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Objective/context: The article aims to analyze child recruitment as a form of human trafficking. Beyond the theoretical perspectives that focus on security or rights, it addresses the topic as a form of unfree labor. By means of a case study focused on child recruitment by right-wing paramilitary groups in Colombia, the paper analyzes how children entered and exited illegal armed groups, the functions they performed, and the exploitation they endured. The research argues that child recruitment operates as a large-scale labor-market uptake in the wartime social order, where the “employers” are paramilitary groups, and the labor force, in part, consists of children and adolescents. Methodology: This case study relies on different sources of information: a database on child recruitment provided by the special Justice and Peace Unit of the Colombian Attorney General’s Office (989 cases between 1981 and 2005), sentences of Peace and Justice, testimonials given by victims in judicial processes, and semi-structured interviews with different actors. Conclusions: The paper shows that child recruitment as a form of trafficking is functional to wartime social order in contexts of poverty and inequality. There is demand and supply; thus, both girls and boys, who worked as soldiers, are not only victims but also agents that make decisions in challenging conditions. Therefore, if the socioeconomic options for these children, even after their demobilization from the armed group, are still a choice between bad and worse, joining a violent (no longer “armed” but “criminal”) group will remain a feasible alternative. Originality: The article contributes to the academic literature on a recent topic, such as the overlapping between child recruitment and human trafficking in armed conflict and post-conflict situations. It also contributes to the literature on “unfree labor,” as the study focuses on an actor (illegal armed groups) that has not been analyzed until now. Finally, the research demonstrates the limits of understanding human trafficking (and child recruitment as a form of trafficking) as a problem of security or rights entitlement. It highlights the analytical and political advantages of categories such as “unfree labor” to provide effective solutions for the prevention and reintegration of child soldiers. Objetivo/contexto: el artículo propone analizar el reclutamiento de niños, niñas y adolescentes como una forma de trata de personas. Más allá de las aproximaciones teóricas que enfatizan las dimensiones de seguridad o derechos, este estudio aborda el tema como una forma de trabajo no libre. Mediante un estudio de caso, centrado en las prácticas de reclutamiento por parte del paramilitarismo en Colombia, el artículo se enfoca en la entrada de los niños, niñas y adolescentes al grupo armado, la salida, las funciones que cumplieron y las formas de explotación a las que fueron sometidos. Esta investigación sostiene que el reclutamiento en Colombia opera como un mercado laboral a gran escala en un orden social de guerra, donde los “empleadores” son grupos paramilitares y la fuerza de trabajo está conformada, en parte, por niños, niñas y adolescentes. Metodología: el estudio de caso se basa en diferentes fuentes de información: la base de datos de reclutamiento ilícito facilitada por la unidad especial de Justicia y Paz de la Fiscalía General de Colombia (989 casos de niños y niñas reclutados entre 1981 y 2005), sentencias de Justicia y Paz, audiencias de las víctimas en el proceso judicial y entrevistas semiestructuradas a diferentes actores. Conclusiones: el artículo muestra que el reclutamiento, como forma de trata, es funcional al orden social de la guerra en contextos de pobreza y desigualdad. Existe una oferta y una demanda; así, los niños y niñas que “trabajaron” como soldados no sólo son víctimas sino también agentes que tomaron decisiones en contextos difíciles. Por tanto, si las condiciones socioeconómicas de estos niños y niñas, incluso tras su desvinculación, siguen ofreciendo una decisión entre “lo malo y lo peor”, su incorporación a un grupo violento (ya no “armado” sino “criminal”) seguirá una opción viable. Originalidad: el artículo contribuye a la literatura académica sobre un tema actual, como el solapamiento entre tráfico humano y reclutamiento infantil en situaciones de conflicto armado y postconflicto. También contribuye a la literatura sobre “trabajo no libre” al enfocarse en un actor (grupos armados ilegales) que no han sido analizados hasta ahora. Finalmente, el artículo demuestra los límites de entender el tráfico humano (y el reclutamiento de niños como una de sus expresiones) como un problema de seguridad o titularidad de derechos. Subraya las ventajas analíticas y políticas de categorías como “trabajo no libre” para buscar soluciones efectivas en materia de prevención y reintegración de niños soldados. Objetivo/contexto: o artigo propõe analisar o recrutamento de meninas, meninos e adolescentes como um tipo de tráfico de pessoas. Além das aproximações teóricas que enfatizam as dimensões de segurança ou de direitos, esse estudo aborda o assunto como uma forma de trabalho não livre. Através de um estudo de caso sobre as práticas de recrutamento por parte do paramilitarismo na Colômbia, o artigo foca a análise na entrada de crianças e adolescentes nos grupos armados, sua saída, as funções que realizaram e as formas de exploração às que foram submetidos. A pesquisa argumenta que o recrutamento na Colômbia opera sob as dinâmicas de um mercado de trabalho em escala ampla e numa ordem social de guerra, onde os “empregadores” são grupos paramilitares e a força de trabalho é composta, em parte, por crianças e adolescentes. Metodologia: a pesquisa consiste num estudo de caso baseado em diferentes fontes de informação: a base de dados de recrutamento ilícito disponibilizado pela Unidade Especial de Justiça e Paz da Procuradoria-Geral da Colômbia (989 casos de meninas e meninos recrutados entre 1981 e 2005); sentenças de Justiça e Paz, audiências de vítimas num processo na justiça e entrevistas semiestruturadas com diferentes atores. Conclusões: a pesquisa aponta que o recrutamento, como forma de tráfico, é funcional na ordem social de guerra em contextos de pobreza e desigualdade. Há uma oferta e uma demanda. Assim, meninas e meninos que “trabalharam” como soldados não são apenas vítimas, mas também agentes que tomaram decisões. Em consequência, o estudo salienta que, se as condições socioeconómicas dessas crianças continuarem se limitando a uma decisão entre “o ruim e o pior”, mesmo após a sua desvinculação, a sua incorporação num grupo armado ilegal, num contexto de guerra ou de criminalidade, continuará sendo uma opção viável. Originalidade: o artigo contribui para o desenvolvimento da pesquisa acadêmica sobre uma questão incipiente, tal como é a sobreposição entre tráfico e recrutamento de crianças em situações de conflito armado e pós-conflito. Igualmente, o artigo contribui às pesquisas sobre “trabalho não livre”, aplicando esse conceito a um ator pouco estudado nesse âmbito – os grupos armados ilegais. Finalmente, o artigo ressalta os limites de compreender o tráfico (e, assim, o recrutamento como uma forma de tráfico) como um problema de segurança ou de titularidade de direitos. Salientam-se, desse modo, as vantagens analíticas e políticas do uso de categorias como “trabalho não livre” para procurar soluções eficazes que visem à prevenção e reintegração de crianças-soldado.

Whereas previous research shows that peace agreements which include a broad segment of society are more likely to lead to sustainable peace, little effort has gone into explaining inclusion itself. We address this gap in the literature by providing the first large-N study to examine the causes of inclusive peace negotiations across civil wars. We argue that civil society actors can gain leverage through mobilization of civilian protest, or build trust through dialogue efforts, thereby enhancing the chances of inclusion of non-warring actors at the negotiation table. The argument is examined by analysing unique and new monthly data on peacemaking efforts in all intrastate armed conflicts in Africa and the Americas, 1989–2018, including measures beyond mere nominal participation, such as whether civil society actors or political parties had substantive roles as either mediators or full participants at the peace talks. Our findings show that protests by civil society actors increase the likelihood that non-warring actors will have a seat at the negotiation table, whereas we find no such effect concerning dialogue efforts. The article contributes by providing new insights into how nonviolent action can shape peace processes by opening the doors to negotiations and is thus part of an emerging research agenda that seeks to bring together the fields of civil resistance and inclusive peace processes.

El siguiente trabajo analiza el concepto de «madurez» en la evolución del conflicto armado en Colombia, desde inicios de la década de los ochenta hasta la actualidad. Este término, ampliamente abordado desde la investigación para la paz y la resolución de conflictos, ha sido escasamente estudiado en el caso colombiano. Metodológicamente, se recurre al uso de cifras oficiales sobre la violencia, así como a entrevistas en profundidad con actores involucrados. Se concluye que la madurez, entendida como la situación idónea para negociar, solo se ha dado en dos momentos. El primero, a finales de los ochenta, con diferentes estructuras guerrilleras entre las que destaca el M-19, y el segundo con las FARC-EP, lo cual condujo al acuerdo de paz suscrito en noviembre de 2016. Este trabajo ha sido resultado del proyecto posdoctoral 2018 T2/SOC-10508 y, asimismo, del proyecto PR65/19-22461, denominado «Discurso y expectativa sobre la paz territorial en Colombia». De este último Jerónimo Ríos Sierra es el investigador principal y ha sido financiado en la convocatoria de Proyectos de I+D para jóvenes doctores, resultado del marco del convenio plurianual entre la Administración de la Comunidad de Madrid y la Universidad Complutense de Madrid de 2019.

Modern warfare has prompted states to protect collections of cultural property by evacuating them to safe locations at times of war. Building on previously classified documents in archives, inquiries and other sources, this article investigates how planning for such evacuation was carried out in Sweden from 1939 to the 1990s. After the end of the Cold War, existing evacuation plans were finally scrapped. Due to the worsening security situation in the region, Swedish heritage institutions today need to build preparedness anew. It is shown that the evacuation of large volumes of property out of cities for practical reasons never was a realistic scenario, but probably should be restricted to a minimum of carefully selected objects, records and books. The process of selecting, transporting, finding safe locations to take the property to, and determining how to monitor it needs to be carefully planned during peaceful conditions in order to efficiently safeguard the collections in wartime. The relationship between Swedish planning and the 1954 Hague Convention, and how other states can learn from this study, is finally discussed. Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 January 2023

Este artículo analiza los mensajes de Twitter, en español e inglés, durante el desarrollo del último conflicto entre Armenia y Azerbaiyán por la región histórica de Nagorno Karabaj. Este conflicto, junto con las cuestiones de Abjasia y Osetia del Sur, supone una de las crisis más importantes del Cáucaso Sur. Para ello se han utilizado dos algoritmos diseñados para el procesamiento de grandes volúmenes de información, concretamente LDA (no supervisado) y SVM (supervisado). A partir de la teoría de encuadres se ha llegado a la conclusión de que ambas audiencias se posicionan mayoritariamente con la postura armenia. Asimismo, el artículo muestra cómo los mensajes ponen su foco en otros asuntos fuera de la propia guerra, como el papel de Turquía, la responsabilidad del Gobierno israelí en la venta de armamento al ejército de Azerbaiyán o la orientación religiosa de ambos países. Los resultados muestran cómo las explicaciones humanitarias son muy minoritarias entre ambas audiencias, ya que centran sus mensajes en elementos conflictivos. En definitiva, el presente trabajo intenta identificar no solo los elementos que envuelven el debate público en torno al conflicto, sino también subrayar el potencial de técnicas propias de la ciencia computacional en estudios de comunicación política., This article analyzes Twitter messages, in Spanish and English, during the development of the last conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the historical Nagorno-Karabakh region. This conflict, along with the issues about Abkhazia and South Ossetia, is one of the most important crises in the South Caucasus. Two algorithms designed for processing large volumes of information have been used, namely LDA (unsupervised) and SVM (supervised). Based on the framing theory, a conclusion has been reached that both audiences are mostly positioned with the Armenian stance. The article also shows that the messages focus on other issues different from the war, such as Turkey’s role, the Israeli government’s responsibility for saling weapons to Azerbaijan’s army, or the religious orientation of both countries. The results show that humanitarian explanations are rarely used by both audiences whose messages are rather focused on conflicting elements. In short, this work does not only seek to identify the elements of the public debate around conflict but it also highlights the potential of computer science techniques in political communication studies.

Resumen. Tradicionalmente se ha establecido que la relación entre los conflictos armados y el desarrollo es inversamente proporcional, es decir, a mayor intensidad del conflicto, menor desarrollo de los países. Sin embargo, el caso colombiano permite entrever que esto no necesariamente se cumple a cabalidad. Este artículo estudia el antecedente del Plan Nacional de Rehabilitación para comprender cómo, en el marco del conflicto, se han desarrollado políticas públicas que permiten identificar características territoriales particulares que muestran un nexo particular entre el desarrollo y el conflicto en las zonas más afectadas por la violencia. De esta manera, se analiza este antecedente de las políticas de desarrollo diferencial en Colombia para comprender sus alcances, su enfoque territorial, así como sus limitaciones, debido a las dinámicas propias del territorio, tanto económicas como sociales y geográficas. Abstract. It has been traditionally established that the relationship between armed conflicts and development is inversely proportional; the greater the conflicts intensity, the lower the country’s development. However, the Colombian case shows that this is not necessarily true. This article examines the National Rehabilitation Plans precedent to understand how public policies developed in the context of the conflict have helped identify territorial characteristics that show a nexus between development and conflict in the areas most affected by violence. Thus, this precedent of differential development policies in Colombia is analyzed to understand their scope, territorial approach, and limitations, given the territory’s specific economic, social, and geographic dynamics.

BACKGROUND: Colombia, a middle-income country in Latin America, has experienced a protracted armed conflict for six decades, driven predominantly by the drug trade. The municipality of Tumaco, a port city located in the Southwest province of Nariño, has experienced the highest intensity of conflict in recent years. In Tumaco, the conflict has created significant challenges for the operation of key social services particularly its main hospital, Hospital San Andrés ESE, a government-owned but operationally autonomous facility. While the hospital experiences significant challenges owing to the conflict, it has continued to provide health services. At the global level, there is limited evidence on how hospitals continue to address population health needs in conflict-affected settings. Therefore, little is known about the challenges these facilities face, the strategies employed to face the challenges, or the support they receive or need. This thesis seeks to examine these neglected issues through a qualitative case study of the Hospital San Andrés ESE. AIM AND OBJECTIVES: This research focuses on understanding how hospitals sustain delivery of health care to populations in conditions of protracted armed conflict through an in-depth analysis of one hospital system: the Hospital San Andes ESE in Tumaco, Colombia. To achieve this aim, the research investigates: (i) the challenges the hospital faces to continue its operations in the conflict-affected environment, (ii) how the hospital responds to such challenges to sustain health care delivery; (iii) determine from research participants what needs to improve with the hospital response to challenges, so the hospital can better address the population health needs. METHODS: This project uses a qualitative case study approach drawing on data from 48 semi-structured interviews with hospital personnel and a range of policy actors around the hospital system which provide financial or in-kind support to the facility. Similarly, the study examines documents produced by key policy stakeholders and commentators (government authorities, the hospital, research centres, NGOs, humanitarian actors and local media). Collection and thematic analysis of the data were guided by the “everyday resilience” framework, which embeds the analysis of conflict-related challenges in the context of wider resource constraints. RESULTS: The results were organised to respond to the research objectives directly, addressing (i) the challenges the hospital faces in the conflict setting, (ii) how the hospital responds to such challenges; (iii) determining what needs to improve with the hospital response to challenges. The results highlight the combination of conflict-related and routine challenges faced by the Hospital San Andrés ESE, such that the sudden shocks and disruptions to hospital activities generated by the conflict (e.g., due to death threats to personnel, disruption of supply chains, and damage to infrastructure) take place in an operational context burdened by financial constraints, infrastructure obsolescence, and managerial dysfunction. These conflict and routine challenges interact, creating a particularly difficult operating environment for the delivery of health services. This study recognised the hospital employs 6 responses to address challenges: 1) Activation of emergency systems whereby the hospital joins forces with government security bodies to discuss challenges and find ways to address them. 2) Hospital managers plan and monitor threatened hospital functions and work internally or in negotiation with commercial parties to address challenges. 3) Activation of support networks where the hospital obtains or receives financial or in-kind support from private, non-government, and health system actors. 4) The hospital collaborates with voluntary groups who are citizens freely gathered to monitor hospital performance and seek solutions to problems. 5) The central government intervenes in hospital activities where the facility rescinds its autonomy to enhance administrative decision-making and allocation of resources, and 6) the hospital structures investment projects which involves the design and presentation of grants to government authorities to attain funding and manage operational problems. While these arrangements provide significant support for the hospital to sustain service delivery, further investment to strengthen these is needed. CONCLUDING DISCUSSION. Hospitals operating in conflict settings face a combination of conflict and routine challenges that require tailored support arrangements to function adequately. Otherwise, desirable organisational forms – e.g., managerial, and financial autonomy – may not be meaningful or helpful in such circumstances, and additional central government oversight, as well as financial and in-kind support, may be required. To sustain services, hospitals also require skilful managers to recognise and mitigate challenges along with the nurture and expansion of support networks with third parties within or outside the health system.

Concerns about the security implications of climate change are increasing. The growing academic literature on the topic suggests that linkages between climate change and armed conflict are shaped by structural risk factors, but micro-level variation and mechanisms remain poorly understood and flood responses are hardly studied. In this paper, we strive to contribute to a better understanding of such micro-level patterns and investigate how flood exposure affects the support for violence in the Karamoja region of Uganda, which is characterized by many structural vulnerabilities to climate change and armed conflict. We use unique household-level survey panel data and investigate changes in survey responses following a destructive flood. Our study finds that flood exposure was associated with greater support for the use of violence. However, while we identify some adverse impacts of flood exposure on the perceived and actual socio-economic conditions of households and a decrease in perceptions of government support, these do not seem to mediate the estimated flood impact on support for violence against expectations. Our findings point to the limited explanatory power of natural hazards’ economic impacts alone for conflict risk. Further investigation of causal mechanisms between climate hazards and conflict remains an important priority for future research.

This article reports on trends in organized violence, building on new data by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP). The falling trend in fatalities stemming from organized violence in the world, observed between 2014 and 2019, was decisively reversed in 2021 as fatalities increased significantly. UCDP registered more than 119,100 deaths in organized violence in 2021, a 46% increase from the previous year. The increase was largely driven by escalating conflicts in Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and Yemen. Fatalities increased in all three categories of organized violence, despite a decrease in the number of active state-based conflicts, as well as the number of actors carrying out one-sided violence against civilians. UCDP recorded 54 state-based conflicts in 2021, a decrease by two compared to the previous year. Five of the conflicts were active at the intensity of war, the lowest number of wars since 2010. Violence in 2021 was thus concentrated to fewer but bloodier conflicts. Unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), commonly known as drones, have become increasingly important features of modern conflicts, and the trend in their usage is discussed in the special feature section. UAV usage has since 2019 dispersed among a significant larger number of actors, even as the downscaling in the involvement of the United States in the war on terror has led to a decrease in drone-related fatalities.

This article presents the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) “Violent Political Protest” (VPP) data set: a new –standalone- category of organized violence, which complements, and is compatible with, UCDP’s three categories of organized violence: one-sided violence, non-state, and state-based conflict. It consists of violent political protests, with at least 25 casualties during a year, in which informally organized civilians challenge states over governmental or territorial issues. We describe the data collection process, and demonstrate the data’s use with empirical analyses. Violent political protest is present globally, but most prevalent in the Middle East and Africa, and increasingly common over time. Violent political protest frequently co-occurs with state-based conflicts, but rarely due to conflict escalation. We explore if this is due to shared contexts, and find that gender inequality increases the likelihood of VPP onset, similar to state-based conflicts. Finally, we identify avenues for future research, including using VPP to assist in a more precise and complete analysis of organized violence.

Resumen En este artículo se realiza un análisis de la recolección de información como fase de un plan de búsqueda de personas dadas por desaparecidas y su importancia en el departamento de Norte de Santander (Colombia); para lo cual se identifican lineamientos que deberían considerarse, atendiendo a las características del territorio. Se adopta una metodología mixta. Desde lo cualitativo, y a partir de una revisión documental, se elaboró un marco descriptivo de la fase de recolección de información en la búsqueda de personas desaparecidas; desde lo cuantitativo, se realizó un análisis de datos relativos a las desapariciones ocurridas en el departamento. Como hallazgos relevantes se destaca que para la fase de recoleccción de información en la región es necesario tener presente sus características y el modo de actuación en el que se cometió el delito de la desaparición y a partir de allí estudiar la temporalidad, el enfoque diferencial y las dinámicas del territorio. Esto implica que se deba contar con mayor información de contexto, teniendo en cuenta su ubicación geoestratégica y condición fronteriza, para lograr una búsqueda efectiva. Abstract In the article, an analysis on the collection of information as a phase of a search plan for people considered missing and their importance in the Norte de Santander department (Colombia) is carried out, for which guidelines that should be considered, taking into account the characteristics of the territory, are identified. A mixed methodology is adopted. From the qualitative point of view, and based on a documentary review, a descriptive framework of the information gathering phase in the search for missing persons was developed; from the quantitative point of view, an analysis of data related to the disappearances occurred in the department was undertaken. As relevant findings, it is highlighted that, for the information gathering phase in the region, it is necessary to bear in mind its characteristics and the mode of action in which the crime was committed, and, from there, study the temporality, focus differential, and the dynamics of the territory. This implies that more context information must be available, taking into account its geostrategic location and border condition, to achieve an effective search.

Evaluation of emergency department (ED) presentation by Syrian refugee children might provide important information about their health care needs. For this purpose, we compared ED presentation of refugee and resident children in a tertiary university hospital in Istanbul, Turkey.Electronic medical records of Syrian refugee children ≤ 18 years old presenting to the ED between January 2013 and July 2019 were retrospectively reviewed and compared with resident children.The study population consisted of 7299 refugees and 690,127 resident children admitted to the ED. High-acuity cases were more frequent in Syrian refugees (2.2% vs 1% p 0.001). One-third of Syrian children were under 12 months of age (31% vs 17%, p 0.001). Syrian children were more commonly hospitalized (7.9% vs 3.1% p 0.001). The median age (and interquartile range - IQR) was lower in hospitalized refugee than in resident children [12 (0-83) months vs 41 (8-111) months, p 0.001]. Rate of intensive care unit hospitalization (13% vs 9.4%, p = 0.001) and neonatal hospitalization was higher in Syrians compared to resident children (29% vs 12%, p 0.001). The median NICU stay was longer in refugees [6 (IQR 4-17) days vs 3 (IQR 1-9) days, p 0.001].Refugee children, as compared to resident children, are more likely to present to the ED with high acuity conditions and at a younger age resulting in higher rates of inpatient admissions. Strategies to increase access to preventive health care services for young refugee children should be explored to decrease ED and hospital services and improve health outcomes.• Children are the most affected victims of armed conflicts in terms of health outcomes. • Refugees prefer to access healthcare through the emergency department.• Refugee children were more likely to present as urgent when compared to resident children. • Admission to neonatal and intensive care units was more frequent among refugee than resident children.

Resumen Se exponen las representaciones sociales del conflicto armado presentes en los adolescentes de la provincia Soto Norte, Santander, esto desde el enfoque cualitativo. Se identificaron tres categorías, a saber: “Opinión y valoración sobre el Conflicto Armado Interno Colombiano [CAIC]”, “Origen de la opinión” y “Antecedentes del CAIC en Soto Norte”. Se concluye que, las representaciones sociales se encuentran mediadas por la información que han obtenido acerca del fenómeno armado en distintos contextos, y que dicha información es carente de fundamento; por tanto, se sugiere la generación de espacios psicoeducativos que respondan a la necesidad de construir paz desde las regiones. Abstract The social representations of the armed conflict present in the adolescents of the Province of Soto Norte, Santander, are exposed, from the qualitative approach. Three categories were identified, namely: “Opinion and assessment of the Colombian Internal Armed Conflict [CAIC]”, “Origin of the opinion” and “Background of the CAIC in Soto Norte.” It is concluded that social representations are mediated by the information that they have obtained about the armed phenomenon in different contexts, and that such information is unfounded. Therefore, the generation of psychoeducational spaces, which respond to the need to build peace, from the regions, is suggested.

Resumen Objetivo: comprender la forma en que se presenta el conflicto armado en el departamento de Nariño luego de cinco años de la firma final del Acuerdo de Paz y a partir de ello integrar aspectos que aporten a la construcción de la paz histórica. Método: la investigación se desarrolló desde el paradigma mixto, por ende, se llevó a cabo la aplicación de entrevistas semiestructuradas a 11 personas entre víctimas del conflicto armado, un firmante del Acuerdo de Paz, defensores de Derechos Humanos, también de una encuesta escala de Likert aplicada a una muestra de 402 personas, mayores de 18 de edad, habitantes de las 13 subregiones que integran el departamento de Nariño. Resultados: pese a la firma del Acuerdo de Paz entre las FARC-EP y el Estado colombiano el conflicto armado sigue estando latente en el departamento de Nariño, para construir una paz real e histórica se requiere de la presencia integral del Estado en los territorios, garantía de derechos sociales, la participación activa de los ciudadanos en la toma de decisiones, la justicia social y la dignidad humana. Conclusiones: (¡) Para dar fin al conflicto armado en Colombia se necesita dar respuesta a las causas de la guerra; (¡¡) el concepto de paz debe construirse desde las percepciones de los distintos sectores sociales, no puede ser un concepto impuesto; (¡¡¡) el conflicto armado en Nariño ha provocado afectaciones sociales, políticas, económicas, culturales y también psicosociales. Abstract Objective: the objective of the article is to understand the way in which the armed conflict is presented in the department of Nariño five years after the final signing of the Peace Agreement and from this to integrate aspects that contribute to the construction of historical peace. Method: the research was developed from the mixed paradigm, therefore, the application of semi-structured interviews was carried out to 11 people among victims of the armed conflict, a signatory of the Peace Agreement, human rights defenders, also of a Likert scale survey applied to a sample of 402 people, over 18 of age, inhabitants of the 13 subregions that make up the department of Nariño. Results: despite the signing of the Peace Agreement between the FARC-EP and the Colombian State, the armed conflict continues to be latent in the department of Nariño, to build a real and historic peace requires the integral presence of the State in the territories, guarantee of social rights, the active participation of citizens in decision-making, social justice and human dignity. Conclusions: (!) To end the armed conflict in Colombia, it is necessary to respond to the causes of the war; (!) the concept of peace must be constructed from the perceptions of the different social sectors, it cannot be an imposed concept; (¡¡)) the armed conflict in Nariño has caused social, political, economic, cultural and psychosocial affectations.

Este artículo explora la relación entre el resentimiento y el derecho penal. El resentimiento se explora a través de la experiencia de dos personas que habitaron dos espacios diferentes, pero que sufrieron eventos límites que marcaron su existencia. Jean Améry, por un lado, quién fue torturado por el simple hecho de ser judío por el régimen nazi, en el terrible campo de concentración de Auschwitz. Y Claudia Ospina, por el otro, quién fue violada y torturada psicológicamente por paramilitares colombianos, solo porque era una mujer que demostraba conocimiento acerca de derechos humanos. Ambos resentimientos, al tiempo tan diferentes y similares, se entrecruzan con diferentes conceptualizaciones del derecho penal, valorando la posibilidad de este tipo de derecho para aliviar aquel sentimiento. This paper explores the relationship between resentment and criminal law. Resentment is explored through the experience of two people who inhabited two different spaces but who suffered extreme events that marked their existence. Jean Améry, on one hand, who was tortured for the simple fact of been Jew by the Nazi regime in the terrible concentration camp of Auschwitz. And Claudia Ospina, on the other hand, who was raped and psychologically tortured by Colombian paramilitary groups, just because she was a woman who showed knowledge about human rights. Both resentments, at the same time so similar and different, intertwine with different conceptualizations of criminal law trying to value the possibilities of these type of law to alleviate that feeling.

Job satisfaction of all categories of workers is one of the key antecedents that ensure increased competiveness of organizations. The need to establish factors that impede job satisfaction among people living with war induced disabilities was the main aim of this study. Furthermore, effects of war that adversely affect the attitude of workers with war induced disabilities towards their work were a major driver of this paper. The study employed a pure qualitative research approach where data was collected using face to face interview from 29 participants and analyzed using the thematic data analysis method. Participants were selected using snowballing sampling technique. Job satisfaction was found to be extremely low among employees living with war induced disabilities. People with different disabilities experience a host of work and home related challenges which significantly affect their job satisfaction levels. The problems encountered by people living with disabilities that affect their job satisfaction are mainly centered on ergonomics, lack of relevant assistive technology, stigmatization, discrimination and lack of physical and emotional protection from weather conditions, workmates and supervisors. The link between job satisfaction of workers with war induced disabilities and organizational competitiveness would further advance theory of job satisfaction and provide managerial implications that is helpful for an improved organizational performance. The study recommended that organizations should re-organize their work stations so as to accommodate the needs of people with disability.

RESUMEN. Este artículo analiza los parámetros y principios para el uso de la fuerza legítima del Estado en escenarios urbanos en Colombia, ante la amenaza híbrida actual. Con base en una investigación cualitativa con enfoque empírico, primero se ilustra la naturaleza de la amenaza híbrida en Colombia. Luego se examina el fundamento doctrinal para emplear la fuerza de los cuerpos de seguridad en el conflicto colombiano. Posteriormente se analizan los principios del derecho internacional humanitario para conducir hostilidades en escenarios urbanos, con observancia a los ecosistemas criminales. Finalmente se desarrollan los principios de necesidad y proporcionalidad, entre otros, en otras situaciones de violencia. Se concluye que hay principios clave, pero aún no suficientes, para orientar el uso de la fuerza en escenarios urbanos de Colombia. ABSTRACT. This article analyzes the parameters and principles for using legitimate state force in urban scenarios in Colombia in the face of the current hybrid threat. First, qualitative research with an empirical approach is used to illustrate the nature of Colombia’s hybrid threat and examine the doctrinal basis for the use of force by security forces in the Colombian conflict, then analyze the principles of international humanitarian law for hostilities in urban scenarios, observing criminal ecosystems. Finally, the principles of necessity and proportionality, among others, in other violent situations are developed, concluding that key principles exist; however, they are insufficient to guide the use of force in urban scenarios in Colombia.

Background Armed conflicts are associated with an increased risk of food insecurity, the leading cause of malnutrition in low-and-middle-income countries. Multiple studies have uncovered significant influences of childhood malnutrition on children’s overall health and development. As a result, it is increasingly important to understand how childhood experience of armed conflict intersects with childhood malnutrition in conflict-prone countries like Nigeria. This study examined the association between different measures of childhood experiences of armed conflicts and the nutritional health outcomes of children aged 36–59 months. Methods We used data from the Nigeria Demographic and Health Survey linked with Uppsala Conflict Data Program Geo-Referenced Events Dataset using geographic identifiers. Multilevel regression models were fitted on a sample of 4226 children aged 36–59 months. Results The prevalence of stunting, underweight and wasting was 35%, 20% and 3%, respectively. Armed conflicts were mostly recorded in the North-eastern states of Borno (222 episodes) and Adamawa (24 episodes). Exposure to armed conflicts ranged from 0 (no experience of armed conflict) to 3.75 conflicts per month since the child’s birth. An increase in the frequency of armed conflicts is associated with increased odds of childhood stunting [AOR = 2.52, 95%CI: 1.96–3.25] and underweight [AOR = 2.33, 95%CI: 1.19–4.59] but not wasting. The intensity of armed conflict was only marginally associated with stunting and underweight but not wasting. Longer conflicts that occurred in the last year were also associated with the odds of stunting [AOR = 1.25, 95%CI: 1.17–1.33] and underweight [AOR = 1.19, 95%CI: 1.11–1.26] but not wasting. Conclusion Childhood exposure to armed conflict is associated with long-term malnutrition in children aged 36–59 months in Nigeria. Strategies that aim to end childhood malnutrition could target children exposed to armed conflicts.

Las comunidades habitantes del departamento del Chocó han sufrido una problemática que transciende centenares de años: la extracción de sus riquezas naturales. Desde los tiempos de la piratería del siglo XVI, los procesos de colonización española y los colonos provenientes del interior del país hicieron de la zona del océano Pacífico un área de explotación extractivista. Para el siglo XX, la violencia se extendió a las áreas bananeras del norte del departamento, pero muchos de los grupos seguían marginados y alejados de estos acontecimientos. Sin embargo, a finales del siglo XX, los grupos armados guerrilleros y ejércitos privados ingresaron para explotar las riquezas minerales, cultivos e implementación de rutas del narcotráfico para fortalecer sus músculos político-militares. Lo anterior sucedía, mientras las comunidades locales e indígenas intentaban vivir por distintos medios, de los cuales, destacaba la minería artesanal. En cambio, algunos grupos políticos o privados han escalado la minería a un grado industrializado. Esto ha sido nulamente monitoreado y regulado en cuanto a los impactos nocivos al ambiente en su totalidad. En consecuencia, las distintas poblaciones se han visto inmersas o atrapadas en los mismos hechos de violencia. De esta manera, la guerra forzó al cambio de los roles sociales dentro de las comunidades: algunos optaron por el desplazamiento para sobrevivir, otros ingresaron a algún grupo o alguna agencia de seguridad del Estado o fueron hostiles contra cualquiera, a pesar del riesgo representado.

Armed conflict is a perennial problem that has plagued Africa for decades, resulting in flagrant human rights abuse. The central problem this paper seeks to address is identifying the laws establishing institutions and agencies for protecting human rights in Africa and examining how well-adapted these institutions are to protect human rights in times of armed conflict in Africa. This research employs the doctrinal research method, which entails an examination of the relevant primary sources of the law as laid down in the statutes and treaties and interpreted by the courts as well as secondary source materials, including journal articles, reports, and other relevant sources materials. It is contended that though human rights institutions were not established with the goal of interventions in times of armed conflict to protect human rights, they can be adapted to meet this challenge to stem the tide of gross human rights violations during armed conflicts. The paper concludes by recommending the expansion in the practice of the mandate of these human rights institutions to accommodate mechanisms for the protection of human rights in times of armed conflicts.

Scoping review study

Resumen El presente artículo tiene como propósito hacer una reflexión que contribuya a la creación de estrategias que favorezcan la generación de hábitats dignos en las áreas rurales de Colombia afectadas por el conflicto armado. Se plantea un conjunto de factores articulados en ejes directores para la integración del emplazamiento y el territorio, la materialidad y el diseño, y el eje social y económico, con la finalidad de orientar el diseño y el desarrollo de los programas y proyectos de vivienda rural mediante la inclusión de elementos que permitan la generación de hábitats sostenibles. Bajo esta perspectiva, se analizó un estudio de caso del proyecto de vivienda social rural entregado al resguardo indígena La Palma, en Apartadó (Antioquia), por parte de la empresa estatal Vivienda de Antioquia (VIVA). Se concluye que es de vital importancia que las viviendas rurales sean construidas a partir de un enfoque holístico capaz de integrar factores técnicos, sociales, culturales y ambientales, para garantizar que estas sean espacios dignos, que ofrezcan las condiciones mínimas de habitabilidad y estén integradas a sus respectivos territorios. Abstract The purpose of this article is to carry out a reflection that contributes to the creation of strategies that favor the generation of decent habitats in rural areas of Colombia affected by the armed conflict. A set of factors articulated in guiding axes is proposed for the integration of the site and the territory, the materiality and the design, and the social and economic component. This in order to guide the design and development of rural housing programs and projects by including elements that allow the generation of sustainable habitats. From this perspective, a case study of the rural social housing project delivered to the La Palma indigenous reservation by the state company Vivienda de Antioquia (VIVA) in Apartadó (Antioquia) was analyzed. It is concluded that it is of vital importance that rural houses are built from a holistic approach capable of integrating technical, social, cultural and environmental factors, to guarantee that these are decent spaces, that they offer the minimum conditions of habitability and are integrated into their respective territories. Résumé Le présent article a pour but de faire une réflexion qui contribue à la création de stratégies favorisant la création d'habitats dignes dans les zones rurales de la Colombie touchées par le conflit armé. Une composition de facteurs articulés dans des axes directeurs pour l'intégration du site et du territoire, la matérialité et la conception, et l'axe social et économique, est envisagé afin d'orienter la conception et le développement des programmes et projets de logement rural par l'inclusion d'éléments qui permettant la conception d'habitats durables. Pour cette raison, on a analysé une étude de cas sur un projet de logement rural spécifique appartenant á un groupe autochtone de personnes s'appellent La Palma, à Apartadó (Antioquia), sous la responsabilité d'un entreprise d'etat comme Vivienda de Antioquia (VIVA). Il est conclu qu'il est d'une importance vitale que les logements ruraux soient construits selon une approche holistique capable d'intégrer des facteurs techniques, sociaux, culturels et environnementaux, afin de garantir que ces espaces soient dignes, offrant les conditions minimales d'habitabilité et intégrés à leurs territoires respectifs. Resumo O objetivo deste artigo é fazer uma reflexão que contribua para a criação de estratégias que favoreçam a geração de habitats dignos nas áreas rurais da Colômbia afetadas pelo conflito armado. Propõe-se um conjunto de fatores articulados em eixos diretores para a integração da localização e o território, a materialidade e o desenho, e o eixo social e económico, de forma a orientar a concepção e desenvolvimento de programas e projetos de habitação vivenda rural através da inclusão de elementos que favoreçam a geração de habitats sustentáveis. Nesta perspectiva, foi analisado um estudo de caso do projeto de habitação social rural entregue à reserva indígena La Palma, em Apartadó (Antioquia), pela empresa estatal Vivienda de Antioquia (VIVA). Conclui-se que é de vital importância que as vivendas rurais sejam construídas a partir de uma abordagem holística capaz de integrar os fatores técnicos, sociais, culturais e ambientais, para garantir que estas sejam espaços dignos, que ofereçam as condições mínimas de habitabilidade e se integrem nos seus respectivos territórios.

Armed conflict is considered a major risk for cultural heritage since the Second World War and guidelines are prepared by international organizations such as UNESCO and ICCROM on risk management and protection of cultural heritage in conflict-affected areas. However, the main concerns are reducing risks prior to the armed conflict by identifying, analyzing, evaluating, treating and monitoring risks and managing them before the risk occurs. The literature is quite narrow in respect to the ways of protecting cultural heritage and sustaining life for both buildings and people in intentionally destroyed historic settlements. Within this context, this study aims to raise the question on how to manage change in the intentionally destroyed historic settlements and how to strengthen resilience in conflict-affected areas. In order to achieve this aim, an examination on two case studies, Kirkuk Citadel and the Old Town of Van, which were both intentionally destroyed as a result of armed conflict is made using comparative analysis method. The cases are chosen to represent different time periods, scales and types of destruction. Depending on the international law and guidelines, the study tries to understand the impact of armed conflict on the historic settlements embracing tangible and intangible cultural heritage, types of risks that threaten them and the ways to strengthen resilience in such areas. It is revealed as a result of the study that for both case study areas, being in the tentative list of UNESCO World Heritage is seen a primary step to be internationally recognized and to claim help for future actions aiming to reduce risks. Nevertheless, it can be argued that strategies have to be developed depending on the size and level of destruction, and the level of intervention to preserve and to rehabilitate life in such historic settlements, as each intentionally destroyed historic settlement has unique cultural, political and economic characteristics.

Resumen (analítico) Este artículo realiza una revisión del concepto de trauma psicosocial desde los fenómenos de violencia política en Latinoamérica y, en concreto, sobre la desaparición forzada de jóvenes en Colombia. Desde este análisis teórico-contextual, se plantea cuáles han sido las afectaciones personales, familiares y colectivas (atributos del trauma psicosocial) que este fenómeno de la desaparición forzada ha generado en el tejido social colombiano. A manera de reflexión final, las autoras proponen la necesidad de repensar las afectaciones psicosociales que han sido estudiadas de manera general, a partir de los daños a la sociedad representados en el hecho de desaparecer específicamente jóvenes y las implicaciones que esto ha tenido para el entramado social. Abstract (analytical) This article reviews the concept of psychosocial trauma based on the phenomena of political violence in Latin America and specifically the forced disappearance of young people in Colombia. Based on this theoretical-contextual analysis, the study identifies that this phenomenon of forced disappearance has generated personal, family and collective affectations - involving attributes of psychosocial trauma - in the Colombian social fabric. As a final reflection, the authors propose the need to rethink the psychosocial effects of the damage to society caused by this violence, represented in the fact that young people have been forcibly disappeared and the implications that this has had for the social fabric. Resumo (analítico) Este artigo revisa o conceito de trauma psicossocial a partir dos fenômenos de violência política na América Latina e, especificamente, do desaparecimento forçado de jovens na Colômbia. A partir desta análise teórico-contextual, considerase quais foram as consequências pessoais, familiares e coletivas -atributos do trauma psicossocial- que este fenômeno de desaparecimento forçado tem gerado no tecido social colombiano. Como reflexão final, os autores propõem a necessidade de se repensar os efeitos psicossociais que vêm sendo estudados de forma geral, a partir dos prejuízos à sociedade representados pelo desaparecimento específico dos jovens e das implicações que isso teve para a rede social.

Militant groups that are in armed conflict with a government often coexist with political parties that have ethnic or ideological connections to them. In this article, we explore the extent to which electoral support received by militant associated opposition parties and nationally incumbent political parties influences subnational variation in militant attacks. We argue, and empirically demonstrate, that militants strategically target localities where the levels of electoral support for the opposition party and the nationally incumbent party are close in an effort to negatively influence the electoral performance of the incumbent party. To illustrate this dynamic we examine subnational data from 1995 to 2015 Turkish legislative elections and attacks organized by the Kurdish militants within the same time period. We also examine the impact of June 2015 legislative elections on militant attacks until the snap elections in November 2015. Our empirical examination shows that militants target localities where electoral support for the governing party and Kurdish opposition party is close. Moreover, increase in violence negatively influences the electoral performance of the governing party. However, it does not consistently have a significant influence on the opposition. The findings illustrate that militants strategically choose the location of their attacks based on electoral dynamics, and attacks can pose an electoral challenge to the governing party.

This article deals with the construction of militarised masculinity of disabled veterans in the interplay of official identity and embodied everyday experience in the context of an ongoing internal...

Armed conflicts are a concern for human development and public health, and represent a major impediment for realizing Sustainable Development Goal #3: to ensure healthy lives and promote well-being for all at all ages. Vaccination programs can be highly politicized and subjected to major security constraints in war zones, reducing their effectiveness. This article studies how armed conflict impacts immunization rates among children, combining two large datasets. We use health data for 15 conflict-affected countries in sub-Saharan Africa, including multiple Demographic and Health Survey rounds for most. We exploit the fact that age-appropriate vaccinations should take place in the child’s first year of life, and compare children aged one to five with varying degrees of (local) conflict exposure in their first year of life within the same countries and communities. We differentiate between the effects of local and country-level exposure to conflict on childhood immunization rates. The regression results show that conflict has a nonmonotonic effect on vaccination rates with minor (major) conflicts being associated with higher (lower) full immunization rates. We argue that in the case of minor conflicts, local-level health care access drives the results, whereas for major conflicts it is mainly national channels that drive the result.

Scholars increasingly call for documentation and analysis of specific forms of conflict-related sexual violence. Moreover, accountability for crimes is stronger when specific patterns of victimization are documented. This article introduces the Repertoires of Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict (RSVAC) data package, which assembles reports from 1989 to 2015 of forms of sexual violence by government/states forces, insurgent/rebel organizations, and pro-government militias for each conflict and year. RSVAC compiles the reported prevalence of eight forms of sexual violence – rape, sexual slavery and forced marriage, forced prostitution, sexual mutilation, forced pregnancy, forced sterilization and abortion, non-penetrative sexual torture, and sexual abuse (as well as that of multiple-perpetrator reports of each form). It includes extensive qualitative notes on reported incidents, as well as ‘conflict manuscripts’ that include the relevant portions of source documents. Disaggregating ‘sexual violence’ into its distinct forms enables analysis of the reported presence of forms of sexual violence across time, conflicts, and organizations. We illustrate its usefulness by highlighting hitherto neglected global patterns it suggests, and also discuss limitations, potential biases and underreporting that users need to take into account. We outline several research questions that the data can help answer and suggest how the data package could inform policy efforts to address sexual violence and its consequences.

Based on conflict data, interviews and media monitoring, this study of Myanmar’s non-inclusive ceasefires develops a four-step argument about the effect of ceasefires in complex conflict systems. F...

The signing of the Havana Peace Agreements that ended the armed conflict in Colombia in 2012 marked an important advancement in the attempt to create a more inclusive and lasting peace by acknowled...

espanolEn este trabajo dialogamos con conceptos provenientes de los estudios de juventudes y necropolitica y otros del campo del marxismo agrario para discutir sobre las formas particulares que adquiere el juvenicidio en las juventudes rurales colombianas, materializadas por el despojo de tierras y el desplazamiento forzado. Cabe mencionar que el 50% de las personas desplazadas han sido ninos y jovenes, siendo ya tres generaciones a las que se les han expropiado la tierra violentamente. Medio siglo de conflicto armado que impacta generacionalmente con su herida de violencia, pobreza y que continua excluyendo a las poblaciones jovenes. EnglishIn this work we dialogue with concepts from the studies of youth and necropolitics and others from the field of agrarian Marxism to discuss the particular forms that juvenicide acquires in Colombian rural youth, materialized by land dispossession and forced displacement. It is worth mentioning that 50% of the displaced persons have been children and young people, which means that three generations have already had their land violently expropriated. Half a century of armed conflict that impacts generationally with its wound of violence, poverty and that continues to exclude young populations.

Avoidance of civilian casualties increasingly affects the political calculus of legitimacy in armed conflict. “Collateral damage” is a problem that can be managed through the material production of precision, but it is also the case that precision is a problem managed through the cultural production of collateral damage. Bearing decisively on popular perceptions of ethical conduct in recourse to political violence, childhood is an important site of meaning-making in this process. In pop culture, news dispatches, and social media, children, as quintessential innocents, figure prominently where the dire human consequences of imprecision are depicted. Children thus affect the practical “precision” of even the most advanced weapons, perhaps precluding a strike for their presence, potentially coloring it with their corpses. But who count as children, how, when, where, and why are not at all settled questions. Drawing insights from what the 2015 film, Eye in the Sky, reveals about a key social technology of governance we have already internalized, I explore how childhood is itself a terrain of engagement in the (un)making of precision.

This study quantitatively assesses the impact of Israeli government actions on Palestinian militant attacks according to different categories: Islamists (Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad), n...

Objetivo: este artículo reconfigura las dinámicas del proceso de la Liberación de la Madre Tierra del pueblo Nasa, para visibilizarlo en una apuesta por la reterritorialización que inicia con la recuperación de tierras despojadas. Metodología: este trabajo investigativo de enfoque histórico–hermenéutico, implicó la observación participante, el uso de técnicas como registro de video gráfico y de audio, la aplicación de entrevistas informales con representantes de la comunidad Nasa, y el análisis documental de fuentes primarias y secundarias elaborados por la comunidad. Resultados: se describen las principales disputas en torno a la tierra en la región, pasando desde la colonización hasta el conflicto armado interno. Presenta la historia de organización que allí ha puesto en práctica la comunidad, haciendo especial énfasis en el proceso de Liberación de la Madre Tierra; pues a partir de este cúmulo de experiencias organizativas ha sido posible responder a los procesos de desterritorialización que han propiciado agentes externos a los pueblos indígenas del norte del Cauca. Finalmente, se analizan los escenarios y apuestas que han resultado de este proceso, y su relación con otros movimientos sociales. Conclusiones: las reflexiones y experiencias en torno al proceso de Liberación de la Madre Tierra plantean horizontes esperanzadores para la construcción de modos de vida autónomos, centrados en un relacionamiento distinto con la tierra, que permiten cuestionar y confrontar el sistema imperante.

Armed conflict in a war is recognized as one way to resolve disputes between countries. However, armed conflict has negative impacts on humanity and the environment. This study discusses the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia which resulted in the deaths of 150 civilians and 5000 soldiers died and had a negative impact on the environment. Azerbaijan was accused that in this war it used White Phosphorus or fireworks with white smoke which carries a very dangerous chemical, it can cause disability or the extinction of wildlife forever. Meanwhile, the Armenians exploited the natural resources of the occupied territories without considering the superiority of population interests and changes in regional cultural heritage. The results showed that in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict 2020 (Azerbaijan vs. Armenia) there were violations of international agreements in international environmental law and international humanitarian law that occurred as a result of the conflict which could be held accountable internationally. Then in relation to accountability due to armed conflict, Armenia and its affiliates in the occupied territory of Azerbaijan are responsible for acts of international violations, Konflik bersenjata dalam sebuah perang diakui menjadi salah satu cara untuk menyelesaikan sengketa antar negara. Namun, konflik bersenjata menimbulkan dampak negatif terhadap kemanusiaan dan lingkungan. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai konflik antara Azerbaijan dan Armenia yang mengakibatkan adanya korban jiwa 150 warga sipil tewas dan 5000 tentara tewas dan memiliki dampak buruk terhadap lingkungan. Azerbaijan mendapat tuduhan bahwa dalam perang ini pihaknya menggunakan White Phosphorus atau kembang api dengan asap putih yang membawa bahan kimia yang sangat berbahaya, dapat mengakibatkan cacat tubuh maupun kepunahan margasatwa selamanya. Sedangkan pihak Armenia melakukan eksploitasi sumber daya alam wilayah pendudukan tanpa mempertimbangkan keunggulan kepentingan populasi dan perubahan cagar budaya daerah. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pada konflik Nagorno-Karabakh 2020 (Azerbaijan vs Armenia) terlihat adanya pelanggaran perjanjian internasional dalam hukum lingkungan internasional dan hukum humaniter internasional yang terjadi akibat konflik tersebut yang dapat dimintakan pertanggung jawaban secara internasional. Kemudian dalam kaitannya dengan pertanggungjawaban akibat konflik bersenjata, Armenia dan afiliasinya di wilayah pendudukan Azerbaijan bertanggung jawab atas tindakan pelanggaran internasional.

Non-international armed conflict between States and organised armed groups is a reality of warfare. Since the emergence of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, this form of conflict has been regulated by international humanitarian law. However, a subset of this category known as ‘transnational armed conflict’ has seen aggressive proliferation over recent decades as groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria have taken advantage of the internet and other technologies to expand their reach beyond national frontiers and strike States around the world. This phenomenon has left the geographical extent of international humanitarian law – which has historically relied on State boundaries to determine its ambit – unclear. This article examines the main options for delimiting the geographical reach of the regime in transnational armed conflict. It considers approaches based on international boundaries; ‘hot battlefields’; ‘global application’ and ‘territorial control’ before ultimately concluding that a method based on ‘military presence’ would be the most suitable standard.

Objectives This study aimed to assess the nature and degree of association between exposure to potentially traumatic wartime experiences in early life, such as living in a heavily bombed region or witnessing death firsthand, and later-life frailty. Method The Vietnam Health and Aging Study included war survivors in Vietnam, 60+, who completed a survey and health exam between May and August 2018. Latent class analysis (LCA) is used to construct classes exposed to similar numbers and types of wartime experiences. Frailty is measured using a deficit accumulation approach that proxies biological aging. Fractional logit regression associates latent classes with frailty scores. Coefficients are used to calculate predicted frailty scores and expected age at which specific levels of frailty are reached across wartime exposure classes. Results LCA yields 9 unique wartime exposure classes, ranging from extreme exposure to nonexposed. Higher frailty is found among those with more heavy/severe exposures with a combination of certain types of experiences, including intense bombing, witnessing death firsthand, having experienced sleep disruptions during wartime, and having feared for one’s life during war. The difference in frailty-associated aging between the most and least affected individuals is more than 18 years. Discussion War trauma hastens aging and warrants greater attention toward long-term implications of war on health among vast postconflict populations across the globe.

The article focuses on the subaltern system of micro appropriations or Jugaads used by young Kashmiris to survive within precarious situations inflicted due to armed conflict. More particularly, it argues that such Jugaads are invoked by the subaltern consciousness of Tehreeq-e-Azadi, which offers space for not just the negotiation with the state but also the creative improvisation of daily political actions. It is illustrated that young people’s political participation is entangled with the attempts to overcome the uncertainty around their lives, thereby offering them pragmatic solutions in advancing their interests. It is further elaborated that the existing polarization between separatism and mainstream is obscure at the experiential level, living within precarious situations has taught young people to silently craft possibilities of a good life without looking confrontational to either side. The article argues that localized forms of engagement are crucial for a comprehensive understanding of how modern states operate.

No study to date exists regarding resilience in the context of armed conflict in Kashmir, India. Therefore, this study intended to understand the factors that predict resilience among young adults ...

In this paper, conflict-triggered internal displacement is reviewed through the visibility of migration-affected groups, as well as their access to decision-making. The blind-spot effect in the migration studies extends the cognitive and social implications of the systems theory, and engulfs both hypovisibility through anopticism and pseudoassimilation, and hypervisibility through panopticism and excessive control of the displaced citizens. In the context of the impact of IDP status on visibility assessment, I suggest supplementing the migration-studies’ concepts of “phlogiston” and “witch” with that of “ethanethiol”, thus starting a discussion on the role of the otherness marker in the migrantising of citizens. The case of protracted internal displacement in Ukraine due to the Russia-backed armed conflict serves as an illustration of the displaced populations’ visibility challenges and solutions.

In 2016, the Colombian government and the FARC-EP guerrilla ended the 50-year-old armed conflict between them. Strangely, two peace agreement's signature ceremonies were necessary that year: the fi...

Resumen El artículo sostiene que los lugares de memoria poseen una dimensión pedagógica constitutiva, caracterizada por la contingencia comunicativa que no permite reducir la interpretación del pasado a una sola versión. Para ello, se propone el concepto de semiosis nemotécnica. Además, el texto reflexiona sobre las características de los lugares de memoria y su vínculo con el patrimonio; argumenta que esto es necesario para lograr la reparación de las víctimas y la participación activa de la comunidad en su territorio. En ese marco, se muestran los retos de extender estos lugares a escenarios virtuales. Finalmente, se describe la experiencia del Museo Casa de la Memoria de Medellín como ejemplo de los argumentos expuestos en el artículo. Abstract Memory sites have a built-in pedagogical dimension described as communication shortcomings which prevent past events from prevented from being interpreted as a one, single version. This study uses mnemonic semiosis associated to armed conflict to reflect on the characteristics of memory sites and how they are linked to a deeper cultural perspective where active community participation is necessary for victim reparations. Within this context, the challenges of extending memory sites to virtual scenarios is also addressed using the experience of the Museo Casa de la Memoria Museum in the city of Medellin, Colombia as an example of the arguments presented herein.

Resumen: El artículo hace parte de los esfuerzos que la sociedad colombiana, liderada por la Comi- sión para el Esclarecimiento de la Verdad, la Convivencia y la No Repetición (CEv), viene realizando por conocer lo ocurrido durante el conflicto armado colombiano, como un paso para entenderlo y así evitar su repetición. Busca contrastar estadísticas sobre violencia en la Universidad Nacional de Colombia en todas sus sedes, entre 1958 y 2018, con las memorias elaboradas por diversos estamen- tos universitarios sobre lo ocurrido en ese lapso de tiempo. En consecuencia, consta de dos partes: inicialmente se hace un recorrido histórico en seis periodos de las luchas y la violencia en la Univer- sidad en esos 60 años, para luego analizar las tendencias de las violaciones de derechos humanos a la comunidad universitaria. Así se espera colaborar a la comprensión del conflicto armado en el país, como también alimentar la memoria de la propia Universidad Nacional, tal vez no la más afectada, pero sí muy representativa del trascurrir académico en una sociedad violenta como la colombiana. Violence in the National University of Colombia, 1958-2018 Abstract: The article is part of the efforts that Colombian society, led by the Truth, Coexistence and Non-Repetition Commission, has been making to learn about what happened during the Colom- bian armed conflict, as a step towards understanding it and avoiding repetition. It seeks to contrast statistics on violence at the National University of Colombia in all its campuses, between 1958 and 2018, with the memories produces by students, professors and workers about what happened that period. It consists of two parts: first, it presents a historical analysis of six periods of struggles and violence at the University in those 60 years, second, it analyzes the trends of human rights viola- tions against the university community. Keywords: National University of Colombia, student movements, violence, human rights

What are the effects of internal armed conflict on public perceptions of the police? We explore this research question in the context of Afghanistan and argue that local conflict intensity will hav...

El presente artículo tuvo como objetivo caracterizar las realidades del conflicto armado que han vivido los niños en el departamento del Caquetá- Colombia. Este estudio se fundamentó desde los aportes de la investigación descriptiva con un enfoque cualitativito. Los principales hallazgos están relacionados con la implementación de entrevistas, guías de observación y diarios de campo. Los resultados se consolidaron a través de tres fases: caracterización, intervención y evaluación, tomando como categorías de análisis el componente social, cultural, psicosocial, cognitivo y económico. La población estuvo representada por 56 estudiantes de la zona rural y urbana del municipio de Florencia Caquetá.