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In this article we extracted and studied the musical references which appear in the Constitutions of the synod held by the Archbishopric of Granada in 1572. So, first of all there is a historical contextualization of the synodal document, then moving on to analize the musical issues collected in it about the celebration of the mass and the divine service in the temples of the demarcation of Granada, most of them parish. After this, we inserted a chapter heading dedicated to the interpreters of the music in religious cults, which is finally followed by another one with some relevant matters about secular music linked to the churches or to their clergy., En este trabajo se extraen y estudian las referencias musicales que aparecen en las Constituciones del sínodo que celebró el arzobispado de Granada en 1572. Así, en primer término se hace una contextualización histórica al documento sinodal, pasando después a analizar los asuntos musicales recogidos en el mismo sobre la celebración de la misa y del oficio divino en los templos de la demarcación granadina, la mayor parte de ellos parroquiales. Tras esto se inserta un epígrafe dedicado a los intérpretes de la música en los cultos religiosos, al que finalmente le sucede otro con algunas cuestiones relevantes sobre la música profana ligada a las iglesias o al clero de las mismas.

Today, the increase in cases of ill-treatment, violence, and abuse against animals has led to revising the legal regulations regarding animals and providing the protection of animals under constitutional guarantee. In this context, this study aimed to determine the constitutional rules on animal rights and protection in the world and Turkey, evaluate the debates on this subject within the framework of scientific and contemporary comparative law, and offer solution-oriented solutions suggestions. The constitutions created the study documents in force in the world and Turkey. Content analysis was performed on the documents obtained in the study through the document analysis method. Among the 193 countries in the world, it was determined that there were 49 countries with provisions on animal rights and animal protection in their constitutions. It has been seen that countries such as Germany, Austria, Bolivia, Brazil, Gambia, South Sudan, India, Switzerland, Iceland, Libya, Malaysia, Mexico, Egypt, Papua New Guinea, and Slovenia include regulations regarding the rights of animals in their constitutions. In Turkey, on the other hand, it was determined that there was no direct provision regarding animal rights and animal protection in the 1982 Constitution. It can be said that there is a need for provisions protecting and guaranteeing animal rights in the Constitution of the Republic of Turkey, as in modern legal systems., Günümüzde hayvanlara karşı kötü muamele, şiddet ve istismar vakalarının artışı hayvanlara ilişkin yasal düzenlemelerin gözden geçirilmesi ve hayvanların korunmasının anayasal güvence altına alınması fikrini ortaya çıkardı. Bu bağlamda, çalışmada, dünyada ve Türkiye’de hayvan hakları ve korunmasına ilişkin anayasa düzenlemelerini tespit etmek, bu konuda yaşanan tartışmaları bilimsel ve çağdaş anlamda karşılaştırmalı hukuk çerçevesinde değerlendirmek ve çözüm odaklı öneriler getirmek amaçlandı. Çalışmanın belgelerini, dünyada ve Türkiye’de yürürlükte olan anayasalar oluşturdu. Çalışmada elde edilen belgelere doküman incelemesi yöntemi aracılığıyla içerik analizi yapıldı. Dünyada yer alan 193 ülke içinde anayasalarında hayvan hakları ve hayvanların korunmasına ilişkin hükümler içeren 49 ülkenin yer aldığı belirlendi. Bunlardan Almanya, Avusturya, Bolivya, Brezilya, Gambiya, Güney Sudan, Hindistan, İsviçre, İzlanda, Libya, Malezya, Meksika, Mısır, Papua Yeni Gine ve Slovenya gibi ülkelerin anayasalarında hayvan haklarına ilişkin düzenlemelere yer verdikleri görüldü. Türkiye’de ise 1982 Anayasası’nda hayvan hakları ve hayvanların korunmasına ilişkin doğrudan bir hükmün olmadığı tespit edildi. Çağdaş hukuk sistemlerinde olduğu gibi Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Anayasası’nda da hayvan haklarını koruyan ve güvence altına alan hükümlere ihtiyaç duyulduğu söylenebilir.

This thesis examines the theory and practice of ‘policy referendums’ -- i.e. referendums held on questions which are *not* fundamental constitutional issues. In the wake of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum and the 2016 Brexit referendum, much was written on how referendums on certain constitutional issues could be understood to operate within Westminster-style constitutions, however no major work has considered the conduct of policy referendums. This thesis looks at the conduct of this latter class of votes across the United Kingdom, New Zealand and Australia. It is the first detailed study of the subject-matter. In those places, a surprising number of such policy referendums have been held (or have at least been proposed to be held): where, in New Zealand, dozens of national votes on ordinary policies have addressed topics including the state-ownership of banks and public infrastructure, liquor licensing laws, and the legalisation of assisted suicide. In Australia, policy referendums (or ‘plebiscites’, as they are called there) have addressed topics including military conscription and marriage equality. In the United Kingdom, too, a wide range of examples exist, from across the 20th century, for the proposed incorporation of policy referendums into the ordinary legislative process. Some of these were reflected in draft laws and, at the level of the United Kingdom’s constituent countries, a series of policy referendums have in fact been held. The old assumption is that such policy referendums are little more than political theatre or a mass opinion poll, and have little bearing on the normative architecture of the constitution. It is *that* assumption which is tested in this thesis, through undertaking a series of country-based case studies. The conclusion reached is that, in the uncodified or partially codified constitutional communities here considered, it is not productive to distinguish between ‘constitutional’ and ‘policy’ referendums. In flexible constitutions, both exercises can bear upon how power is constructed under the constitution, and both can operate as vectors of informal constitutional change. In the result, we must think more carefully about how and why we engage in popular politics on ‘ordinary’ matters.

Based on the social, legal and economic implications imposed by globalization, as well as the integration between nations, this paper proposes to discuss the concept of development by analyzing the constitutions of Brazil, Paraguay, Argentine, and Chile, considering that a debate between academia and other institutions emerges in the Latin America integration context. This is an urgent and necessary dialogue to guide possible courses for this region. Countries from the most diverse continents already indicate a break in customs tariffs and the rise of new economic agreements, bringing countries of the Latin-American Integration Route (RILA) closer to the countries of today's greatest and most solid economic bloc, the European Union. This sets a precedent for the idea that RILA is becoming a macro-territory of increasing economic, social and legal visibility, which is a reason why thinking about regional development is a priority task, as well as drawing up studies and reflections that lead to a possible harmonization and integration of legal norms. These are tasks of the governments, academia, companies, and civil society. Furthermore, the present work discusses the need for legal grounds involving countries that make up the RILA, in order to provide greater legal security and dignity for the subjects involved in this intense process.

The last years have witnessed a renewed scientific interest on research dealing with the palingenesis of authoritative acts, legal sources and texts of the Roman jurisprudence. The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the early and previous stages of this kind of research, with main reference to the key milestones in the Italian experience. An Italian project of a palingenesis of imperial constitutions began in the first twenty years of the twentieth century but has remained incomplete. As a spin-off of this project, Edoardo Volterra undertook until his death the edition of a collection of senatus consulta : this collection, although incomplete, became a point of reference for the next research., Nell’ambito di un recente e rinnovato interesse a studi e ricerche su atti autoritativi e fonti giurisprudenziali dell’esperienza giuridica romana, da inquadrare palingeneticamente, si è inteso ricostruire l’avvio e l’evoluzione delle indagini sorrette da una tale metodologia. In particolare in Italia il progetto di una palingenesi delle costituzioni imperiali promosso a partire dagli anni venti del xx secolo e rimasto incompiuto, indusse Edoardo Volterra ad intraprendere in parallelo una propria raccolta di senatoconsulti che, sebbene anch’essa incompiuta per ampia parte, è divenuta punto di riferimento obbligato per ricerche su argomenti analoghi., Dans le contexte d’un intérêt récent et renouvelé pour les études et les recherches sur les actes d''autorité et les sources jurisprudentielles de l’expérience juridique romaine, qui doivent être envisagés du point de vue palingénésique, le présent article entend reconstruire le commencement et l’évolution des recherches basée sur cette méthodologie. En Italie notamment, le projet d’une palingénésie des constitutions impériales, qui remonte aux années 1920 mais qui demeure inachevé, a incité Edoardo Volterra à construire parallèlement sa propre collection de sénatus-consultes laquelle – bien qu’en grande partie inachevée elle aussi – constitue une référence obligée pour les recherches sur des sujets de ce genre., Gallo Annarosa. Percorsi della ricerca palingenetica. In: Dialogues d'histoire ancienne, vol. 47, n°2, 2021. pp. 221-237.

Contemporary Algeria was born after 132 years of colonization and a bloody decolonization war that lasted almost eight years. The official version and the dominant historical narrative of the war of independence has been influencing the state-owned media, the process of memorialization and the education system for years. This article will focus on how history was manipulated and used to legitimate political power using ordinary legislation as well as the highest source of law: the constitution. This article argues that by studying Algerian legislation and the various constitutional charters we can obtain key insight into ways in which the triad of the state, the party, and the army has been able to reproduce and re-appropriate symbols and narratives of the nation through constitutional measures and/or amendments.

Imperial constitutions make the basic source of Roman law in the period of the Principate or the Dominate. They present the Roman manner of unifying multicultural law of the Empire, consisting of various legislative practices and organization of the judiciary, in which it was necessary to solve different problems resulting from managing the state. Following the division of the Empire into the eastern and the western parts, there arose the problem of securing legal power of constitutions implemented by one of the rulers to be binding on the whole territory of the Empire still treated as one whole body. The analysis of the imperial constitutions introduced in the Serdica of old provides certain answers in this respect.The city appears to have been one of the temporal capitals of the Empire in the East, while awaiting Constantine who would confirm its key position by uttering the words: “Serdica mea Roma est”. In the years 2011-2012, in the University of Sofia there was a scientific project run, whose goal was to present the palingenesis of the imperial legislation enacted in Serdica as well as the position of the city in the period of late Empire. Apart from this, it was attempted to prove that the imperial law remained ‘alive’ in the uneasy period between the end to the 3rd century and the beginning of the 4th century. The analysis of the kinds of constitutions and their content allows us to discover the first stages of deep transformations of the Emperor’s power, which occurred at that time, as well as to get to know about the realization of the reforms launched by Diocletian and implemented until the rule of Constantine. First of all, we can see the picture of Emperor Constantine the Great – legislator, administrator, judge, who would promote abiding by the Emperor’s cult in the time when Christianity was winning more and more stable position in the Empire. The Edict of Tolerance, which was issued by Galerius in Serdica on 30 April 311 CE, should be regarded as the one laying the foundations of legislature favourable to Christians and, at the same time, opening the door to passing the Edict of Milan in 313 CE.

It is argued that legal language should be formal, precise and clear to avoid ambiguity and/or misunderstanding. As rights and duties are communicated through modals, clarity and precision in drafting and translating them is crucial. Otherwise, there is a possibility of conveying loose messages in the source text or different and/or inconsistent messages in the target text. However, the drafting of Arabic modal expressions does not follow clear guidelines, and their translation differs from one translator to another. This paper investigates how deontic modality of obligation and prohibition is used in The Leeds Annotated Parallel Corpus of Arabic-English Constitutions in comparison to The Leeds Monolingual Corpus of English Constitutions. More specifically, the paper presents a classification of these modal expressions and investigates the different lexical variants expressed in a Corpus of Arabic Constitutions. The paper uses corpus-based tools to analyse the different lexical forms used for deontic modality of obligation and prohibition in Arabic and how they are rendered into English.Results of such analysis are compared to a non-translated Corpus of English Constitutions to find out whether the deontic meaning of the modals is comparable to the set of deontic modals used in the constitutions originally drafted in English. The corpus-based analysis gave a detailed classification of a variety of modal expressions used in the Arabic Corpus. It also showed that the translation of deontic modals of obligation and prohibition from Arabic into English is influenced by the source text lexical variations; however, the corpus techniques employed in the study managed to capture some comparable modals in both corpora. Es comúnmente aceptado que el lenguaje legal debe ser formal, preciso y claro para evitar ambigüedad y malentendidos. Dado que los derechos y deberes se comunican a través de verbos modales, la claridad y precisión al traducirlas son cruciales. De no ser así, existe la posibilidad de comunicar los mensajes del texto original de forma imprecisa o que los mensajes del texto meta sean diferentes o incoherentes a los del original. Sin embargo, el uso de las expresiones modales en árabe no se atiene a normas claras y su traducción puede variar de un traductor a otro. Este artículo investiga cómo se usa la modalidad deóntica de obligación y prohibición en The Leeds Annotated Parallel Corpus of Arabic-English en comparación con The Leeds Monolingual Corpus of English Constitutions. En concreto, el artículo presenta una clasificación de estas expresiones modales e investiga las diferentes variantes léxicas que aparecen en un corpus de constituciones en árabe. El estudio utiliza herramientas de corpus para analizar las diferentes formas léxicas que se usan para la modalidad deóntica de obligación y prohibición en árabe, así como su traducción al inglés. Los resultados de este análisis se contrastan con un corpus de constituciones en inglés para dilucidar si el significado deóntico de los modales es comparable al conjunto de modales deónticos usados en constituciones en inglés. El análisis de corpus arroja una clasificación detallada de expresiones modales usadas en el corpus árabe. Asimismo, muestra que las traducciones de los modales deónticos de obligación y prohibición del árabe al inglés están influidos por las variaciones léxicas del texto original; a pesar de que las técnicas de análisis de corpus empleadas en el estudio consiguen capturar modales comparables en ambos corpus.

Constitutions around Africa have been repeatedly tested on the issue of presidential term limits. We explore the four most recent cases of African presidents facing the end of their constitutionally mandated limit, all of which developed in Central Africa. Burundi, Rwanda, the Republic of Congo, and the Democratic Republic of Congo all adopted constitutions limiting presidential tenure to two terms; yet, in 2015, when these limits were approaching, none of the sitting presidents simply stood down. Our analysis focuses on the constitutional provisions meant to protect the two-term limit, the strategies employed by each of the four presidents, and the difficulty they faced in pursuing extended tenure. We find that constitutional provisions do constrain, but not always to the expected degree. Our analysis adds a consideration of a foundational constitutional factor to the growing literature on term limits in Africa, with implications for other regions of newly developing democracies. In Afrika sind in den Verfassungen festgelegte Amtszeitbeschränkungen wiederholt auf den Prüfstand gestellt worden. Wir untersuchen die vier jüngsten Fälle aus Zentralafrika, in denen afrikanische Präsidenten am Ende ihrer verfassungsmäßigen Amtszeit standen. Burundi, Ruanda, die Republik Kongo und die Demokratische Republik Kongo haben Verfassungen verabschiedet, die maximal zwei Amtszeiten vorsehen. Im Jahr 2015, als sich diese dem Ende näherten, trat jedoch keiner der amtierenden Präsidenten einfach zurück. Unsere Untersuchung konzentriert sich auf die Verfassungsbestimmungen, mit denen die Begrenzung auf zwei Amtszeiten geschützt werden soll, auf die von jedem der vier Präsidenten angewandten Strategien und auf die Schwierigkeiten, mit denen sie beim Versuch ihre Amtszeit zu verlängern, konfrontiert waren. Die Verfassungsbestimmungen wirkten zwar einschränkend, aber nicht immer in dem erwarteten Maße. Unsere Analyse ergänzt die vorhandene Literatur um die Betrachtung des konstitutionellen Faktors. Diese Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für die Analyse junger Demokratien in anderen Regionen.

The COVID-19 pandemic was a genuine stress test for societies around the globe. Societal values were put under public scrutiny, while fear reigned supreme allowing large margins of maneuver for governments in taking restrictive measures promising at least to win some time for health systems to adapt to the new challenges. Along with health systems governments, judicial systems and societies at large had to change the way they function to face the pandemic. In this paper we will present a case study on Romania and the usage of sanctioning mechanisms by the Police and Gendarmerie during the state of emergency, March 16–May 14, 2020. We will explore the challenges regarding the adoption of a sound legal basis for restrictive measures in line with the constitutional provision and the actual implementation of these restrictions with a focus on the performance of two enforcement institutions – the Romanian Police and the Gendarmerie – in this process. In times of crisis, or particularly in times of crisis when the government enjoys even more power than usual, the governmental action must be transparent to build trust and ensure that abuses do not happen. Moreover, the data gathered during the first wave of COVID-19 could help shape public policies for the subsequent waves with the view to improve efficiency while possibly decreasing the restrictions of human rights.

The Republic of Zambia from scratch has consecrated the freedom of religion as a constitutional right. From 1996 and onwards, it has gradually consecrated Christianism in the 1991 Constitution. In a similar way, it attempts to amend its Constitution as far as inter alia religious matters are concerned. This amendment implicates the replacement of the word “multi-religious’’ by the word’ “Christian’’, as for Zambian nation and State. In a similar way, the “morality and ethics’’ as one of the national values and principles are proposed to be transformed into “Christian morality and ethics’’. These proposed changes are in opposition to the constitutional principle of pluralism (multi-culturalism) whilst both democracy and freedom of religion are limited by the Constitution, allowing no political parties founded on religious basis.

This article demonstrates how EU member states' distinct constitutional traditions shape the impact of EU juridification on national welfare states and social rights. These traditions come with different ‘constitutional social rights norms’ – that is, distinct distributions of obligation and power to protect social rights between judicial and political actors. The article argues that norms common to the political constitutional tradition are less compatible with the EU's juridified notion of rights than those distinguishing legal constitutionalism. To develop this argument, the article takes an in-depth look at Germany and Sweden, which represent the two constitutional traditions. This reveals how the Swedish constitutional understanding of social rights as politically defined collective rights has shifted towards a more juridified notion of rights, as EU law effectively makes social entitlements defined in national legislation more justiciable. The already significantly juridified understanding of social rights in Germany, in contrast, comes closer to that of the EU.

The Provinciale (1430) is among the most significant and long-lived works of English ecclesiastical law. It edited and commented upon the legislation of the Province of Canterbury. This article explores the work's initial dissemination and early readership. It is based on an examination of the surviving manuscripts. The first owners of these manuscripts were almost all secular and religious clergy. Differences in content between the copies show how Lyndwood's work was modified. In particular, his edition became detached from his commentary. The manuscripts also reveal readers’ responses to the work. Marginal annotations indicate the individual, collective and academic ways in which early users engaged. Manuscripts were kept up to date through the addition of new laws, but not consistently or for very long. They continued to be consulted alongside the first printed editions of the work. Study of these manuscripts establishes the wide reception and influence of the Provinciale in pre-Reformation England.

Treballs Finals de Grau de Dret. Universitat de Barcelona. Curs: 2021-2022. Tutor: Moya, David (Moya Malapeira), El mapa de les Comunitats Autònomes d’Espanya roman intacte des dels anys vuitanta, època en que es va culminar el procés autonòmic iniciat a la Transició. No obstant, a algunes Comunitats Autònomes podem trobar opinions contràries a la vigent configuració territorial. El cas potser més conegut d’aquests “moviments autonomistes” és el lleonesisme, que reivindica l’escissió de les províncies de Lleó, Zamora i Salamanca de l’actual Castella i Lleó per tal de crear una nova Comunitat Autònoma. El present treball analitza emprant els precedents del dret comparat, i sobretot el dret nacional vigent, quin és el procés legal i constitucional que caldria seguir per a que Lleó es constituís com una nova Comunitat Autònoma, i quines conseqüències tindria això per la Comunitat Autònoma escindida i per la Comunitat Autònoma originària. No obstant, aquest treball es tracta d’una aproximació teòrica i jurídica que té en compte tots “els obstacles” de la iniciativa: La novetat d’iniciar un procés d’aquestes característiques, la possible inconstitucionalitat de certes vies del procés, la falta d’interès a nivell estatal, la dificultat per assolir totes les majories requerides per constituir la nova Comunitat o la diversitat d’identitats que composa el territori del que es coneix com a Regió Lleonesa en són els principals exemples.

The paper discusses and criticizes views on various aspects of the situations of animals within human societies offered by authors presenting at the seminar held at the Research Centre for Public Policy and Regulatory Governance. They include legal, ethical as well as socio-psychological problems about animal welfare and the attempts to improve the conditions in which animals are treated. The author hints at the theoretical background as well as implications of some of the ideas that are advocated in the ongoing legal and ethical debates over animal welfare. The discussion aims to shed some light on how the cross-disciplinary studies and exchanges that include biologists, psychologists, sociologists as well as legal researchers may contribute to numerous controversies in the contemporary animal law scholarship.

In recent years, the judgements that typically determine who is an ‘able’ physical education (PE) student have been sharply challenged. The research literature suggests that skills in sports, health-related fitness, toughness, competitiveness and effort typically play a significant role in assessment procedures. Although Evans (2004) lamented the paucity of research relating to ‘ability’ in PE nearly 15 years ago, little new empirical research has appeared based on studies of teaching practice. What exists relies on interview material from teachers (and students). However, few studies have investigated how the practices of teaching lessons constitute who is an ‘able’ or ‘less able’ student. Accordingly, our aim is to investigate how ‘able’ and ‘less able’ students are currently constituted in PE teaching practice. Our framework for this analysis is discourse theory, inspired by the work of Michel Foucault. The empirical material consists of observations and conversations in 92 classes, produced during fieldwork at four separate upper-secondary schools in Oslo, Norway. Our findings reveal that achieving the status of being an ‘able student’ requires attaining specific scores on physical tests, in addition to exhibiting skills in traditional ball games. This finding is valid for both boys and girls. Regarding gender performativity, being perceived as a ‘spunky girl’ results in a positive evaluation, while being timid or shy is not similarly valued. Our findings support the conclusion found in prior literature that dominant discourses in health and sport produce relatively static conceptualisations/categories regarding ‘able’ and ‘less able’ students, while student potential for learning and improvement gets short shrift. However, beneath this surface consensus, we found that the constitution of ‘able’ and ‘less able’ students is generating negotiations and tensions between official educational policy and teaching practice, as well as between teachers and students.

Orientador: Frederico Normanha Ribeiro de Almeida Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Resumo: O propósito dessa pesquisa é analisar as Constituições do Egito de 1923 a 2014 para compreender os fundamentos de sua organização como um Estado-nação e as vias constitucionais de acomodação e representação de comunidades religiosas diferentes. A hipótese central é a de que princípios liberais e islâmicos coexistem em vários âmbitos da política egípcia, inclusive na atribuição de direitos e na acomodação de minorias religiosas, e é essa coexistência que confere legitimidade à ordem política do Egito. Para analisar as Constituições, foi elaborado um quadro comparativo com todas elas no qual os artigos do texto constitucional foram alocados de acordo com o seu pertencimento a dimensões liberais e islâmicas pensadas de maneira ideal e esquemática. As informações sobre o contexto político de adoção e de vigência das Constituições foram mobilizadas para interpretar as mudanças observadas em cada uma das dimensões. A conclusão do trabalho apresenta uma análise das alterações observadas no quadro comparativo como um todo, juntamente com observações sobre a relação entre política e religião no Egito e suas implicações para as minorias religiosas Abstract: The purpose of this research is to analyze the Constitutions of Egypt from 1923 to 2014 to understand the foundations of its organization as a nation-state and the constitutional ways of accommodation and representation of different religious communities. The central hypothesis is that liberal and Islamic principles coexist in various spheres of Egyptian politics, including in the attribution of rights and the accommodation of religious minorities, and it is this coexistence that gives legitimacy to Egypt's political order. In order to analyze the Constitutions, a comparative frame was drawn up with all of them in which the articles of the constitutional text were allocated according to their membership in the liberal and Islamic dimensions designed in an ideal and schematic way. Information about the political context of adoption and validity of the Constitutions was mobilized to interpret the changes observed in each of the dimensions. The conclusion of the research presents an analysis of the observations in the comparative frame as a whole along with observations on the relationship between politics and religion in Egypt and their implications for religious minorities Mestrado Ciência Política Mestra em Ciência Política CAPES Funcamp

Rafael Cervera, político e historiador barcelonés, es el autor de la Historia de Cataluña, traducción castellana de 1616 de la Crònica de Bernat Desclot. La Crònica de Desclot fue la última de las denominadas Cuatro Grandes Crónicas en imprimirse. Los motivos de esta demora y las peculiaridades del momento histórico en que apareció, en los prolegómenos de las tensiones Cataluña-España que condujeron al país a la guerra dels Segadors, no habían sido estudiados nunca hasta ahora. El artículo profundiza en la vida de Cervera y lo coloca entre los miembros del denominado círculo erudito barcelonés de 1620-1630 que se encargaron de rescatar del olvido a las viejas glorias de la época imperial catalana con unas claras intenciones reivindicativas., Rafael Cervera, polític i historiador barceloní, és l’autor de la Historia de Cataluña, traducció castellana del 1616 de la Crònica de Bernat Desclot. La Crònica de Desclot fou l’última de les denominades Quatre Grans Cròniques a imprimir-se. Els motius d’aquesta tardança i les peculiaritats del moment històric en què aparegué, als prolegòmens de les tensions Catalunya-Espanya que conduïren el país a la guerra dels Segadors, no havien estat estudiats mai fins ara. L’article aprofundeix en la vida de Cervera i el col·loca entre els membres del denominat cercle erudit barcelonès de 1620-1630 que s’encarregaren de rescatar de l’oblit les velles glòries de l’època imperial catalana amb unes clares intencions reivindicatives., The Barcelona politician and historian Rafael Cervera is the author of Historia de Cataluña (History of Catalonia); a Spanish translation of the Crónica (Chronicle) of Bernard Desclot dating from 1616. Desclot’s Crónica was the last of the so-called Four Great Chronicles to be printed. The reasons for this delay and the particular circumstances of the historical moment in which it appeared – on the eve of the tensions between Spain and Catalonia that drew the country into the Guerra dels Segadors (Catalan Revolt) – have never been studied before. The article explores the life of Cervera, revealing that he was a member of the so-called erudite circle of Barcelona of 1620-1630, which undertook to rescue the glories of imperial times from oblivion with the clear intention to defend the Catalan position.

Review article of Dario Annunziata, ‘Sedula servitutis’. Sulla ‘revocatio in servitutem’ in Costantino, «Constitutiones, 1» (Napoli, Jovene, 2020) p. x, 106. – The a. presents and analyzes the new monograph of Dario Annunziata on the ‘re-enslavement’ in Roman law, wich focuses in particular the laws of emperor Costantine. The topic continues to maintain both light and shade, despite recent studies, and to fascinate fans of status personarum issues.

The Paper tracks down the development of parallel liberalist and populist agendas within the Catholic camp; it analyses the factors of each of them that have attracted portions of Catholics; it reflects on the tensions that are arising among Catholic groups that endorse diverging political platforms. It concludes by making the claim that both liberalism and populism fail to adequately address some of the concerns that define contemporary Catholicism.

Balmes, més que no pas oblidat, és un autor amagat, quasi ocult en la prosa que li servia d’embolcall. Aquest article planteja l’existència d’un model explícit i un altre d’implícit en els seus plantejaments juridicopolítics. El primer correspon al Balmes conservador i neoescolàstic, defensor de la unitat espanyola. Al dessota, però, s’hi troba la primera formulació del pactisme polític català del segle XIX, entre el liberalisme i el carlisme. Aquest pactisme està directament connectat amb la transformació del pactisme jurídic. Tots dos models coexisteixen com a programes polítics, i es fan compatibles a partir de la doble matriu que Balmes basteix per a compatibilitzar també dialèctica i escolàstica en la interpretació de l’evolució social i els fets històrics. El pacte polític és el que permet evitar la violència i seguir mantenint les condicions de diàleg per tal que el govern pugui governar com a tal. Però la fórmula balmesiana és lapidària: «Negociar para transigir, alcanzar lo que pueda y resignarse con su mala suerte»., Balmes is more of a secret than a forgotten author, someone who nearly hides behind his writings. This article contends the existence of both an implicit and explicit model in his legal and political thought. The first one corresponds to Balmes’ neo-scholastic and conservative aspects as a supporter of Spanish unity. But there is an underlying formulation of the nineteenth-century Catalan political pactism between Liberalism and Carlism. Political pactism is directly linked to the transformation of legal pactism. Both implicit and explicit programs coexist as a political agenda in Balmes’ thought, and are made compatible from the matrix he also constructed to combine scholastics and dialectics in the interpretation of social evolution and historical facts. The political pact is what allows avoiding violence and continuing to maintain the conditions for dialogue so that the government can govern as such. But his formula is lapidary: “Negotiate to compromise, reach as much as it can, and be resigned to its misfortune”., Balmes, más que olvidado, es un autor escondido, casi oculto en la prosa que le servía de envoltura. Este artículo plantea la existencia de un modelo explícito y otro implícito en sus planteamientos jurídico-políticos. El primero corresponde al Balmes conservador y neoescolástico, defensor de la unidad española. Sin embargo, por debajo se encuentra la primera formulación del pactismo político catalán del siglo XIX, entre el liberalismo y el carlismo. Este pactismo está directamente conectado con la transformación del pactismo jurídico. Ambos modelos coexisten como programas políticos, y son compatibles a partir de la doble matriz que Balmes construye para compatibilizar también dialéctica y escolástica en la interpretación de la evolución social y los hechos históricos. El pacto político es el que permite evitar la violencia y seguir manteniendo las condiciones de diálogo para que el gobierno pueda gobernar como tal. Pero la fórmula balmesiana es lapidaria: «Negociar para transigir, alcanzar lo que pueda y resignarse con su mala suerte».

When optimal policymaking is subject to dynamic inconsistencies (Kydland and Prescott, 1977), but shocks hit the economy after private agents form expectations, there is a trade off between the need to commit to a policy, and the need to retain discretion so as to respond to shocks. Rogoff (1985) shows that a way to strike the right balance between commitment and flexibility in monetary policy is to appoint a conservative central banker. I show that a rationale for using a committee to make decisions through voting is that a commitment device can be created out of it, without totally renouncing flexibility to respond to unexpected contingenices. Appropriate voting procedures and a well chosen supermajority rule can make a randomly sampled committee behave like Rogoff`s optimally conservative central banker. The model is developed for the case of monetary policy but these insights are more general (extending to capital taxation and patent protection). Supermajority rules can mitigate time inconsistency by introducing a status quo bias. When voting institutions (ie. the committee`s constitution) are endogenously chosen by simple majority voting, the emerging majority rule is the supermajority yielding the mix of commitment and flexibility preferred by the median voter. A corollary to this provides a theory of why constitutional reform typically requires the approval of a supermajority.

Las reformas constitucionales que, cuanto menos en términos formales, recogen en varios grados las demandas sociales, reflejo del carácter plural de estas sociedades y la diversidad de proyectos políticos que se han ido gestando, dieron lugar a una miscelánea de difícil interpretación ya que ora remite al Derecho tradicional ora parece refundar el Estado a la luz de las coordenadas de corte moderno. En este panorama, puede llevarse a cabo en la práctica distintos enfoques interpretativos de las coordenadas de diferentes fuentes de inspiración, ya que las fricciones entre ambas pueden tener proyección pública, correspondiéndole al poder público afrontarlas. Some constitutional reforms reflect, at least in appearance and to varying degrees, the social demands that are considered a reflection of the pluralistic nature of these societies and the diversity of political projects that have been gestating. Those constitutional reforms have given rise to a myriad of regulations difficult to interpret since they sometimes refer to the traditional law and sometimes seem to rebuild the state based on modern principles. In this panorama, different interpretive approaches to the principles originating from different sources of inspiration can be carried out in practice, since the frictions between those sources can be projected publicly for the public power to address. Universidad Pablo de Olavide

This thesis approaches the study of identity politics in Latin America through the two cases of Guatemala and Bolivia. Both countries have similar histories of racism, indigenous demographic majorities, indigenous mobilization, democratization moments, and institutions, and yet the 1999 Guatemalan referendum failed where the 2009 Bolivian referendum succeeded at delivering indigenous rights. Why? This thesis seeks to understand Latin America's indigenous movements and identity politics with implications for conflict resolution or management, combating inequality, and expanding notions of democratic governance. The leading explanations for indigenous movements and politics in Latin America tend to revolve around institutions, social movements, and party systems. However, by examining national histories, contemporary news sources, relevant scholarship, and original materials from relevant political actors, this study proposes another explanation. It stipulates that the success of an indigenous movement in constitutionalizing its demands rests upon the unification of the movement, its programmatic appeal, and its ability to form coalitions with meaningful political allies, thus explaining the disparities in the Guatemalan and Bolivian movements. The Pan-Mayan movement did not meet the preponderance of criteria whereas Bolivia’s indigenous movement did, highlighting the importance of unity and broad appeal in diversifying the region’s politics. Major, United States Air Force Approved for public release. distribution is unlimited

The article highlights how the chancellery of zemsky and grodsky court function on the throws of Ukrainian voivodeships in the Sejm Constitutions of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The author investigates the history of forming zemsky and grodsky courts as institntions on Ukrainian land, the process of formation of chancellery bodies and also underlines the regional peculiarities of vodeships. The article analyses the texts of the Sejm Constitutions of 1611–1632 as to the points devoted to functioning of the courts and their typical and unique features. The specificity of the studio lies in the investigation of zemsky and grodsky court bodies as a subject of work of Sejms of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The present survey can be used for the following reconnaissance on the history of judicial system on the principals of functioning of zemsky and grodsky chancelleries and the peculiarities of their work.

El presente trabajo tiene por propósito entender cómo se produce el acoplamiento del Derecho y la Política por medio de las Constituciones, teniendo como marco la teoría de los sistemas sociales autopoiéticos aplicada al Derecho (TSAD). Partiendo de una observación sociológica, se constata que la validación del Derecho opera dentro de sí, permitiendo un reconocimiento de lo jurídico por medio de la lógica constitucional/inconstitucional. En tal sentido, las Constituciones producen ese filtro, es decir, que las Constituciones ?se constituyen? en acoplamientos estructurales del Derecho y la Política, por medio de los procesos comunicativos que tienen lugar entre sistemas funcionalmente diferenciados. Representan, para el mundo jurídico, la traducción de las comunicaciones existentes en el sistema social, y para el sistema político, una orientación y una demarcación de su poder y de su legitimidad. La investigación, apoyada principalmente en la obra de Niklas Luhmann, está dividida entre tres partes. En un primer momento se presenta el marco teórico escogido y el punto de observación de los fenómenos. En un segundo momento, se explica la idea de acoplamiento estructural a partir de la teoría de sistemas. Finalmente, se aborda la relación entre el sistema de la Política y el Derecho por medio de las cartas constitucionales. This paper aims to understand how the coupling between Law and Politics occurs through constitutions, using as a framework the theory of autopoietic social systems applied to the law. From a sociological point of view, it is found the legal system is self-validated, since it allows an acknowledgement of the law through constitutional / unconstitutional logic. Constitutions produce this filter, that is, they constitute structural links between law and politics, through the communicative processes that take place between functionally different systems. For the legal world, they represent the translation of existing communications to the social system, and for the political system, an orientation and a demarcation of its power and legitimacy. The research, mainly based on the work of Niklas Luhmann, is divided into three parts. First, the theoretical framework and the observation point of the phenomena are presented. Second, the idea of structural coupling is explained based on the theory of social systems. Finally, the relationship between the political and legal systems is addressed through constitutions.

First published: 01 August 2018 On the basis of a game-theoretic model, this paper argues that governments typically manage crises more effectively in systems where political power is concentrated in a single party, but they are more likely to make investments in future welfare in systems where political power is shared among several parties. The paper makes two contributions. First of all, it shows that both crisis-management failures and investment failures can be explained by a common mechanism: an inter-temporal commitment problem that arises from the inability of political agents to commit to future policy choices. Second, it shows that power-sharing institutions are often associated with more effective government than power-concentration institutions, in contrast to much of the normative literature in comparative politics, in which power-sharing institutions are often justified on other grounds, such as representativeness, responsiveness, or social cohesion. In a world where crises dominate, power-concentration institutions typically perform better in a world where investment problems dominate, power-sharing institutions typically perform better.

At the onset of the study it is necessary to mention that its topic will be circumscribed to "Reflections on the regulation of the principle of non-discrimination in the Romanian Constitutions and in the International Bill of Human Rights - Selective aspects". By this approach, the proposed study opens a complex and complete vision, but not exhaustive, on the "Reflections on the regulation of non-discrimination in the Romanian Constitutions and in the International Bill of Human Rights - Selective aspects”. In the analysis of the International Bill of Human Rights, we will keep a symmetrical approach to identifying regulations concerning non-discrimination. The subject of the scientific endeavour will be circumscribed to the scientific analysis of its parts, as follows: 1. Preliminary considerations. 2. Identification of constitutional rules on the principle of nondiscrimination in the Romanian Constitutions. 3. Identification of rules on the non-discrimination in the International Bill of Human Rights. 4. The highlights of Romanian doctrine on the nondiscrimination. 5. Jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court regarding non-discrimination (Selective aspects) 6. Conclusions

Article is devoted to a problem of development of the constitutional ideas in pre-revolutionary imperial Russia having, according to the author, importance for judgment of features of political development of Russia and the Russian constitutionalism, in particular. The thought that the first projects of the constitutional restriction of the monarchy in Russia have appeared long before development of the known plan of the state transformation of M. M. Speransky and the constitutional projects of Decembrists is proved in article. The author investigates value of the first in political history of Russia of the projects of restriction the monarchy representative institutions which have arisen during «palace revolutions» («events of year 1730», the constitution project of Panin-Fonvizin, the project «The appointed diploma to the Russian people» by the count A. R. Vorontsov, and others). In article the attention is paid that the majority of these projects were created by unofficially narrow group of supporters in the mode of strict privacy is paid and were result of fight in ruling elite for political influence. At the end of 18th - the beginning of the 19th century supporters of the constitutional board were the representatives of the most progressive noble aristocracy suggesting to carry out transition to constitutional monarchy by means of the constitutional reforms, there are more and more popular ideas of cancellation of the serfdom, development of local government and others. The special place in article is allocated to the characteristic of the constitutional project of year 1820 of «The state authorized diploma of the Russian Empire» («The authorized diploma of Novosiltsev») prepared by N. N. Novosiltsev at the request of tsar Alexander I, representing, according to the author of article, the considerable phenomenon in development of the Russian constitutionalism confirming enough high standard of knowledge and the cultures of that time in the field of state law and the state construction.

We develop a general theoretical framework that allows us to study the group structures that are going to emerge at equilibrium in overlapping coalition settings. We introduce the notion of constitution in order to model for each group the rules governing both the composition of the group and the conditions needed to leave the group and/or to become a new member of the group. We propose the concept of constitutional stability to study the group structures that are going to emerge at equilibrium. This concept generalizes previous stability concepts in the literature in which the constitutional rules were exogenously given or not explicitly considered. We combine requirements on constitutions and preferences for guaranteeing both the existence and the emergence of constitutionally stable group structures. Finally, we show how these results are useful to identify constitutionally stable group structures in many-to-many matchings.

A neglected function of constitutions is their role in facilitating communication. This is particularly important if one accepts the approach of constitutional pluralism, both at the international level and between plural constitutions at the national level. Communication may be between different types of constitutions or between legal and other forms of social systems such as the economy and politics. Theoretical support for this approach can be found in Habermas’s discursive theory of democracy, and also in recent developments in systems theory. The role of constitutional communication is here illustrated through four case studies drawn from economic management. The first two concern failures of communication through the use of balanced budget rules, and in the breakdown of institutional relations in the UK under the pressure of the financial crisis of 2008–2009. The other two identify successes; the German Federal Constitutional Court’s support for legislative deliberation in relation to eurozone rescue measures and the development of countervailing institutions linked by soft law in UK monetary and fiscal policy.

It remains unknown how different types of sources affect the reconstruction of life courses and families in large-scale databases increasingly common in demographic research. Here, we compare family and life-course reconstructions for 495 individuals simultaneously present in two well-known Dutch data sets: LINKS, based on the Zeeland province's full-population vital event registration data (passive registration), and the Historical Sample of the Netherlands (HSN), based on a national sample of birth certificates, with follow-up of individuals in population registers (active registration). We compare indicators of fertility, marriage, mortality, and occupational status, and conclude that reconstructions in the HSN and LINKS reflect each other well: LINKS provides more complete information on siblings and parents, whereas the HSN provides more complete life-course information. We conclude that life-course and family reconstructions based on linked passive registration of individuals constitute a reliable alternative to reconstructions based on active registration, if case selection is carefully considered.

Двадцать восемь лет – это всего лишь момент в истории. За это короткое время наш родной Узбекистан сформировался как независимое и суверенное государство, занял достойное место в мировом сообществе, прошел поистине большой путь развития. Не зря все свои достижения на этом нелегком и благородном пути мы связываем, прежде всего, с нашей Конституцией. Ведь в нашем Основном законе определены гарантии нашей национальной независимости и пути развития, права и свободы человека, о которых наш народ давно мечтал. Можно с уверенностью сказать, что Конституция Республики Узбекистан является прекрасным примером политико-правового мышления нашего народа. Он стал законной гарантией свободной и независимой, мирной и процветающей, благополучной жизни, независимой от кого бы то ни было. Демократическое государство, основанное на верховенстве закона и рыночных отношениях, служит прочной основой для построения сильного гражданского общества. На основе Конституции в нашей стране сформированы национальная законодательная система, государственные органы и институты гражданского общества. Сегодня во всех сферах проводятся масштабные реформы. Наш социально-экономический, политический и военный потенциал растет, мировоззрение наших граждан растет. Все это, прежде всего, – результат жизненной силы Основного закона. В статье проанализирована история Конституции, описана самая ранняя конституция, ее авторы, какая из постсоветских стран первой приняла Основной закон, приведены сведения о первой Конституции Узбекской ССР и Конституции Республики Узбекистан., Twenty-eight years is just a moment in history. During this short time, our native Uzbekistan has formed as an independent and sovereign state, has taken a worthy place in the world community, and has gone through a truly long path of development. It is not for nothing that we associate all our achievements on this difficult and noble path, first of all, with our Constitution. Indeed, our Basic Law defines the guarantees of our national independence and development paths, human rights and freedoms, which our people have long dreamed of. It is safe to say that the Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan is an excellent example of the political and legal thinking of our people. It became the legal guarantee of a free and independent, peaceful and prosperous, prosperous life, independent from anyone else. A democratic state based on the rule of law and market relations provides a solid foundation for building a strong civil society. On the basis of our Constitution, our country has formed a national legislative system, government bodies and civil society institutions. Today, large-scale reforms are being carried out in all areas. Our socio-economic, political and military potential is growing, the outlook of our citizens is growing. All this is primarily the result of the vitality of our General Encyclopedia. The article analyzes the history of the Constitution and gives information about the oldest Constitution, who wrote the first Constitution in the world, which country has the longest Constitution, and which of the post-Soviet countries was the first to adopt the Basic law. It also discusses the first Constitution of the Uzbek SSR and the Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan.

Todo apunta que hoy se llegará al debate de la prórroga del estado de alarma con todos los frentes abiertos. Así, cabe la posibilidad de que se acabe por falta de apoyos parlamentarios. Pero también que el Gobierno acepte enmendar su propuesta antes de experimentar una dolorosa derrota. O declararlo de nuevo y alargar sus efectos 15 días más hasta solicitar del Congreso una prórroga como si fuese la primera, pero no sin propagar un dudoso aroma de fraude de Constitución por eludir el necesario control parlamentario. Asimismo, es posible que el estado de alarma ceda a la aplicación del derecho de crisis en materia de salud pública, en que las comunidades autónomas vuelvan a ser las «autoridades competentes» como reza la propia legislación en materia sanitaria para gestionar la crisis del Covid-19, en un contexto en el que el Estado tiene reservada la facultad de fijar las bases y la coordinación general en materia de sanidad, y la coordinación con limitaciones en materia de protección civil.

Journal of Politics and Governance, 10, 2, 87-103

[ES] Esta tesis trata del estudio y análisis crítico de un fenómeno jurídico que sigue a la espera de una mejor apreciación, tanto por la doctrina (campo dogmático) como por la jurisprudencia (campo pragmático): la responsabilidad civil generada por los actos legislativos del Estado., [EN] This thesis deals with the study and critical analysis of a legal phenomenon that still awaits a better appreciation, both in doctrine (dogma field) and by case law (pragmatic field): the liability generated by the acts of the State.

Although it is generally acknowledged that the building of mass schooling systems must be considered in close relation to the emerging nation-states of the long 19th century, few published studies discuss the interrelation between the actual foundation of the (nation-) states and the introduction of the modern school. This article examines the role that constitutions play in the construction of national citizens as an expression of a particular cultural understanding of a political entity, and then discusses European examples, indicating how the particular constitutional construction of the citizens of European countries almost immediately triggered the need to create new school laws designed to organize the actual implementation of the constitutionally created citizens. The focus is on the specific need to ‘make’ loyal citizens by creating the symbiosis between the nation and the constitutional state and by emphasizing the cultural differences between the individual nation-states and their overall curricula. The article concludes with a formulation of research desiderata which envision a transnational curriculum history that is emancipated from both national and global research agendas, enabling a European education history that respects cultural distinctions rather than levelling them into one grand narrative.

Constitutional monarchies are understudied as institutions that may contribute to the maintenance of a system of constitutional government. Even less well studied, however, is the relationship between constitutional monarchies and norms of gender justice. This article surveys this potential relationship, and notes five broad potential connections: the connection between formal rules surrounding the operation of the monarchy and norms of gender equality; the dynamics surrounding change, or non-change, in these rules; the gendered role(s) played by monarchs in various countries, and how those roles may reflect or even promote broader social change in attitudes towards female leadership; how monarchs have exercised their powers so as to promote, or obstruct, broader campaigns for gender justice; and the relationship between feminist commitments and an interest in the style and/or family choices of monarchs. It further suggests the benefits of a comparative dialogue on these questions that directly connects Europe, Asia, and the Pacific, as well as more future scholarship on these and related questions of the relationship between gender- based change in the realms of the symbolic and practical.

The Norwegian constitution is the second oldest living constitution in the world, and the country’s Supreme Court was also the second in the world to judicially review legislation. Yet, Norway’s deep constitutional history has gone often unnoticed in comparative scholarship, while comparative constitutional law within Norway has not attracted significant attention, despite the many constitutional influences from abroad. This article introduces the Norwegian constitution to an international audience and places it within a comparative perspective for a Norwegian readership. After a brief overview of comparative method(s), the remainder of the article focuses on three core areas of constitutional law: system of government, judicial review, and constitutional amendments. Using descriptive statistics, qualitative case studies, and legal and archival sources, the Norwegian experience is situated within a global context.

"This material was originally published in Territory and Power in Constitutional Transitions, edited by George Anderson and Sujit Choudhry, and has been reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press: https://global.oup.com/academic/product/territory-and-power-in-constitutional-transitions-9780198836544. For permission to reuse this material, please visit http://global.oup.com/academic/rights"., This chapter examines Spain’s successful constitutional transition through the gradual accommodation of territories. It first explains the context that paved the way for Spain’s peaceful transition to democracy during the period 1975–79, from the Civil War of 1936–39 and the dictatorial rule of General Franco to the mobilization of opposition around left-right cleavages and several territorially based nationalist movements, the moment of constitutional transition between 1977 and 1979, and the approval of a democratic Constitution in December 1978. The chapter then describes the period of constitutional engagement from 1978 to 1983 as well as the outcomes of the 1978 Constitution, particularly with regard to its creation and institutional accommodation of seventeen regions and nationalities or “autonomous communities,” elections and decentralization that sought to address regional demands for more autonomy, and devolution. It concludes with an analysis of lessons that can be drawn from Spain’s transition from authoritarianism to democracy.

La Constitución atribuye al Estado facultades de intervención coactiva sobre las comunidades autónomasa través del Gobierno y del Senado. Hasta ahora, había habido consenso entre los expertos sobre que la aplicación del artículo155 no sólo debía ser excepcional sino también temporal, dado que vaorientado a la restitución de la normalidad constitucional.

Cilj rada je analiza dva značajna činioca u procesu organizacije Srbije i Rumunije u XIX veku: spoljnih faktora i unutrašnjih društveno-političkih okolnosti. Iz tog razloga ustavni modeli i vrste implementacije su značajan deo ovog rada. Oslanjajući se na analitičke i komparativne metode u radu ilažemo sličnosti i razlike u procesu konstitucionalizacije u ovom delu Balkana. The aim of this paper is to analyze the impact of two important factors in the process of the constitutional organization of Serbia and Romania during the 19th century: the external factors and internal socio-political circumstances. Therefore, the constitutional models, modes and types of implementation are an important part of this work. Using analytical and comparative methods, I will discuss the similarities and differences in the processes of constitutionalization in one part of the Balkans region.