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Tesis CEINDO, Universidad San Pablo CEU, Programa de doctorado "Humanidades para el mundo contemporáneo". Leída el 29 de marzo de 2023 En el contexto de sucesos de carácter traumático, la determinación del contenido y forma de la narrativa histórica de aquellos puede acarrear tensiones entre la política de la Memoria y la disciplina de la Historia, la cual investiga y estudia los hechos del pasado para su comprensión. El interés de gobiernos y grupos particulares en recurrir a la ley como instrumento para sustentar y proteger una forma concreta de representación histórica, hace de la memoria una política de la historia que supone una forma de intervención jurídico-política en el ámbito de los estudios históricos. Dicha intervención es notoria en aspectos como la enseñanza de la historia o la sanción penal cuando una narrativa histórica no se ajusta a lo estipulado en la normativa. La intervención legislativa ha sido patente desde la década de los años 1990 cuando, en un número creciente de países de Europa, han venido promulgándose normas con finalidad sancionadora como forma de evitar cualquier cuestionamiento sobre temas históricos, sobre la base de que dicho cuestionamiento supone una amenaza para la paz pública y un desafío al consenso histórico e ideológico existente tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El resultado ha sido una creciente judicialización de la historia. In the context of traumatic events, the determination of the content and form of the historical narrative of those events can lead to tensions between the politics of memory and the discipline of history, which investigates and studies the events of the past in order to understand them. The aspiration that governments or interest groups may have in proposing a law as a means of sustaining and protecting a particular form of historical representation makes memory a politics of history that involves a form of legal-political intervention in the field of historical studies. Such intervention is notorious in aspects such as the teaching of history or the penal sanction when a historical narrative does not comply with the regulations. This phenomenon of legislative intervention has been evident since the 1990s when, in a growing number of European countries, punitive legislation has been enacted as a way of preventing any questioning of historical issues, on the grounds that such questioning is a threat to public peace and a challenge to the historical and ideological consensus that existed after the Second World War. The result has been an increasing judicialization of history.

U suvremenoj bošnjačkoj historiografiji o Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (NDH) važno mjesto zauzimaju muslimanske rezolucije – šest političkih predstavki što su ih pripadnici muslimanske vjerske i svjetovne elite poslali vlastima NDH i javnosti u jesen i zimu 1941. U prvom dijelu članka ocrtavam povijesno-politički kontekst u kojemu su se rezolucije pojavile. Potom ukazujem na motive koji su potaknuli interes za te dokumente, a koji su pronađeni u njihovu navodnom prešućivanju i krivotvorenju u jugoslavenskoj politici i historiografiji komunističkog razdoblja. U drugom dijelu prikazujem interpretacije sadržaja i značenje rezolucija u revizionističkoj struji bošnjačke historiografije. U trećem dijelu diskurzivnom analizom rezolucija te opisom ratnoga ideološkog i političkog profila brojnih njihovih istaknutih potpisnika pokazujem stvarnu prirodu tih dokumenata. U zaključnom dijelu raščlanjujem dinamiku i logiku revizionističke interpretacije muslimanskih rezolucija – prostornu i socijalnu diseminaciju te ideološku i političku falsifikaciju – kao jedan od temelja konstrukcije antifašističke povijesti Muslimana/ Bošnjaka u Drugome svjetskom ratu uopće. Zaključujem da muslimanske rezolucije nisu bile ni protuustaški ni antifašistički akti, nego prosvjedna pisma koja su imala ograničene političke ciljeve: utjecati na državu kako bi obuzdala i nadzirala vjersko i etničko nasilje te zaštititi muslimansko stanovništvo od nasilja nad njime, ali i osloboditi ga od odgovornosti za nasilje nad drugim zajednicama., In contemporary Bosniak historiography on the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), Muslim resolutions have an important place – six political petitions sent by members of the Muslim religious and secular elite to the NDH authorities and to the public in autumn and winter of 1941. In the first part of the article, I describe the historical-political context in which the resolutions appeared. After that I point out the motives that prompted interest in those documents which were found in their alleged concealment and forgery in Yugoslav politics and historiography during the communist period. In the second part, I present interpretations of the content and meaning of the resolutions in the revisionist current of Bosniak historiography. In the third part, by using discursive analysis of resolutions, and by describing the war ideological and political profile of many of their prominent signatories, I show the real nature of these documents. In the concluding part, I analyze the dynamics and logic of the revisionist interpretation of Muslim resolutions – spatial and social dissemination and ideological and political falsification – as one of the foundations of the construction of anti-fascist history of Muslims/Bosniaks in World War II in general. I conclude that the Muslim resolutions were neither anti- Ustasha nor anti-fascist acts, but protest letters that had limited political goals: to influence the state to curb and control religious and ethnic violence and to protect the Muslim population from violence against it, but also to absolve it of responsibility for violence against other communities.

An article by Dragiša D. Vasić on drastic examples of the politicization and mythmaking of the Bosniak historical narrative, and polemical essays by Dubravka Stojanović and Husnija Kamberović were published in the journal Tokovi istorije in 2/2020 and 3/2020 issues. This paper analyzes the polemics in light of the declaration called “Defend History”, published in 2020 by a group of historians from the post-Yugoslav area, including Dubravka Stojanović and Husnija Kamberović. The paper demonstrates the pamphleteerist character of the declaration and numerous abuses of history, as well as its ideological and political background.

Why has right-wing activism in Japan, despite its persistence throughout the postwar era, only gained significant traction recently? Focusing on the Zaitokukai, an anti-Korean movement in Japan, this article demonstrates how the new Far Right were able to popularize formerly stigmatized right-wing ideas. The Zaitokukai represents a political group distinct from the traditional right and reflective of new Far Right movements spreading worldwide. In Japan, concerns about the growing influence of South Korea and China in the 1980s as well as the decline of left-wing norms opened up a discursive opportunity for the new Far Right. By framing Korean postcolonial minorities as undeserving recipients of social welfare benefits, the Zaitokukai mobilized perceptions of threat that has continued to powerfully influence public perceptions of Koreans even following the group’s organizational decline. While past research has focused on the new Far Right’s political influence, this article stresses their roles as ideological entrepreneurs.

Health sciences librarianship has historically benefited from avoiding critical conversations around the role of race in the profession reflected through a select few number of articles on the topic. The purpose of this study was to add to this body of literature and apply a critical librarianship framework on the early scholarly record of health sciences librarianship and the legacy of integration within the Medical Library Association (MLA). Three Southern medical works and the integration views of Mary Louise Marshall, the longest-serving president of MLA from 1941-1946 were thematically and textually analyzed to redress the profession’s long-standing legacy with Whiteness and Black, Indigenous, People of Color (BIPOC) representation. In reframing the historic past of MLA both through Marshall’s works and her views, the goal is to acknowledge ways in which the profession has impeded progress and present steps to remedy appropriate outreach for the future.

This article interrogates political brokerage on YouTube by examining the platform’s role in the construction of political discourses and in configuring the action of a new genre of political actors advancing a political agenda through historical revisionism. Using assemblage theory and drawing from technography, we propose the concept of “networked political brokerage” to characterize the mutually affirming relationship of YouTube’s governance mechanisms and alternative political influencers’ microcelebrity practices in building, complementing, and magnifying historical revisionist narratives through and within a network of algorithmically sanctioned videos. We illustrate how this interplay of platform logics and ‘cultures of use' privileges and legitimizes political content into knowledge without accountability. We argue for the importance of examining YouTube as a socio-technical driver of this political brokerage process in curating political information in this contemporary political scene.

When we talk about historical revisionism, negative connotations as a rule are prevailing. Prohibition of revision of certain historical interpretation and assessment is one of the tasks of historical policy which is carried out by adopting so-called «memorial laws». Taking care of the formation of the desired representations of the past (narratives) is directly related to the interests of institutionalized power in its own stabilization and strengthening. Power is a function of the community, whose identity is formed historically. Consolidation of collective identity through the support and reproduction of common representations of the past is one of the tools to strengthen power. At the same time, the very nature of human experience acquisition which is permanent mediation of the horizon of the past and the present, presuppose a reinterpretation of this past. Major shifts in the experience of generations, which occur as a result of certain social changes, lead to a new look at the past of the community. In this sense, rethinking and rewriting history becomes necessary to clarify, update, rationalize the collective identity, which is problematized by new experience. Historical policy can both respond to this need for identity transformation through re- thinking representations of one’s own past and come into conflict with it. In the latter case, the narratives transferring by institutional power begin to conflict with the communicative memory of the generation experiencing a shift. One of the tools of self-preservation of power in this situation is blocking of living historical experience, which can take various forms. The culmination of such a blockade is «hermetization» of historical time that take place in totalitarian state. The living historicity of experience, which requires a constant rethinking of one’s own historically inherited identity, is replaced by an artificial, time-frozen identity, which, precisely because of this nature, becomes fragile and doomed to destruction. On the other hand, the rewriting of history initiated by the authorities within the framework of historical policy may face resistance to the representations of the past rooted in the communicative and cultural memory. The resistance of historical narratives indicates that the collective memory and the identity founded in it are not only a power construct, but also a spontaneous layering of sediments of historical experience. In today’s world of global communications and unified everyday practices, historical narratives are beginning to play an increasing role, as they remain the only seat of identity. At the same time, this process reinforces the conflict potential of communities, which can be observed in many examples of the revival of historically motivated political ambitions. In this situation, a critical clarification of various interpretations of the past becomes a means of rationalizing the historically inherited identity of communities as a necessary condition for intercultural dialogue.

South Korean economic historian Yi Yŏng-hun’s arguments on King Sejong in a youtube media lecture in 2016 and its publication into a book called Sejong ŭn kwayŏn sŏnggun in’ga in 2018, has triggered controversial disputes, across the popular internet media space, over King Sejong and his rule which have enjoyed its most iconic status as the all time favorite national hero or saint king within the context of South Korean nationalism. Based on a post colonial and a transnational approach, this paper first examines the perspective and the logic of Yi’s main arguments on King Sejong and his rule. Then, this paper will continue to provide critical analysis that Yi’s argument is not only to debunk Sejong myth built by the main streams of the studies of Korean history in South Korea, but also to expand the narrow horizon of South Korean New-Right revisionist historiography that only include hundred years of history from late 19th to late 20th century into wide open several hundred years of Choson dynasty history all the way up to King Sejong’s reign in early 15th century. Then, this paper will ultimately aim to show how Yi’s reinterpretation will end up only supporting Japanese far right historical revisionism’s arguments on perennial controversial issues between Korea and Japan, including “comfort women” that originate back from Japanese colonialism in early 20th century. And Finally I will talk about some crucial points on the issues of post-coloniality exposed by the controversies of Yi’s arguments in the studies of Korean history here in South Korean academia, and I will also talk about what the Korean historians studying Chosŏn history should critically examine to cope with far-right historical revisionism in this age of new media.

Neo-noir has been employed since the end of the Franco regime to explore Spain’s dark and turbulent history. This article focuses on Patricia Ferreira’s film Se quien eres (2000), where she transforms the genre of neo-noir into a vehicle of female empowerment and a powerful tool for societal critique. With a daring approach, Ferreira uses the lens of gender to explore the ‘politics of memory’ in Spain, questioning the validity of the official discourse surrounding the supposed peaceful process of the Spanish Transition, while giving the female subject a privileged role in the process of historical revisionism.

This article examines how games set in the past reflect contemporary social and political events without overtly communicating messages. Using a simplified version of Astrid Ensslin’s methodological toolkit, the author studies four critically acclaimed retrospective mystery games produced in France within the 1986‐91 period. The research results allow one to externalize a trend marked by ambiguous meanings called La mode rétro, namely a nostalgic re-creation of the past and a simultaneous coming-to-terms with France’s history. The author contextualizes the games examined here in terms of their references to a problematic past ‐ the nation’s wartime stance towards Nazi Germany, and colonialism ‐ and contemporaneous events such as the emergence of the National Front in France. The titles examined here demonstrate how discursively ambiguous computer games are as cultural texts.

Propaganda is an illuminating and under-studied entry point for assessing the One Belt One Road initiative (OBOR). This essay discusses the ideological and historical claims embedded in three categ...

At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.

Historiography is our narratives and interpretations about the past. As our views toward events change our beliefs about the past also transform over time. Hence, we need to regularly update and revise our narratives and interpretations about the past. Yet, revising history is not merely a scholarly occupation; rather it may cause severe reactions of the established system due to its vital role in the formation and continuity of social identities and political orders. This study analyses the main aspects of Iranian nationalist historiography criticized by revisionist scholars. To this end, in the first step, I discuss the concept of revisionism in historiography and its challenges to the established paradigms of official national histories. Then, I describe the main pillars of the nationalist historiography of Iran shaped under the influence of Aryanism and orientalism in the West, socio-political developments during the late Qajar era, and the foundation of the Pahlavi monarchy. Furthermore, I examine the main aspects of the nationalist historiography criticized or revised by revisionist scholars of Iran. The results of this study attest to the formation of networks among two groups of scholars: (a) those with Islamist tendencies inside of Iran and (b) secular scholars outside of Iran. While these networks and intra-group factions appear promising, a lack of serious inter-group debates among these scholars or between revisionists and proponents of the nationalist historiography produces the main obstacles to the formation of an intellectual field. Nevertheless, revisionist scholarly work has challenged nationalist historiography through criticizing or revising the Aryan myth, the claims as to the immortality/antiquity of the nation, national identity, the territory of Iran, and its time, space, inclusion, and exclusion policies. These critiques may fail to result in a shift in the national historiography in the short run. Paradigms resist anomalies and, as Kuhn also underlines, the sheer falsification mechanism hardly can lead to a shift in a dominant paradigm supported by a political regime. Nevertheless, the findings of this study suggest that criticism may attest to the arrival of new forces that defy nation-states as the patrons of the official national historiographies.

A vast array of narratives found in medieval historical chronicles and literary sources have referenced the particular ways in which the culture associated with the ‘Abbasid caliphate diverged from a binary model of gender. Despite debate about the historical accuracy of these early chronicles, the repeated references to the sixth ‘Abbasid caliph Muhammad al-Amin's non-heteronormativity indicate at least a kernel of truth. This article examines the collective memory construction of al-Amin in the Egyptian series Harun al-Rashid (1997) and two Syrian series, Abna’ al-Rashid: al-Amin wa-l-Ma'mun (The Sons of al-Rashid: al-Amin and al-Ma'mun, 2006) and Harun al-Rashid (2018). These contemporary portrayals of the life of al-Amin simultaneously illustrate the process by which history is altered by authorial perspective and the erasure of nonheteronormative space within the ‘Abbasid caliphate. My own authorial perspective inclines toward an interpretation of al-Amin as queer; through this lens, an inspection of wide-ranging accounts of al-Amin's life reveals the historical biases of his time and our current moment, too, as historians then and now variably recognize al-Amin's queerness in constructing collective memory. Some have argued that anti–al-Amin chroniclers may have engaged in historical revisionism and referred to al-Amin as queer to discredit the caliph, but ultimately, whether or not this is true, the current application of those early references by contemporary screenwriters is the most revealing historiographical decision, as his many representations serve as a mirror for our contemporary subjectivities, interests, and agendas. At a time when queer lives and experiences are notably absent from traditional historical narratives, this article proposes that regardless of the accuracy of the original sources, the absence itself in contemporary portrayals is significant, as patterns of exclusion yield tangible meaning. In this particular case, the ready elimination of queerness from contemporary narratives shows the ways in which queerness is vulnerable to erasure in favor of other, more politically expedient identity characteristics and values.

This article reads contemporary Okinawan literature in relation to the increasingly urgent question of decolonisation, focusing on the writing of Sakiyama Tami. Sakiyama’s texts are radically playful, inciting the materiality of Japanese orthographies to create a literary language of difference. These strategies are both deconstructive and necessarily destructive in their efforts to express the multilingual reality of contemporary Okinawa against a history of war and oppression. However, Sakiyama’s writing shows how such strategies are necessary to give authentic voice to Okinawa’s experiences of violent military occupation and resist the appropriation of those narratives by national Japanese literary or linguistic standards. The urgency of this project emanates from a context of historical revisionism against which these texts were written, and a contemporary political climate in which Okinawans and their efforts to speak out against their ongoing colonisation are either framed in terms of terrorism or erased. In Sakiyama’s texts, questions of language, memory, history and violence abound, and suggest links between her work and a wider project of decolonisation that has only just begun in East Asia. This article seeks to trace the strategies with which Sakiyama incites these questions through her 2002 essay Shimakotoba de kachāshī and a short story Night Flight on Pingihira Hill, first published in 2007. Since both texts remain untranslated into English, and even challenge the act of translation by celebrating linguistic distinctions, this essay seeks to forge a productive encounter to enliven both studies of Okinawan fiction and the decolonising approach to literary studies.

While most studies of war propaganda assume a consistent nationalist ideology, 1990s war propaganda in the former Yugoslavia was produced against a backdrop of a yet-undismantled socialist ideologi...

This essay provides a closer look at the controversy over the shutdown of an art exhibit titled “After ‘Freedom of Expression?’” at the 2019 Aichi Triennale in Japan. While heated debates over free...

This study examines Japan's historical revisionism related to the Nanjing Massacre during its 1937 invasion in the People's Republic of China. In 2015, UNESCO's response to include the Nanjing Massacre in the "Memory of the World Register" received backlash from Abe's government, resulting in a budget suspension from Japan. Japan wanted to be seen as a good country, leaving behind its past image as a war aggressor through historical revisionism. Using the concept of Shared Beliefs and Therapeutic Value, this article analyses homogeneous Japanese society that regards the Nanjing Massacre as something the Japanese government should not be apologetic about and the heterogeneous historical facts of the massacre itself. Finding suggests that Therapeutic Value from the denial comes from the failure of the U.S. and its allies to provide a deterrent effect post-WWII that resulted in victimization and melodrama promoted by the Japanese government. The government also uses narratives such as Toa Renmei Ron and Kami no Kuni as the main argument to boost Japanese superiority as a country. However, such revisionist strategy of the Nanjing Massacre is proven a failure to promote peace among the younger generation.

Denial and conspiracy theorist ideas also find room in the field of history. This is what we today call pseudo-history, which is generally undertaken by people without methodological training in the historical field and often inspired by political and/or religious prejudice. This article examines the arguments presented by a non-academic pseudo-historical trend in Valencia, which denies the process of migration, repopulation and colonisation of the Kingdom of Valencia, founded by King James I in the 13th century, after the conquest of Sarq al Andalus by Catalonia and Aragon. They argue for the social, human, cultural and linguistic continuity of a ‘Valencian people and language’ dating back to the Iberian and Roman periods, which during the Andalusi period remained as a ‘Mozarab’ majority that acted as a transmission belt for this Christian people and language to the 21st century. The text examines two works written by different authors, and flags out their inconsistencies, lack of basic knowledge of medieval history and frequent internal contradictions, and emphasises the total lack of evidence, both written and archaeological, for their arguments, which are as a rule dismissed with expressions such as ‘it is easier to think that…’ Les idees negacionistes i conspiranòiques també tenen el seu espai en l’àmbit de la Història. És el que actualment s’anomena pseudo-història, elaborada en general per persones sense formació metodològica en dita ciència i mogudes freqüentment per prejudicis polítics i/o religiosos. L’article revisa els arguments d’un sector no acadèmic de València que nega el procés de migració, repoblació i colonització del regne de València fundat pel rei Jaume I en el segle XIII arran de la conquesta del Sarq al Àndalus per part de Catalunya i Aragó. En canvi, afirma que hi ha continuïtat social, humana, cultural i lingüística d’un “poble i una llengua valencianes” que vindrien del món ibèric i romà de l’Antiguitat, i que durant l’època andalusí va continuar havent-hi una majoria social “mossàrab” que faria de fil continuador de dit poble cristià i amb una llengua pròpia fins al segle XXI. El text revisa amb exemples de les publicacions de dits autors les incoherències, falta de coneixements bàsics de la Història Medieval i freqüents contradiccions de dits arguments, i ressalta la total falta d’evidències tant documentals com arqueològiques sobre dites afirmacions, les quals són resoltes sovint amb expressions com “eso es más sencillo si pensamos que....”. This article is part of the Excellence Research Group “Desigualdad económica y movilidad social en la Europa Mediterránea (Siglos XIII-XVI)” (PROMETEO-2019-072), funded by the Regional Government of Valencia (Generalitat Valenciana.) and PGC2018-099275-B-100, "¿Crecimiento sin desarrollo?. Distribución de la riqueza, movilidad social y acción política en la Europa mediterránea (siglos XIII-XV)", funded by Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad del Gobierno de España.

Resumen: El objetivo de esta investigación es reconstruir las protestas, las denuncias y las cesantías que tuvieron como foco la Escuela Normal de Paraná y el Instituto del Profesorado al que estaba anexa entre 1948 y 1949. El desencadenante fue el discurso de un celador, pronunciado con motivo del 17 de octubre, en el cual se enalteció la figura de Rosas en oposición a la de Sarmiento. Desde un abordaje microanalítico, el trabajo busca hacer un aporte a los estudios sobre las denuncias y cesantías a docentes durante el peronismo, a la vez que sobre los vínculos entre el peronismo y el revisionismo histórico argentino. Con ese fin se consulta la prensa local y fuentes oficiales. Además, se explican las estrategias de la oposición para llevar a cabo las acusaciones que se basaron en la diferenciación entre el peronismo y el rosismo, así como en la asociación de este último con el nazismo. Abstract: The aim of this research is to reconstruct the protests, complaints and dismissals that took place at the Escuela Normal of Paraná and the Instituto del Profesorado to which it was attached between 1948 and 1949. The triggering event was the speech given by a caretaker on the occasion of October 17th in which the figure of Rosas was enhanced. From a micro-analytical approach, this paper seeks to contribute to studies on the complaints and dismissals of teachers during Peronism, as well as on the links between Peronism and Argentine Historical Revisionism. The local press and official sources are consulted to this end. It explains the strategies of the opposition to carry out their accusations which were based on the differentiation between Peronism and Rosism and the latter’s association with Nazism.

This historiographical review focuses on the complex interactions between Nazi Germany, local populations, and east European Jews during the Holocaust. Braving fierce historical revisionism in eastern Europe and the Baltic states, recent studies have shifted the spotlight from Germans to Poles, Ukrainians, Russians, Lithuanians, and other ethnicities. As a result, the analytic categories with which most historians still work – notably ‘perpetrator/victim/bystander’ and ‘collaboration/resistance’ – have outlived their usefulness. A more complex picture of the Nazi-occupied territories in eastern Europe has emerged and now awaits new theoretical frameworks. This article argues that past paradigms blinded scholars to a range of groups lost in the cracks and to behaviours remaining outside the political sphere. Through four criteria that shed light on the social history of the Holocaust in eastern Europe, it draws connections between central and east European, German, Jewish, and Soviet histories, in order to engage with other fields and disciplines that examine modern mass violence and genocide. As Holocaust studies stands at a crossroads, only a transnational history including all ethnicities and deeper continuities, both temporal and geographical, will enhance our knowledge of how social relations shaped the very evolution of the Holocaust.

In his poetry, Irving Feldman enacts the breakdown of language, representation and history in the face of the Holocaust, and the inability to represent the unrepresentable. While cinema has prolifically sought to represent the Holocaust through the biopic genre, this has typically occurred through personal stories that are easier to come to grips with, such as biopics about resistance fighters, saviours and heroic martyrs. In this manner, such biopics enact what Agnes Heller has called talking ‘around’ the Holocaust, rather than about or ‘through’ the Holocaust itself. This technique recuperates historical and national representation through the personal biopic, however also calls into question the conventions of the biopic form, which privileges individual stories above those who cannot be represented, recalled, remembered, or even known. This chapter analyses the French biopic film Army of Crime (L'Armée du crime, 2009), which explores the lives of French resistance fighters known as the ‘Manouchian Group’, to examine the tension that exists between personal and collective representation in the biopic genre when it comes to issues of historical representation and identity. It suggests and argues that this film both demonstrates and interrogates biopic generic conventions of identity, situating it within the wider critical framework of the biopic genre and the representation of history.

The present study provides analysis of the institutionalization of historical revisionism in Ukraine and examines the impact of this revisionism on the formation of modern Ukrainian criminal policy. The characteristics of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and its armed wing, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, will be determined, and their role during World War II will be analyzed, with special emphasis placed on their involvement in crimes against humanity. The study focuses on the fact that the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army have all the features of profascist organizations, and in this regard, the institutionalization of their heroization not only creates the prerequisites for modern glorification of Nazism, but also constitutes a legal basis for the decriminalization of glorification of Nazism, as well as for the criminalization of behavior disputing this glorification.

Since its publication in 2013, Park Yuha’s book Comfort Women of the Empire (Cheguk ŭi wianbu) has become a major point of contention for those concerned with the “comfort women” issue. However, while this book has been frequently cited amidst the recent maelstrom of Japan–Korea relations, the actual content of the book has received insufficient scrutiny. The aim of this article is to concretely examine the content and problematic aspects of Park’s book, building on research that has been carried out since the 1990s into the ‘comfort women’ issue and the question of post-war reparations. Based on the assumption that the Japanese government does not have any legal responsibilities, Park’s book claims that: 1) the “comfort women” victims do not have any right to claim compensation for damages from the Japanese government; 2) even if they did have such a right, the government of the Republic of Korea gave up all rights of claim at the Japan–Korea negotiations that concluded with the Treaty of 1965; and 3) the “economic cooperation” funds that the ROK received as a result of this Treaty were in fact a form of post-war reparations related to the Sino–Japanese War. However, Park has been unable to provide satisfactory grounds for these claims, due to the fact that her book Comfort Women of the Empire does not have an accurate understanding of the preceding research it uses. I argue that Park’s work contains serious methodological flaws, including a failure to define core concepts, such as reparations; the existence of mutually contradictory passages; the arbitrary selection of evidence to support her arguments; and the misuse of previous research. As a result, the book has critical flaws from the standpoint of its fundamental stated aim of promoting historical reconciliation.

The article examines contemporary Israeli poetry and visual art by Russian-Jewish artists of the 1.5 generation, artists who were born in the Soviet Union but resettled in Israel during the 1990s. ...

The article deals with the recent controversies over the interpretations of World War II. The dominant narrative of World War II, which was created after 1945 to ensure the basis of legitimacy for the Yugoslav Communist regime, was revised at the beginning of the 1990s. One of the consequences of this revision has been the upsurge of historical revisionism regarding the fascist Ustashe movement. After years of bitter debates that had divided and polarized the Croatian society, the government appointed in 2017 a special council to deal with the World War II past and make the recommendations on the public usage of the symbols and insignia of the 20th century “undemocratic regimes”. The final product of its work was the so-called Dialogue Document whose provisions and impact are dealt with in the second part of the text.

This article aims to offer both an overview of the key issues and controversial policy decisions that defined history education in Korea for the past 10 years and a critical analysis of the actions...

In the early 21st century Europe experiences increasing far-right tendencies and a general rise in xenophobic nationalism. This seems to be accompanied by a general ignorance or even indifference towards Europe’s dark history of mass violence and genocide inspired by radical ideologies such as Fascism, Communism, and extreme nationalism. This chapter explores the level and nature of indifference among Danish teenagers through three qualitative case studies of how Danish high school youth react to examples of right-wing and Fascist revisionism. Drawing on experiential learning methods, the case studies confront the teenagers with examples of blatant representations of Fascist and extreme nationalist ideology and symbolism within the emotionally and aesthetically appealing world of top football. Observing reactions or lack thereof, we invite the teenagers to explore the examples further and we encourage them to respond if they feel like. We draw on examples from Croatian and Serbian popular culture, something that will be alien to Danish youth, both in order to avoid present national narratives and to explore the extent to which reactions and reflections to revisionism and proud parading of dark history will be able to speak to young people and evoke emotional and moral reactions across cultures.

The growing presence of historical revisionim today that plagues the Historical academic community has its roots in the past works of Historical writers and the steps taken to give greater perspective and context to misinterprated events by modern History writers is often undermined by the continued presence of misinformation and its rapid spread through the public and political sphere. This historical review looks at Harry Elmer Barnes who was a 20th century historical writer and known revisionistand holocaust excuser and sometimes even denier. The way in which prediction but speculative analysis can lead to revisionist talking points will also be examined using his works. A detailed synopsis of his career, examination of his article Europes War and Our Democracy, and his later correspondences will be given in order to show the way in which historical revisionism can effect even those academics held in high esteem within the Historical faculty.

In recent times, the comparison of crypto currencies to the 'wildcat' banking system of 18th century America has been an increasingly popular comparison, Elizabeth Warren is yet another proponent of this historical revisionism. The ordinary taught for the purposes of smearing private enterprise, and laissez-faire systems continue to live on. However, such revisionism, even if socially drilled into the heads of the increasingly interventionist and socialistic youth is utter nonsense and I set out in this article to prove that. Contrary to so many claims, the 'wildcat' period of banking in the history of the US was not either common, nor was it any fault of laissez-faire or free banking systems. Quite the contrary, it was caused by regulations on these banks that weakened them, and by endogenous conditions such as the Civil War which no rational person could possibly expect to come out of unscathed from. These free banks in places such as Illinois for example, were successful for a period in minimising losses for depositors, and would have been stable had it not been for an interventionist government claiming it was creating 'stability.'

A good friend of mine, Brent Gilliland wrote an article entitled 'In Defense of Misesian Historical Revisionism' and in this article, I attempt to draw a re-formulation of the argument that Gilliland makes and develop it from a Hayekian point of view. I attempt to show that, in general historical evolution cannot be traced to a strict rationalist interpretation, but rather history evolves along the lines of observed behaviours, cooperation, culture and social values. I attempt to emphasise that, contrary to Gilliland's emphasis on individual ideas, it should really be placed on various interacting parts rather than merely a stone-cold abstract individual.

Second World War monuments continue to evoke the Yugoslav past in the contemporary landscape, although controversies have been raised in public debates. This chapter analzses changes in Slovenia’s cultural landscape from the 1990s onwards, in order to show different attitudes towards the Yugoslav heritage, and argue that the redefinition of collective identities and the reinterpretation of history are not solely a post-Yugoslav or Eastern European peculiarity but rather a European phenomenon. Similar processes of reinterpreting the past are no less frequent elsewhere, especially in the neighbouring regions that formed a kind of ‘military frontier’ for the West during the Cold War. Therefore, special emphasis is dedicated to historical revisionism in the Italo-Slovene borderland, in which the politics of history are particularly evident. Moreover, this chapter argues that the attitude towards the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in this transnational region should be viewed as a continuity of narratives from the Cold War, rather than resulting from a Yugonostalgia.

The Wars of Yugoslav Succession reintroduced the practice of cultural degradation of the defeated party—in this case the Serbs—not only by stripping them of any notion of humanity, but also of their cultural and religious heritage on the territory affected by military operations. By analysing the four UNESCO monuments in Kosovo and Metohija, this paper examines how the phenomenon of reinterpretation of meaning and significance of the Serbian Mediaeval monastic heritage, followed by its cultural appropriation by the new Albanian authorities, contributes further to deepening the already severe inter-ethnic distrust between the Serbs and Albanians who share the same territory. The paper juxtaposes modern attempts to rewrite the meaning of religious heritage in Serbia against historical and political background in situ. It argues that the politically enforced reinterpretation, so generously helped by the state and academic institutions from outside of the Balkans, aiming at cultural alienation of its Serbian roots does not provide permanent protection of historical religious heritage, so clearly evidenced by its inclusion on the List of World Heritage in Danger by UNESCO. The paper concludes that the attempts of the cultural re-appropriation have little to do with scientific endeavours, but with the political aims of the victorious parties.

In the last third of the 20th century, the Bielefeld School of social history, headed by Hans-Ulrich Wehler and Jürgen Kocka, rose to prominence. It had contrasting concerns: the focus on structures and processes of development sidelined intentional action and coexisted with a political rewriting of the past that indicted the interests and decisions of dominant elites in Germany from 1870 to 1933. History was viewed, oddly enough, as retrospective politics. This article analyses the main aporiae implied by both the School’s programme and its scholarly output. How did a structuralist historiography contrive backward-looking political denunciations? Is our time entitled to judge and accuse the past? Notwithstanding the weight of structures and processes, were there real alternatives for the historical agents? Did systemic causality grant elbowroom to intentional action? What chances were then missed and why? Overall, the surmise that there were always choices clashes with received narratives of inevitability.

The main purpose of this contribution is to describe and analyse the politics of memory in Slovenia in the most recent history regarding the events during World War II and immediately after it with the example of the design and erection of the Monument to the Victims of All Wars in Ljubljana. The article does not concern itself with the historical analysis of the post-war executions, but rather with their reception in the Slovenian public and politics. Furthermore, the purpose of this contribution is not to provide a normative evaluation of the events, processes, and historical actors, but rather a historical critique of the receptions of traumatic events in the Slovenian society in the second decade of the third millennium.

The text discusses some of the contemporary issues of erecting public sculptures and monuments in Slovenia. It focuses on the Monument to the Victims of All Wars, which was inaugurated in the center of Ljubljana in the summer of 2017. The monument and events around it are presented as an example of a predicament in which inadequate behavior of different stakeholders in the long-term process of monument formation produces numerous social disagreements and, finally, a problematic monument. The article problematizes historic revisionism in relation to the Second World War, which acts through the monument and through the processes associated with it. It is questioning how and why such a large state monument is created, even though there is no professional consensus that monuments actually operate therapeutically on traumatized and post-conflict societies, as well as there is no consensus that Slovenians are such a society at the moment. The monument is often referred to as a monument of reconciliation, although there is no consensus on the necessity of reconciliation, let alone about what this reconcilliation actually means and what should its elements be.

The purpose of this paper is to introduce decolonial feminist theorizing to the field of organizational history to explore issues of historical revisionism, hierarchy, power, and coloniality. This ...

The Philippines resoundingly cried ‘never again’ to the horrors of the Marcos dictatorship through the People Power revolution of 1986. Thirty years later, the Filipino people have come to realise that success is indeed fleeting. On 18 November 2016, the remains of Philippine dictator Ferdinand E. Marcos were buried in the Libingan ng mga Bayani—the Heroes’ Cemetery. While the Philippine Supreme Court insists that the hero’s burial conferred to the author of the nation’s darkest chapter is a political question, from established doctrines here and abroad, the authors seek to derive the political answer. This article will look at the legitimacy of memory laws within the Philippine Constitutional framework. Finding guidance from the Auschiwtz lie case of the German Constitutional Court, the article seeks to combat historical revisionism and prohibit the Marcosian lie. Our research begins by looking at the resurgence of authoritarianism as seen through the populist presidency of Rodrigo Roa Duterte. We will then proceed to address the threshold issue of state-sanctioned narratives. Recognising that the duty to establish the truth involves the power to determine the narrative, the authors will reconcile the conflicting demands of the freedom of thought and the right to the truth. We will then proceed by utilising the fact-opinion distinction to demonstrate how the Marcosian lie may be the valid subject of regulation. The last phase of the research looks into the approaches adopted by the United Nations (un) Human Rights Committee and the European Court of Human Rights in dealing with negationism and historical revisionism.