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O presente texto discorre sobre a organização, desenvolvimento e resultados do projeto de extensão intitulado “Curso de extensão em Direitos Humanos para professores da rede pública de educação básica de Florianópolis e região”, que vem sendo desenvolvido desde 2019. O projeto tem por objetivo central a organização de cursos de formação continuada para docentes da educação básica pública do município de Florianópolis e região metropolitana. O curso foi iniciado de forma presencial no início de 2020, com uma etapa de formação sendo realizada em uma Escola Estadual. Com o advento da pandemia de Covid-19, as atividades do projeto precisaram ser adaptadas para o formato remoto, com a organização de ciclos de debates virtuais sobre direitos humanos ao longo de 2020 e 2021 e de um curso online em 2021. Neste período, o curso contribuiu para a capacitação de centenas de profissionais da educação básica, no âmbito dos Direitos Humanos.

portuguesEste artigo visa oferecer um panorama do dialogo do Brasil com sua vizinhanca a partir da perspectiva da cooperacao regional, propondo um balanco da integracao com foco nas dimensoes politica e social. Para tanto, realizou-se uma categorizacao exaustiva das normas dos orgaos decisorios do Mercosul, Unasul e CELAC desde sua criacao ate 2015, a fim de avaliar a evolucao dos acordos em cada setor. Com base nos temas mais recorrentes, foram selecionados topicos para analise que revelam as estrategias da atuacao brasileira em seu entorno. Conclui-se pelo legado de um regionalismo deliberativo e instrumentalizado. Os resultados mostram a instrumentalizacao, por parte do Brasil, de areas da cooperacao regional em prol da afirmacao de sua lideranca e imagem internacional. Paralelamente, o objetivo anunciado pelos progressismos de levar a integracao para alem das metas comerciais e economicas foi parcialmente atingido, proporcionando de fato a estruturacao do dialogo regional em novos temas. EnglishThis paper intends to offer a panorama of Brazil’s cooperative relations with her neighbors and to propose an assessment of regional integration focused on political and social dimensions. In order to do so, norms emanating from decisional organs of Mercosul, Unasur and CELAC since their creation until 2015 were categorized, so that we could verify the number of agreementsin each sector. The most recurrent topics were selected for qualitative analysis seeking to unveil Brazilian regional strategies. The conclusion points out to the presence of a deliberative and instrumental regionalism. Results show that Brazil has instrumentalized regional cooperation in order to reinforce her international leadership. Nevertheless, integration beyond trade and economics, which was the goal announced by left-wing governments, was partially achieved and did allow for the building of a structured regional dialogue in new areas.

Este artigo traz o relato e a discussao de uma iniciativa de extensao universitaria e educacao popular promovida no âmbito do curso de Relacoes Internacionais da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina. Trata-se de analisar a implementacao e os resultados do projeto de extensao “Pedro e o Capitao”, que levou a discussao sobre ditaduras militares e transicao a democracia na America do Sul para escolas publicas de ensino medio da grande Florianopolis. A arte foi o metodo escolhido para dialogar sobre direitos humanos com os jovens, sendo a encenacao da peca teatral “Pedro y el Capitan”, de Mario Benedetti, a principal base para a interacao. Apos analise de conteudo dos debates com as turmas, conclui-se que o dialogo social sobre o periodo ditatorial ainda e escasso, o que alimenta a desinformacao e opinioes pre-concebidas sobre praticas de violencia de Estado. ABSTRACT This paper reports and discusses an initiative of social interaction and popular education organized within the undergraduate career of International Relations of Federal University of Santa Catarina. It analyzes the implementation and the results of the project “Pedro and the captain”, which discussed military dictatorships and democratic transition in South America in secondary public schools in Florianopolis. Art served as a method for human rights dialogue with students, for the play “Pedro y el Capitan”, by Mario Benedetti, was the main basis for interaction. The content analysis of debates among student groups reveals that social dialogue in Brazil on the authoritarian period is still rare, which accounts for lack of information and pre-conceived opinions on State violence. Palavras-chave: Transicao democratica. America do Sul. Extensao universitaria. Keywords : Democratic transition. South America. University social projects. Recebido em 30 de Julho de 2016 | Aceito em 15 de Setembro de 2017 Received July 30, 2016 | Accepted on September 15, 2017 DOI: 10.12957/rmi.2016.24898

Mother's milk is the primary source of nourishment in early infancy. When this source is unavailable, secondary sources may be used, such as human milk banks. The first milk bank in Brazil was created in 1943, and they have been used ever since. A national model was developed through a number of phases, culminating in the Brazilian Network of Human Milk Banks. This gave rise to a number of international cooperation projects, with the Brazilian model particularly relevant for developing nations. The main objective of this analysis is to understand what drives Brazil to promote milk banks internationally. To do this we tried to understand the relationship between health and foreign policy, expressed here as soft power, as here the two areas dialog with one another. The results include gains in both areas and the affirmation of health as a central goal of the national interest cluster of the case.

Although the construction of a democratic system was not one of the objectives of the founding fathers of the European Union, this organization has nowadays a colegislator parliament directly elected every five years. As elections remain the primary method of participation and democratic legitimization in Europe, representatives of member states have chosen this instrument to improve the legitimacy of the European Community. More than thirty years after the first direct elections, it has become clear that this strategy has not borne fruit. Electoral abstention, already elevated in 1979, has been increasing every new scrutiny. Nevertheless, it seems to us that anxieties concerning this fact within the European Parliament and other European institutions are both exaggerated and counterproductive. This article intends to show that the abstention rate seen in European elections is neither surprising nor as worrisome as it seems if we consider the particularities of the European political system. The paper also seeks to draw some lessons from the European experience considering the future elections for the Mercosur Parliament.; Même si la construction d'un système démocratique n'était pas un des objectifs des Pères fondateurs de l'Union européenne, cette organisation est aujourd'hui dotée d'un parlement co-législateur élu directement tous les cinq ans. Vu que l'élection reste le principal vecteur de participation et de légitimation des systèmes politiques en Europe, les représentants des Etats membres ont choisi ce moyen pour essayer d'accroître la légitimité de la Communauté européenne. Plus de trente ans après les premières élections directes, force est de constater que cette stratégie n'a pas porté ses fruits. L'abstention électorale, déjà élevée en 1979, ne cesse d'augmenter à chaque nouveau scrutin. Néanmoins, les inquiétudes que cela suscite au sein du Parlement et des institutions européennes semblent exagérées et contreproductives. L'objectif de cet article est de montrer que le taux important d'abstention n'est pas surprenant, ni même véritablement problématique, compte tenu des particularités du système politique européen. Il se propose aussi de tirer des leçons de l'expérience européenne en vue des futures élections au Parlement du Mercosur.

Since the 1960s, its constructors and theoreticians started to consider European integration as a model with the potential to be exported to other continents. Community institutions have thus developed an exportation policy of their conceptions and mechanisms, which states desiring to embark on the regional venture supported with technical and financial support. This is precisely the case of the Southern Common Market (Mercosur), established by Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay, in 1991. After a long period of negotiations, the Mercosur Parliament was created in 2006. This article analyzes to what extent the European Union (EU) has influenced the institutionalization of this assembly. How was this institutional transfer organized, and which elements of the European experience do the actors involved in the creation of the Parliament effectively keep? To answer these questions, the article is divided into three parts. The first part presents a literature review of Europe's historical actions and movements toward Latin America and of the development of Mercosur, the second part considers the central policies carried out by the EU in the attempt to export its model, and the third part compares some features of the European Parliament and the Mercosur Parliament to identify the achievements of the institutional transfer. Desde la decada de 1960, los teoricos y constructores de la integracion europea empezaron a considerarla como un modelo con potencial de exportacion a otros continentes. Las instituciones comunitarias desarrollaron entonces una politica de exportacion de sus conceptos y mecanismos, debido al apoyo tecnico y financiero de los Estados que deseaban embarcar en la aventura regional. Este es precisamente el caso del Mercosur, creado por Argentina, Brasil, Paraguay y Uruguay en 1991. Despues de un largo periodo de negociaciones, el Parlamento del Mercosur fue instalado en 2006. Este articulo analiza en que medida la Union Europea ha influido en la institucionalizacion de esta asamblea. ?Como fue organizado esta transferencia institucional y cuales elementos de la experiencia europea fueran efectivamente mantenidos por los actores involucrados en la creacion del Parlamento? Para responder a estas preguntas, el articulo esta dividido en tres partes. La primera presenta una revision de la literatura sobre la historia de las acciones de Europa en relacion a America Latina y al desarrollo del Mercosur. La segunda parte considera las politicas centrales llevadas a cabo por la UE con objeto de exportar su modelo, mientras que la tercera parte compara algunascaracteristicas del Parlamento Europeo y del Parlamento del Mercosur buscando identificar los logros de la transferencia institucional.

This volume intends to make sense of the current 'puzzle' that international parliamentary institutions represent. Their rapid growth in numbers and under a diversity of forms in the post-Cold War emerging new order is a worldwide phenomenon, even if its first expression dates back to the end of the 19th century. Their objectives vary from creating a permanent institutional structure for the peaceful settlement of disputes to promoting transparency in international politics, including the reinforcement of civil society participation in regional integration schemes. Are these goals kept nowadays? Are they being achieved? Which means and interests define the work within these assemblies? The three parts of the book include analyses of supranational and non-supranational regional parliaments and the specific case of the inter-regional relations established by the European Parliament

A obra “Sistema decisório da União Europeia”, lançada em português em 2011, oferece aos leitores brasileiros e latino-americanos uma visão atual, pragmática e crítica do funcionamento da integração europeia. Traduzida do francês (Le fonctionnement de l’Union européenne, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2011, a ser publicada também em inglês pela Palgrave Macmillan), a obra é o resultado de anos de pesquisa e ensino dos autores no campo dos estudos europeus. Concebido principalmente para fins didáticos, o livro deve interessar professores e estudantes de graduação e pós-graduação que buscam um panorama histórico e político dos altos e baixos da experiência regional mais estudada até hoje.

No início do século XX, na contracorrente da supremacia estatal e defendendo a harmonização dos ordenamentos e a predominância do direito internacional, surgem doutrinas monistas diferenciadas para explicar as relações entre os ordenamentos interno e internacional. Concebendo o Estado como somente uma das muitas formas de organização social, essas escolas prescindem de sua figura para explicar o direito internacional. O artigo analisa o antiformalismo institucionalista da escola italiana, e seus efeitos na interpretação da integração regional, analisando obras de Maurice Hauriou, Santi Romano e Riccardo Monaco.