo Sistema Nacional de Atendimento Socioeducativo (Sinase). Contudo, os valores que pretende seguir são desconexos em relação às práticas historicamente estabelecidas nas unidades de internação, imperando perspectivas e dinâmicas punitivistas. Formalmente, o socioeducativo mineiro segue políticas de gênero, mas elas encontram-se distantes das rotinas desenvolvidas nas unidades. Policy for LGBT Adolescents in Minas Gerais’ Socio-educational System? Notes on an Ongoing Dispute analyzes the construction of the state policy for care and treatment of LGBT people in Minas Gerais, Brazil, and its application in the socio-educational units in the state. The research was based on documental analysis and semi-structured interviews. We found that the state’s socio-educational system seeks to implement institutional standards produced by the Statute of the Child and Adolescent (ECA) and the National System for Socio-Educational Care (Sinase). Nonetheless, the values that it intends to follow seem disconnected from the practices historically established in the internment units, prevailing punitive perspectives. Formally, the socio-educational system in Minas Gerais follows gender policies, but these are far from the routines developed in the units.

El derecho a la salud ha sido reconocido por la OMS como el derecho fundamental por el que se debe garantizar un acceso oportuno, aceptable y asequible a unos servicios de salud de calidad adecuada. La puesta en marcha de inadecuadas o deficientes políticas sanitarias, sin embargo, han dado lugar a sistemas sanitarios ineficientes que han limitado en el acceso a las instituciones a determinados individuos y colectivos en situación de especial vulnerabilidad, como es el caso de los migrantes. A pesar de la puesta en marcha de nuevas políticas para combatir las desigualdades en materia sanitaria, la llegada de la pandemia de la COVID-19 ha supuesto un retroceso en la humanización asistencial con un aislamiento forzado de los servicios sanitarios y la obligación de reorganizar los recursos disponibles. En este contexto de pandemia mundial, nuevas creaciones dentro de la medicina gráfica estadounidense y española han llevado más allá de las fronteras físicas y digitales su papel como instrumento esencial para alzar la voz frente a estas desigualdades con el fin de continuar construyendo una sanidad más humana, accesible y disponible para todos por igual., The right to health has been recognized as one of the fundamental rights by the WHO, which entails a legal obligation to ensure access to timely, acceptable, and affordable health care. The implementation of inadequate or deficient health policies, however, has led to inefficient health care systems and to access restrictions to their services for specific groups such as immigrants. Even though some governments have been adopting new measures to reduce these health inequities, the COVID-19 pan-demic has haltered this process, especially with the isolation of the health services and the need to reorganize all the available resources. In the context of such global pandemic, new contributions to the field of the Graphic Medicine both in the Uni-ted States and Spain have moved beyond the physical and digital borders to raise awareness about these inequities so as to keep the process of shaping a more human, accessible and available health care for everyone.

Entre otras cosas, en esta entrevista John Dugard aborda la tipificación del apartheid y sus vínculos con el colonialismo, la legalidad de los movimientos de resistencia palestina, el papel de los diferentes relatores especiales designados por el CDH y compara el caso sudafricano e israelí, así como su interpretación del apartheid israelí (restringido a los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados) con la contenida en la bibliografía y otros informes, sobre el territorio en su conjunto. Además, comenta sus expectativas con respecto a la demanda interpuesta contra el Estado de Israel por el Estado de Palestina en la Corte Penal Internacional, que, en 2021, reconoció tener jurisdicción sobre el caso. Dentre outras coisas, nesta entrevista John Dugard versa sobre a tipificação de apartheid e seus vínculos com o colonialismo, a legalidade dos movimentos palestinos de resistência, a atuação dos diferentes relatores especiais designados pelo CDH-ONU e compara o caso sul-africano e israelense, assim como sua interpretação do apartheid israelense (restrita aos TPO) com aquela contida na bibliografia e em outros relatórios, atinente ao território como um todo. Ainda, comenta sobre suas expectativas quanto ao processo movido contra o Estado de Israel pelo Estado da Palestina no Tribunal Penal Internacional que, em 2021, reconheceu ter jurisdição sobre o caso. Among other things, in this interview John Dugard talks about the typification of apartheid and its links with colonialism, the legality of Palestinian resistance movements, the performance of the different special rapporteurs appointed by the UN HRC and compares the South African and Israeli cases, as well as his interpretation of Israeli apartheid (restricted to the OPT) with that contained in the bibliography and other reports, concerning the territory as a whole. Still, he comments on his expectations regarding the process brought against the State of Israel by the State of Palestine in the International Criminal Court, which, in 2021, acknowledged having jurisdiction over the case.

Both pro-establishment Christians, who support ‘obeying the authority’ (Romans 13), and pro-democracy Christians, who participated in the 2014–20 protests, want what is best for Hong Kong and truest to their Christian faith, but they understand those aims differently. The former believe social stability is a way to create space for Christian faith to flourish, while the latter judge that we need to break the current unjust system for Christian faith to begin flourishing. After conducting interviews with lay Christians, we found that both sides can struggle to communicate their vision for faithful Christian political theology. One reason, which we explore here, is that the key theo-political concepts at issue—namely, protest, democracy, and rights—derive from the historical context of post-Christendom societies rooted in the Western Enlightenment tradition. Hong Kong is adjacent to that tradition, but not at home in it. Using the method of ‘narrative portraiture,’ we endeavor to explore their respective theologies. This method uses the participants’ own stories, so that we, as researchers, are not speaking for Hong Kong Christians, but instead illuminating their own ideas. Presenting these lived theologies can remind us, as church leaders, that our congregations are a source of God's revelation to us, even when they may lack the terms to communicate effectively, which is why we should not forget to listen to the “average Jane.” Publisher PDF

[ES] Los días 28 y 29 de septiembre de 2021 y los días 27 y 28 de septiembre de 2022 se han celebrado los Seminarios VIII y IX Seminario sobre relaciones jurídicas internacionales: Inmigración y Derechos Humanos, impartidos en versión híbrida (on line) y en la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de León. Con estos Encuentros, se ha dado continuidad a los siete seminarios anteriores, donde se han analizado temas de intenso calado social y repercusión jurídica relativos a la tutela efectiva de los derechos y libertades de los migrantes. En esta ocasión se abordaron las cuestiones relativas a la tutela efectiva de los derechos de los inmigrantes y su integración desde una perspectiva internacional, europea y desde la perspectiva del ordenamiento interno español.

Der Krieg Russlands in der Ukraine unterminiert völkerrechtliche Normen. Für die historisch-politische Bildungsarbeit sollen hier Kontinuitäten und Brüche skizziert werden. Fixpunkte sind dabei der alliierte Kriegsverbrecherprozess in Nürnberg 1945/46, die Menschenrechtsarbeit von Memorial und die Ermittlungen des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofes sowie die Verwendung des Verbrechensbegriffes „Völkermord“.

The contribution analyzes judgment No. 10656/2022 of the Corte di Cassazione, wherein the Court has ruled on a passive extradition from Italy to Russia following a request issued by the latter in relation to a Russian former kbg member currently suffering from multiple sclerosis, after an arrest warrant had been issued against her for a common crime committed in Russia. The Corte di Cassazione, when considering the appeal well-founded, pointedly specifies which assessments shall be undertaken – also in light of the obligations arising from the European Convention on Human Rights – by the Italian judicial authority (i.e., the Corte d’Appello) called upon to decide on an extradition request involving a seriously ill individual, taking into account the detention conditions in the requesting State as well as the punishments prescribed therein in terms of the potential risk for the individual of being subjected to inhuman or degrading treatment.

This paper reflects on the possibility of opening new ways of revaluing the role of human responsibilities and duties by establishing a relationship with rights that goes further than a simple correspondence between correlative terms. Approaching the interdependence between the language of rights and the language of duties from an intercultural perspective helps achieve an increasingly broader, but necessarily more complex, consensus. This analysis goes back to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which left duties in the background but showed the incipient presence of an intercultural purpose thanks to the work of UNESCO. The final part of the paper is devoted to those international declarations which delve deeper into this purpose and focus on duties. The aim of these initiatives, which originated with dialogue, is to strengthen those bonds of solidarity that involve assuming responsibilities when faced by the requirements of others that cannot be expressed in terms of enforceable powers.

U suvremenosti je neprihvatljivo pojednostavljeno lockeovsko shvaćanje ljudskih prava kao isključivo klasičnih liberalnih (građanskih i političkih) tzv. negativnih prava i sloboda. Naime, potrebno je osvijestiti kako obje (uvelike artificijelno razdvojene) kategorije ljudskih prava (građanska i politička te ekonomska i socijalna) imaju svoje porijeklo u istoj normativnoj osnovi: nepovredivom dostojanstvu i jamstvu autonomije ljudske osobe. Stoga tek njihovo integralno shvaćanje i ostvarenje može zajamčiti neometan razvoj i afirmaciju čovjekova dostojanstva u suvremenoj ustavnoj državi. Stoga je u hrvatskom i europskom kontekstu potrebno odbaciti isključivu posvećenost američkog Ustava i sudske prakse idealu negativnih sloboda te se zagledati u praksu indijskog Vrhovnog suda koji, nadilazeći tekstualna ograničenja pri interpretaciji socioekonomskih jamstava sadržanih u Ustavu Indije, pronalazi dublji smisao i organsku isprepletenost temeljnih (građanskih i političkih) prava i usmjeravajućih načela državne politike (socioekonomskih jamstava). Inspirirajući se indijskim iskustvom, ali na snažnijem ustavnom temelju (Ustav Republike Hrvatske ne dvoji o karakteru socijalnih i ekonomskih prava kao punokrvnih ljudskih prava) Ustavni sud Republike Hrvatske može osnažiti vlastitu jurisprudenciju socijalnih prava te pridonijeti izgradnji suvereniteta hrvatskoga Ustava., In modern times, the simplified Lockean understanding of human rights as exclusively classical liberal (civil and political) so-called negative rights and freedoms is unacceptable. Namely, it is necessary to emphasize that both (largely artificially separated) categories of human rights (civil and political – economic and social) have their origins in the same normative basis: the inviolable dignity and guarantee of the autonomy of the human person. Therefore, only their integral understanding and realization can guarantee the unhindered development and affirmation of human dignity in the modern constitutional state. Thus, in the Croatian and European context, it is necessary to reject the exclusive dedication of the American Constitution and judicial practice to the ideal of negative freedoms, and to look at the practice of the Indian Supreme Court, which, by overcoming textual limitations in the interpretation of socioeconomic guarantees contained in the Constitution of India, finds a deeper meaning and an organic intertwining of the fundamental (civil and political) rights and guiding principles of state policy (socio-economic guarantees). Inspired by the Indian experience, but on a stronger constitutional basis (the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia does not doubt the character of social and economic rights as human rights), the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Croatia can strengthen its own jurisprudence on social rights and contribute to the development of the sovereignty of the Croatian Constitution.

The Regime of Restrictive Measures against Serious Violations and Abuses of Human Rights launched at the end of 2020 by the European Union is part of the Commission's objective to reaffirm the Union's firm commitment to promoting universal values and strengthening its leadership in this field. However, the first year of implementation of the regime casts doubt on its effectiveness, given the existence of legal loopholes that tarnish it.

The “Global Justice Movement” (GJM) has been employed as an umbrella term to denote a diverse constellation of organizations, groups, and networks, working with varying degrees of cooperation on a broad range of issues—from the indebtedness of the world's poorest countries, the inequities of the global trade in goods and services, international peace and environmental degradation, to the human rights of workers and immigrants, especially in less economically developed countries. These issues are linked by an emerging consensus amongst activists that their root cause is the neoliberal agenda, or “Washington consensus” (George 2003), that dominates global economic arrangements. Keywords: political science; globalization; justice

This Lecture was given by Michael J Beloff QC in 2014 and first published in NILQ 65(4) (2014) 429–448.

The study primarily aims to find out the benefits and challenges of project-based learning (PBL) on the learners’ general learning experiences, their development in English, and personal growth regarding human rights. This study has one-group post-test only design within the mixed methods research design model. The participants of this study were 30 EFL students and the collected quantitative data was analyzed using descriptive statistics in SPSS. The qualitative data gathered through reflection papers were analyzed through thematic analysis. The results revealed that project-based learning had positive impact on learners’ experiences in general and cooperative learning. It was also recorded that in addition to the acquisition of new knowledge and skills in promoting human rights, project-based learning also positively affected learners’ language improvement in English. The most challenging point indicated by the participants was related to finding credible sources and identifying reliable information.

Sexualisierte Kriegsgewalt ist ein Verbrechen, das vor allem Frauen in zahlreichen Konflikten weltweit erleiden. Besonders die Demokratische Republik Kongo (DRC) ist betroffen, die einst von den Vereinten Nationen (UN) als „rape capital of the world“ bezeichnet wurde. Die DRC hat, wie viele andere UN-Mitgliedstaaten, einen Nationalen Aktionsplan (NAP) erstellt, welcher die Inhalte der Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS Agenda) der UN auf nationaler Ebene umsetzen soll. Dieser Beitrag analysiert, inwiefern die Demokratische Republik Kongo transformative Reparationsstrategien zur Prävention sexualisierter Kriegsgewalt in ihrem NAP implementiert und wie die spezifische Umsetzung im Kontext der Lokalisierung internationaler Normen zu erklären ist. Zunächst wird illustriert, warum transformative Reparationsstrategien als besonders wirksam gelten, sexualisierte Kriegsgewalt nachhaltig zu bekämpfen. Im zweiten Schritt werden mittels einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse nach Philipp Mayring sowohl die Agenda der WPS als auch der NAP der DRC auf das Vorkommen der Strategien untersucht. Die Ergebnisse der Analyse werden einander gegenübergestellt und im dritten Schritt anhand der Lokalisierungstheorie nach Amitav Acharya diskutiert. Im Ergebnis implementiert der NAP der DRC das Konzept transformativer Reparationsstrategien in geringerem Maße als die WPS Agenda, nämlich nur in den zwei Prinzipien Rehabilitierung und Garantien der Nicht-Wiederholung. Die Ursachen liegen in dem Spannungsverhältnis globaler und lokaler Dynamiken, in dem sich die Bekämpfung sexualisierter Kriegsgewalt wiederfindet. Zum einen ermöglicht die WPS Agenda einen hohen Grad an Flexibilität in ihrer Umsetzung, sodass entsprechende Maßnahmen den lokalen Gegebenheiten angepasst werden können. Zum anderen führt dieses Konzept zu einer Einflussnahme verschiedener Akteur*innen sowie zu einer Missachtung wichtiger Elemente auf lokaler Ebene, die ein Hindernis in der Bekämpfung des Verbrechens darstellen. Conflict-related sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) is a crime that women in particular experience in numerous conflicts around the world. The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), once called the "rape capital of the world" by the United Nations (UN), is particularly affected. The DRC, like many other UN member states, has created a National Action Plan (NAP) that aims to implement the contents of the UN’s Women, Peace and Security Agenda (WPS Agenda) at the national level. The article analyses the extent to which the DRC implements transformative reparation strategies for the prevention of conflict-related SGBV in its NAP and how the specific implementation can be explained in the light of the localization of international norms. First, the article illustrates why transformative reparation strategies are considered particularly effective in sustainably combating conflict-related SGBV. In a second step, both the WPS agenda and the DRC NAP are examined for the occurrence of the strategies by means of a qualitative content analysis according to Philipp Mayring. The results of the analysis are compared and discussed in the third step using the localization theory according to Amitav Acharya. They show that the NAP of the DRC implements the concept of transformative reparation strategies to a lesser extent than the WPS agenda, namely only in the two principles of rehabilitation and guarantees of non-recurrence. The reasons lie in the tension between global and local dynamics in which the fight against conflict-related SGBV finds itself. On the one hand, the WPS agenda allows a high degree of flexibility in its implementation, so that corresponding measures can be adapted to local conditions. On the other hand, this concept leads to the influence of different actors as well as to a disregard of important elements at the local level, which form an obstacle in combating the crime.

Dieser Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit der Ahndung geschlechtsbezogener und sexualisierter Gewalt als Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit in Deutschland. Im Januar 2022 wurde im weltweit ersten Völkerstrafverfahren zu Folter in syrischen Haftanstalten ein ehemaliger Geheimdienstmitarbeiter vom Oberlandesgericht Koblenz wegen sexualisierter Gewalt als Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit verurteilt. Dieses Strafverfahren ist aus feministischer juristischer Perspektive ein Meilenstein: Erstmals wurde der diesbezügliche Straftatbestand des Völkerstrafgesetzbuchs (§ 7 Abs. 1 Nr. 6 VStGB) erfolgreich in ein laufendes Verfahren eingebracht und der Angeklagte auch tatsächlich dafür verurteilt. Zudem vertrat die Bundesanwaltschaft eine dezidiert völkerrechtsfreundliche Auslegung des Straftatbestands der sexuellen Nötigung. In dieser Klarheit und Eindeutigkeit wurde diese Auslegung bis dahin eher von einer Minderheit feministischer und intersektional denkender Jurist*innen vertreten. Wird Recht als Verdichtung gesellschaftlicher Kräfteverhältnisse begriffen, könnte das Koblenzer Verfahren einen Wendepunkt darstellen: weg von Strafbarkeitslücken im Völkerstrafgesetzbuch (VStGB) und hin zu einem nationalrechtlichen Völkerstrafrecht, das die Ermittlung und Ahndung aller sexualisierten und geschlechtsbezogenen Straftaten ermöglicht, die nach dem Statut des Internationalen Strafgerichtshofs strafbar sind. This article deals with the prosecution of sexual and gender-based violence as crimes against humanity in Germany. In January 2022, in the world's first criminal trial on torture in Syrian detention centers, a former intelligence officer was convicted of sexual violence as a crime against humanity by the Higher Regional Court in Koblenz. From a feminist legal perspective, this trial is a milestone: for the first time, the relevant criminal legal norm of the German Code of Crimes against International Law (Section 7 (1) No. 6 CCAIL) was successfully introduced into an ongoing trial and the defendant was convicted of the crime. In addition, the Federal Prosecutor's Office adopted a decidedly pro-international-law interpretation of the criminal offense of "sexuelle Nötigung" (sexual coercion) contained in Section 7 (1) No. 6 CCIL. Until then, this interpretation had been advocated for in this clarity and unambiguity only by a minority of feminist and intersectional lawyers. If law is understood as a condensation of societal power relations, the Koblenz proceedings could represent a turning point: Away from criminal liability gaps in the German Code of Crimes against International Law (CCAIL) towards a German criminal law that enables the investigation and punishment of all sexual and gender-based crimes that can be investigated and prosecuted under the statute of the International Criminal Court.

Migrant and refugee youth (MRY) in Australia face specific experiences that inform their sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR). Migrant and refugee communities experience poor health outcomes and low service uptake. Additionally, youth are vulnerable to poor sexual health. This review examines the understandings and perspectives of MRY. A systematic review was conducted as per Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. The protocol is registered with PROSPERO: CRD42021241213. Nine databases were systematically searched. Inclusion criteria specified literature reporting on migrant and/or refugee youth perspectives and attitudes towards sexual and reproductive health; peer-reviewed qualitative, mixed-methods and/or quantitative studies or grey literature reports; records using Australian research; literature published in English between January 2000 and March 2021. Records that did not report on MRY and did not examine participant views or perspectives; were abstract-only, reviews, pamphlets, protocols, opinion pieces or letters; did not include Australian research; were published before 2000 and/or in a language other than English were excluded. Two reviewers screened titles, abstracts and full-text articles. The Mixed Method Appraisal Tool was used to assess studies’ methodological quality. Thematic synthesis methods guided data extraction and analysis. Twenty-eight papers were included in the final review. Three themes were identified in MRY constructions of SRHR: (1) experiences of silence and shame; (2) understandings of and responses to SRHR risks; (3) navigation of relationships and sexual activity. Socioecological factors shaped MRY perspectives at individual, interpersonal, institutional and societal levels. Societal factors and interpersonal relationships significantly influenced decision making.

Resumen La finalidad del presente escrito es analizar y criticar el proceso jurídico a través del cual se ha creado el sentido del derecho humano a la salud, identificando los malestares que han posibilitado no sólo su surgimiento sino su permanencia existencial. Dicho proceso será contextualizado de forma preferente en México, y específicamente en las comunidades indígenas del estado de Oaxaca. Para problematizar ocuparemos las categorías ius-filosóficas del derecho crítico propuestas por Joaquín Herrera Flores. Por lo que respecta a los procesos de atención-salud-enfermedad utilizaremos los conceptos de la antropología médica con claves de teoría crítica a fin de abordar la salud como un proceso social, cultural y creativo que determina ciertos parámetros o estándares de normalidad del cuerpo-alma del individuo y del cuerpo social; ello permitirá poner en evidencia que ante el modelo biomédico hegemónico existen modelos tradicionales y de autocuidado. Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyse and criticise the legal process through which the meaning of the human right to health has been created, identifying the discomforts that have made possible not only its emergence but also its existential permanence. This process will be contextualised preferably in Mexico, and specifically in the indigenous communities of the state of Oaxaca. In order to problematise the issue, we will use the legal-philosophical categories of critical law proposed by Joaquín Herrera Flores. With regard to the processes of care-health-illness we will use the concepts of medical anthropology with keys of critical theory in order to approach health as a social, cultural, and creative process that determines certain parameters or standards of normality of the body-soul of the individual and the social body; this will allow us to show that in the face of the hegemonic biomedical model there are traditional and self-care models.

Resumo Por meio da análise de trechos das constituições do Haiti da primeira metade do século XIX, o artigo investiga as características dos direitos humanos no constitucionalismo haitiano pós-revolucionário. Dessa análise, um arranjo conceitual alternativo é extraído para pensar o conteúdo dos direitos fundamentais e da ordem constitucional moderna. Este arranjo é expresso em cinco conceitos: direitos universais do negro; materialidade da escravidão; cidadania diaspórica; propriedade abolicionista; princípio do solo livre; e nação quilombo. A análise é realizada em diálogo com o pensamento de intelectuais negros e negras. Conclui-se que a poética constitucional haitiana opera uma crítica às narrativas hegemônicas sobre a “invenção dos direitos humanos” e, ao mesmo tempo, fornece um imaginário moral mais amplo e plural do constitucionalismo, especialmente por lidar decididamente com o legado da escravidão, do colonialismo e do racismo. Abstract Through the analysis of excerpts from the Haitian constitutions of the first half of the 19th century, the article investigates the characteristics of human rights in post-revolutionary Haitian constitutionalism. From this analysis, an alternative conceptual arrangement is extracted to think about the content of fundamental rights and the modern constitutional order. This conceptual arrangement is expressed in five concepts: universal Black rights; materiality of slavery; diasporic citizenship; abolitionist property; free soil principle; and quilombo nation. The analysis is carried out in dialogue with the thought of Black intellectuals. It is concluded that the Haitian constitutional poetics operates a critique of the hegemonic narratives about the “invention of human rights” and, at the same time, provides a broader and plural moral imaginary for constitutionalism, especially for dealing decisively with the legacy of slavery, colonialism and racism.

Resumo Este trabalho é uma manifestação crítica a respeito do processo de admissão de pessoas privadas de liberdade (PPL) na porta de entrada das unidades prisionais do Rio de Janeiro, que passam por situações desfavoráveis, como a naturalização da invisibilidade do perfil vulnerável dos sujeitos reclusos, bem como a apresentação destes nas audiências de custódia, com parte de suas vestimentas e calçados retirados por policiais. O perfil seletivo da PPL não coincide com a população que comete delitos e crimes, pois para a privação de liberdade operam filtros socioeconômicos, políticos, raciais e culturais importantes e decisivos. Portanto, a audiência de custódia é uma política pública voltada a coibir violações e garantir direitos fundamentais. Cabe aos órgãos fiscalizadores orientar ações que identificam as violências institucionais, que não deixam marcas físicas, para que se cumpra de fato o objetivo da audiência de custódia, que é a garantia dos direitos humanos. Abstract This work has as its object a critical statement about the admission process of people deprived of liberty (PPL) at the gateway to Rio de Janeiro, who go through unfavorable situations, such as the naturalization of the invisibility of the vulnerable profile of inmates as well as their presentation in custody hearings, with part of their clothing and shoes removed by police officers. The selective profile of PPL does not coincide with the population that commits crimes and crimes, as important and decisive socioeconomic, political, racial and cultural filters operate for deprivation of liberty. Therefore, the custody hearing is a public policy aimed at curbing violations and guaranteeing fundamental rights, which is the guarantee of human rights.

Wann bedienen wir uns endlich des gegebenen Verstandes, um den schon lange überfälligen Frieden für alle vernünftig auf dem Planeten Erde umzusetzen? Nach Überlegungen zur vermeintlichen Normalität kriegerischer Logik werden Bezüge zu zentralen weltbürgerlichen Gedanken in humanistischer und europäisch-aufklärerischer Tradition skizziert und systematisch auf aktuelle Fragen an die überfällige Umsetzung eines Weltbürgerrechts bezogen. (DIPF/Orig.) When will we finally make use of the given intellect to sensibly implement the long overdue peace for all on planet Earth? After reflections on the supposed normality of warlike logic, references to central cosmopolitan thoughts in the humanist and European Enlightenment tradition are outlined and systematically related to current questions on the overdue implementation of a world civil law. (DIPF/Orig.)

Theories of the state, its functions, limits, and legitimacy have been overwhelmingly “liberal” in the past few decades, in a very broad sense of the term. Such theories are inherently open to a diversity of genders, sexual orientations, and ways of living together because they place equal freedom and the right to prosper according to one’s own ideas front and centre. Illiberal political thinking is of a completely different stock. This article focuses on the role of gender and sexuality in such approaches. Both gender and sexuality are pivotal for illiberalism’s defence of an order that is supposed to overcome Western‐style liberal democracy. In contrast to the liberals’ and their like‐minded critics’ quest for social justice in societies that are traversed by structures of oppression and domination, illiberal political thinking offers an utterly different brand of autocratic rule that keeps conventional hierarchies intact. It only takes note of advanced gender theories to either ridicule them or condemn them as a supposed threat to social cohesion. This article exposes illiberal approaches to gender and sexuality, considering the roots and focus of the former on the dichotomy of public/private and illiberals’ aversion to equality and human rights.

Every human being has a natural right that is inherent in him called Human Rights (HAM), which gives freedom of thought, opinion, and action to everyone. The idea of ​​human rights was born from events in the past when a physicist coined the Heliocentric Theory. Departing from the thought of Nicholaus Copernicus, finally, a revolution for freedom of speech emerged. This study examines the problem of how the history of the development of the revolution in the idea of ​​human rights in the world and how to enforce human rights in Indonesia? This study uses a normative method with a descriptive-analytical approach, while the legal materials used are secondary legal materials, namely library research. The result of this research is that the idea of ​​human rights stems from the thought of the Heliocentric Theory, although initially, Nicholaus Copernicus had problems because he was considered to be against the teachings of the Roman Church, in the end, the theory that was echoed was accepted, and since then freedom of opinion has been considered. Meanwhile in Indonesia, human rights already have an important position contained in the legislation, but its enforcement has not been fully successful, until now there are still cases of past human rights violations that have not been resolved.