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Indoctrination is an ongoing concern in education, especially in debates about moral education. One approach to this issue is to come up with a rational procedure that can robustly justify potential items of moral education content. I call this the ‘rationalistic justification project’. Michael Hand’s recent book, A Theory of Moral Education, is representative of this approach. My essay has three parts. First, I show that Hand’s justificatory procedure – the problem-of-sociality justification – cannot serve the purposes he has in mind; it fails on its own terms and may even cause the teacher to inadvertently slide into indoctrination. Second, I argue that the causes of this failure lie deeper than Hand’s particular approach to the rationalistic justification project; rather, it is the broader project itself that is misguided, largely due to its narrow conceptions of morality and rationality. Third, I offer an alternative way of framing the issue of indoctrination, by drawing on Aristotle’s philosophy of rhetoric. My suggested approach recontextualizes the issue of indoctrination and brings into focus a broader set of relevant features of the teaching–learning situation.

The basic principles of modern sociolinguistic engineering as a tool for population indoctrination, subjugation, and control have their beginnings in the strategies designed by Joseph Goebbels of the NAZI regime and also those of the USSR. The redefinition of semantics is a dangerous tool used by propagandists to influence the individuals' sense of reality using language on a psychological level. This creates a populace that is more willing to follow harmful ideologies. The study will investigate existing legislation of Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and Canada about guarantees on free speech especially in academia, and the classification of hate speech. This study further looks at a microcosm of language used by the diversity, Inclusion, and Equity" movement focusing on an analysis of a glossary created by the University of Washington. It also discusses some terminology that is similarly erroneous but not included in the glossary. The history of terminology and their development is discussed as well as the scientific and linguistic validity of the provided semantic definitions in contrast to the original semantics. The study found that sociolinguistic engineering was taking place in universities and wider society which follows the historic pattern of the Third Reich and USSR. The study recommends that universities and education systems desist from such indoctrination and return to the traditional academic foundations of open inquiry and critical thinking.

With mathematics education dominated by practices of standardized test alignment, the quest for mathematical understanding is adrift despite so much talk about the importance of STEM subject matters. To add to the confusion there has long been worries among educators about any curricular programs or instructional practices that can be labeled indoctrinative. The worse combination of practices seems afoot. Standardized testing has led to unmitigated indoctrination throughout much of public education yet the term is indoctrination is shunned as bad pedagogy. The argument here is that entry into any new discipline from times of antiquity to the present necessarily involves responsible and warranted indoctrination. Acknowledging the fruitful role of indoctrination early on should enable educators to benchmark when the practice has become excessive or otherwise inappropriate. Threshold moments demarcate between early instruction enabling the study of math from advanced and independent study wherein students’ development skills of reflection and evaluative deliberation relevant to mathematic thinking.

This paper argues that there are compelling grounds for thinking that coercive indoctrination can defeat or mitigate moral culpability in virtue of being a form of non-culpable moral ignorance. That is, I defend a two-tier account such that what (at least partially) excuses an agent for a wrongful act is the agent’s ignorance regarding the moral quality of their act; and what excuses the defendant for their ignorance is that coercion or manipulation deprived the defendant of a fair opportunity to avoid that ignorance. I further argue that criminal defense theory would better track moral culpability were it to broaden existing defenses whose desert-base is moral ignorance—such as insanity or mistaken-belief self-defense—to include non-culpable ignorance due to diminished situational control. In this way, criminal law can plausibly recognize a defense of coercive indoctrination without postulating any new categories of defense.

This article addresses the political effects which the multidirectional activity of both the state and civil society institutions have on the voluntary movement. The state seeks to provide support with the purpose of indoctrination, whereas the aim of public organizations is civic activism. The authors of this paper confirm the hypothesis about the direct political impact of these efforts using the evidence of an empirical study of voluntary movements that was conducted in 2019 in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug—Yugra. The authors conclude that just as state support provided to voluntary organizations does not incite the ‘pro-government’ discourse of their actions, so their ‘civil’ origin does not stir up oppositionist attitudes. Moreover, the state’s efforts to indoctrinate or block political socialization can trigger the opposite response, where volunteers start to act opportunistically and non-profit public organizations, designed to be the mainstay of civil society, can easily be transformed into agents of state policy.

This article refutes dominant views that define evangelical indigenous media as intrinsic tools for religious indoctrination. The case of the Colombian Misak community shows that evangelical radio stations can contribute to community building. However, the degree of the positive or negative contribution of evangelical media depends on the dominance of evangelical presence at indigenous localities. The rapid expansion of indigenized evangelical groups via the provision of social services has radicalized Evangelicals against views different from their own. As a result, these evangelical media are progressively leaving their role as promoters of positive social change to become tools for religious indoctrination.

In this book chapter the author discusses the interconnections between social media addiction, cult indoctrination, and the coronavirus pandemic, all in relation to the United States presidency of Donald Trump. The relationship of the Trump presidency to each of these three phenomena: social media addiction, cult indoctrination, and the coronavirus pandemic, is initially examined separately. Subsequently the author ties things together by exploring the interconnections of these three different phenomena with each other, in the context of the Trump presidency. The author concludes with his own belief about how we can avoid the most detrimental consequences of all these interconnections. However, the author believes that the current very real and understandable human phenomenon of pandemic caution fatigue has been tremendously amplified by President Trump’s use of cult indoctrination techniques in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic devastation.

The Madonna of Humility has been a subject of great interest in the twentieth century. Scholars such as Millard Meiss and H. W. van Os have long dwelled on the origin and dissemination of t...

This article introduces an account of moral education grounded in Zagzebski’s recent Exemplarist Moral Theory and discusses two problems that have to be solved for the account to become a realistic alternative to other educational models on the market, namely the limited-applicability problem and the problem of indoctrination. The first problem raises worries about the viability of the account in ordinary circumstances. The second charges the proposed educational model with indoctrinating students. The main goal of this article is to show how an exemplar-based account of moral education can handle both problems without compromising its structure and upshot.

Formal education means, among other things, to influence learner’s minds through ideologies and doctrines. The connection between ideology and teaching is often theorized through the concept of pedagogical indoctrination, but empirical data on this phenomenon are missing. Acknowledging the crucial importance of indoctrination in school, the major purpose of this study was to empirically explore teachers’ and future teachers’ perceptions about pedagogical indoctrination in Romanian education system. Starting from two theoretical models of school indoctrination, we elaborated a self-report questionnaire, describing three dimensions and 17 behaviours that reflect indoctrinative teaching situations. 260 subjects, 171 undergraduate pre-service teachers and 89 in-service teachers from the North-Eastern region of Romania participated in the study. The results indicate that both in-service teachers and pre-service teachers acknowledge the existence of indoctrination in schools, yet the phenomenon is not perceived as widespread. However, further statistical analyse reveal significant difference between pre-service and in-service teachers’ perception about behavioural and dimensional indoctrinative teaching and learning. The age, the faculty profile and the residence add significant information about subjects’ representation of indoctrinative teaching in Romanian school system. Theoretical and methodological implications are discussed.

In this article, I illuminate ongoing debates about the normative status of indoctrination via close examination of recent work in the philosophy of psychiatry and, more particularly, delusion. Here it has been argued, contrary to the established view that delusional states of mind are epistemically problematic, that delusions can (at least under certain circumstances) exhibit a quality called ‘epistemic innocence’. That is, they may ‘[deliver] a significant epistemic benefit, that could not be obtained otherwise’. This might lead us to wonder whether indoctrinated beliefs – which appear to share key features with delusional beliefs – might also be capable of such epistemic innocence and, if so, what the educational consequences of such a conclusion would be. By drawing meaningful distinctions between delusion and normal cognition, as well as expanding our notions of what is conducive to epistemic achievement, philosophers of psychiatry and psychopathology provide us with novel, empirically informed theoretical resources which are particularly well placed to facilitate better understanding of belief formation and malformation. As such, this work is of direct relevance to philosophers of education concerned with questions pertaining to the legitimate transmission of beliefs. I begin by briefly outlining my own outcome-based account of indoctrination before discussing some of the relevant similarities and differences between indoctrination and delusion. This is followed by a discussion of how the aforementioned shared features might motivate the conclusion that indoctrination is morally problematic. In the second half of the article, I shift my focus to the possible epistemic benefits of delusional beliefs, before going on to explain why none of the candidates for epistemically innocent forms of belief transmission can be properly described as indoctrination.

I argue that none of the main accounts of autonomy in the literature can explain the fact that people who undergo a certain subtle but powerful kind of indoctrination are not autonomous or self-governing in reflectively acquiring and endorsing the views, values, goals, and practical commitments that they are successfully indoctrinated to adopt. I suggest that, assuming there are historical conditions on autonomous reasoning and reflective endorsement, there is a condition that specifically concerns emotions: the person’s emotional state and dispositions, and her web of emotional dependencies. I explain what we know so far about the kind of indoctrination on which I focus, and I motivate the claim that people who are successfully indoctrinated in this way are not self-governed in reflectively acquiring and endorsing even the first views and values that they adopt as a result of indoctrination. I argue that this heteronomy is not explained by any of the accounts that postulate historical conditions on autonomy: neither by classical accounts such as Rousseau’s and Piaget’s, nor by so-called historical accounts in the contemporary literature, nor by relational accounts. I argue that an accurate account of autonomy must include an emotional condition on autonomous reasoning and reflective endorsement that goes beyond the emotional conditions postulated or implied by historical accounts, and I offer a tentative sketch of this condition.

Literature on indoctrination has focused on imparting and revising beliefs, but it has hardly considered the way of teaching and acquiring certainties—in Wittgenstein’s sense. Therefore, the role played by rationality in the acquisition of our linguistic practices has been overestimated. Furthermore, analyses of the relationship between certainty and indoctrination contain major errors. In this paper, the clarification of the aforementioned issues leads me to suggest the avoidance of the term ‘indoctrination’ so as to avoid focusing on the suitability of the case to the concept rather than on the analysis of the case itself. This should facilitate that the process of helping children to acquire a world-picture—by teaching them to ignore alternatives to certainties—is definitely accepted as normal and natural, for many beliefs are expected to end up becoming ungrounded certainties not only in the medium or long term, but also, and above all, in the short term.

During the last decade, there has been a distinct move away from the examination of the role of National Socialist indoctrination in the Wehrmacht. Few, if any, historians now doubt that the propag...

Dictators depend on a committed bureaucracy to implement their policy preferences. But how do they induce loyalty and effort within their civil service? The authors study indoctrination through forced military service as a cost-effective strategy for achieving this goal. Conscription allows the regime to expose recruits, including future civil servants, to intense “political training” in a controlled environment, which should improve system engagement. To test this hypothesis, the authors analyze archival data on over 370,000 cadres from the former German Democratic Republic. Exploiting the introduction of mandatory service in the gdr in 1962 for causal identification, they find a positive effect of conscription on bureaucrats’ system engagement. Additional analyses indicate that this effect likely did not result from deep norm internalization. Findings are more compatible with the idea that political training familiarized recruits with elite preferences, allowing them to behave strategically in accordance with the rules of the game.

When and how does state indoctrination work? Building upon research on motivated reasoning and family socialization, I argue that only those individuals whose parents have connections to political patronage are subject to state indoctrination because their pro-regime biases transmitted from parents induce higher receptivity prior to government messages. Focusing on political education in China, I conduct a quasi-experimental analysis exploiting the sharp variation in textbook content generated by China’s most recent curriculum reform. Results based on a national survey show that the new politics textbooks successfully affected only those individuals whose parents had worked for the government. The finding survives extensive robustness checks and falsification tests. I also consider several alternative explanations of the effects: preference falsification, selective attention, parental indoctrination, and educational quality. This paper not only highlights the role of intergenerational transmission in moderating the effectiveness of state indoctrination but also casts doubt on the actual degree to which regimes can change minds by changing educational content.

Students of economics are often presented as less cooperative than students of other disciplines. A method commonly used to establish this difference is based on laboratory experiments where students participate in trust games. However, these games are analysed as part of microeconomics courses. Hence, drawing conclusions about how students of economics behave while playing these games may not indicate their actual behaviour. This paper contributes to the discussion on economics students’ attitudes towards cooperation by presenting the results of a survey conducted among undergraduate students of economics at the University of Lodz in central Poland (N=129). Besides the indoctrination and preselection hypotheses, a culture hypothesis was also examined. To analyse the significance of culture on students’ cooperativeness, we recruited respondents from two countries, China and Poland, representing two different cultures of collectivism vs. individualism. Our findings lend support to the culture hypothesis, while we failed to find evidence for the indoctrination hypothesis. Moreover, the values of the Cooperation Index, an indicator coined to express respondents’ attitude towards cooperation, confirm that females are more ready to cooperate than males. Since an ability to work in a team is regarded as the most valuable skill by employers (NACE Job Outlook 2016), our findings suggest treating training in teamwork as an integral part of economics curricula.

Throughout January of 2012, national news reports described the ongoing saga of “banning” books used in the Tucson Unified school District’s (TUSD) Mexican American Studies (MAS) Program. According to MAS students and teachers, on Friday, January 13, school officials attended class sessions and told teachers to box and remove books that were out of compliance with a recently passed Arizona law banning ethnic studies in public education institutions. TUSD administrators had decided that, in order to comply with the law, not only would the MAS program have to end but any books used in the curriculum would need to be removed from classrooms. Books on the removal list included Pedagogy of the Oppressed by Paolo Freire, Critical Race Theory by Richard Delgado and Jean Stefancic, and, famously, Shakespeare’s The Tempest. The TUSD maintained that it has not banned the books since they are still available in the libraries throughout the school system. This article, which focuses on the reasons for removing the books from the MAS program classrooms, is grounded in a social constructionist metatheoretical framework as well as the study of reading practices and previous research on book challengers. It is intended to demonstrate that those who argued for the dismantling of the program and the removal of the books employed what might be called a common sense or monosemic interpretive strategy with regard to texts and were particularly focused on the idea of indoctrination in public schools.

This chapter analyses how the 1960s protest movement, from its infancy, had a libertarian as well as a radical manifestation. This radical democracy, strongly present in the student movement, practises direct action and civil disobedience, rejecting representative democracy, aiming to emancipate people by making them mature, through political education and radically horizontal relationships between teachers and students. Central to it is conflict with powers that be, and the ‘hidden curriculum’. Their opponents stick to a proportional, pluralistic, politics of dialogue. Both claim to be raising truly tolerant citizens. This polarization produces a culture war, involving the left-wing Den Uyl government’s education policies, ‘state pedagogy’ and supposedly indoctrinatory radical youth work. Around 1980, both conservatives and progressives criticize radical democracy for being paternalist itself.

This essay investigates intersections among childhood pet keeping, maturation, maternity, and sentimental mourning practices in Grace Greenwood’s History of My Pets (1851), a collection of vignettes that traces its author’s development into womanhood as she experiences her pets’ deaths. Greenwood’s stories illustrate how a young girl’s pet keeping enables her maturation into a respectable middle-class woman by introducing her to the transformative symbolic and bodily processes connecting maternity with mortality. As pet keeping helps Greenwood learn the gendered responsibilities she is expected to fulfill in adulthood, it also helps her communicate a distinctly personal sense of self. Ultimately, History of My Pets emphasizes pet keeping’s ability to familiarize girls with the cultural rituals they will be expected to perform as adults; more importantly, it celebrates pet keeping as an experiential practice that enables young women to take ownership of the social narratives their bodies tell.

Islamic State of Iraq and Sham(ISIS) use the most elaborate technological ways of our time to consolidate a new propaganda. We will see how kinship with Nazism makes it possible to observe similarities in the mechanisms used to spread propaganda. Some aspects also cut across the techniques used on child soldiers. Our study shows that the whole process of juvenile indoctrination results from the interaction of tree cumulative approaches: - emotional (ISIS has an anxiety-provoking approach, based on the exacerbation of the fear of "the others"), - relational (the group becomes a substituted family where the bonds are fusional and protective, the child distances himself from his kinship system to regenerate through a new imaginary filiation, sacred and fantasized) - and cognitive-ideological (the discourse presents the application of the divine law to obtain a better self and a better world. Based on a follow-up of 450 French jihadists from 12 to 25 years old as part of a ministerial mission, first lines for treatment will be shared, especially by reflecting on the consideration of the trauma and on the role of the extended family.The conceptual framework for the dis-indoctrination program of children must integrate a two-fold emotional-ideological dimension. Key words : children, ISIS, indoctrination, dis-indoctrination, jihadisme, treatment.

We apply the models and tools of epidemiology and public health to propose a unified field theory showing the role of ideologies, indoctrination, and incitement, in genocide, genocidal terror, and terror by groups or individuals. We examine the effects of indoctrination and incitement as exposures and risks in relation to genocide and genocidal terror. Incitement has been recognized as a trigger to these outcomes but indoctrination is upstream to incitement. Population-wide exposure to indoctrination increases susceptibility to the effects of incitement. These relationships have been seen in all major genocides and genocidal terror in the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries. There is some insight into the relationship between ideology, incitement, and genocidal acts of violence from the so-called localized genocides in Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur, Syria, and most recently, among the Rohingya in Myanmar. There is a need to recognize the upstream role of ideologies of hate in order to determine the degree to which indoctrination posed, and continues to pose, a contributing factor. Epidemiologic models, such as the iceberg model of exposure and disease and the concept of “sick individuals” and “sick populations,” guide our understanding of the content and spread of indoctrination and incitement and can provide essential insights for prevention. The hateful indoctrination and ideologies behind genocidal violence must be countered and replaced by positive ideologies and role models that emphasize respect for life and human dignity for all.

Debates about indoctrination raise fundamental questions about the ethics of teaching. This paper presents a philosophical analysis of indoctrination, including 1) an account of what indoctrination is and why it is harmful, and 2) a framework for understanding the responsibilities of teachers and other educational actors to avoid its negative outcomes. I respond to prominent outcomes-based accounts of indoctrination, which I argue share two limiting features—a narrow focus on the threat indoctrination poses to knowledge and on the dyadic relationship between indoctrinator and indoctrinated person. I propose a system-based account of indoctrination in which actors with authority contribute to the production or reinforcement of closed-mindedness, which threatens both knowledge and understanding. By taking a system-based approach, my account is better equipped to identify the implications of indoctrination for educational policy and practice.

In the face of such closed regimes as North Korea's, memoirists seek to expose what otherwise remains hidden. This article explores three girls' indoctrination memoirs to examine their reconstructi...

Recent tensions between Catalonian secessionism and Spanish central state erupted during the deep economic downturn that hit Southern European countries around 2010. The rapidly growing rise of a secessionist movement which demanded an immediate vote for self-determination became a major political conflict when the Regional Government decided to lead the claims to achieve secession using devices provided by Catalonian Statute of Autonomy (Home Rule). Different analyses have been used to understand such challenge: from comparisons about economic and fiscal inequalities among Spanish regions to descriptions of perceived neglect or mistreatment from the central State. Strategic models have been also applied to foresee plausible scenarios for the ongoing conflict. Despite their virtues, these attempts were unable to explain the abruptness of secessionism and they failed to identify the triggers that converted an old but convivial tension into a potentially damaging clash among neighbors. Here I present data pointing towards two psychological factors that have played an important role on the mounting wave of demands of self-determination: Intensive persuasion by local media and continuous social pressure through monopolizing the public space with secessionist symbols. If the present depiction is correct the recent secessionist campaign in Catalonia will be remembered as an example of mass indoctrination and social intimidation within a democratic context.

The numerous killings of non-Muslims by Muslim jihadi groups in Kenya, have fuelled ethno-religious tensions manifested in hatred and anger against the entire Muslim community. Though anti-jihadi Muslims have rightly condemned the targeting of their non-Muslim countrymen by the jihadists, the Christian leaders have not been satisfied by their counterpart's internal self- criticism. There are suspicions from Christians, even when anti-jihadi Muslims disassociate themselves from the heinous criminal acts of the jihadists, that all Muslims are the same, and posing a threat to peace in the country. In this context, there has arisen two theories of why we do have jihadist Islam in Kenya, and, for that matter, in other parts of the world. The one argument is that it is due to the social and economic marginalisation and exclusion of Muslims from the dominant and governing hegemony of the mainly Christian-affiliated parties in the country. This causes discontent and dissatisfaction among Muslims, especially among the poor and underprivileged, with the result of their radicalisation, attraction and exposure to, the jihadi groups. The other argument, and this coming from the Christian side, is that Muslims are not the only ones economically marginalized in the country. For them, one of the main factors for the radicalisation of some Muslims and their joining of jihadi groups, is the indoctrination by charismatic Muslim leaders (imams). Foregrounding the potency of both these accounts for explaining why some Muslims join the jihadi movement, as well as why we have jihadi violence (especially against Christians in Kenya), this article addresses these two theories and attempts to point to a Muslim-Christian Public Discourses and Perceptions, on Religious Violence way forward. It shall also address the issue of public rhetoric emanating from Christian religious leaders, against Muslims.

This chapter explores the connection between cultural indoctrination (CI) and open innovation in human creativity and its importance in an era of global hypercompetition. As organizations are confronted with the need to engage with stakeholders from a variety of different cultural backgrounds, the need to understand the ways in which cultural imperatives play into individual and collective performances becomes increasingly important. Based on an integrated literature review, this chapter examines the following eight factors included in CI: child development, cultural institutionalization, cultural intelligence, language structure and acquisition, social learning theory, religion, social capital, and values orientation theory (VOT). It is from these factors that a conceptual framework is developed for future application in theory and practice in open innovation.

This chapter examines the discourses employed by digital citizens as they engaged in online newspaper and social media commentary regarding the intended showing of Gayby Baby, a documentary following the lives of four children growing up with same-sex parents, in an Australian government school. The analysis draws on scholarship by Tiffany Jones to map discourses of diversity and ‘indoctrination’. As such, it offers nuanced understandings of some of the discourses employed in public debates relating to the representation of sexual diversity and sexuality diverse families in schools. Additionally, the methodology employed in this chapter offers educational researchers an approach as to how they might make sense of the broad range of discourses circulating in a context of increasing online public commentary in order to talk back to public resistances to their research and opposition to inclusion of diverse sexualities in education.

The introductory psychology class represents the first opportunity for the field to present new students with a comprehensive overview of psychological research. Writing introductory psychology textbooks is challenging given that authors need to cover many areas they themselves may not be intimately familiar with. This challenge is compounded by problems within the scholarly community in which controversial topics may be communicated in ideological terms within scholarly discourse. Psychological science has historically seen concerns raised about the mismatch between claims and data made about certain fields of knowledge, apprehensions that continue in the present “replication crisis.” The concern is that, although acting in good faith, introductory psychology textbook authors may unwittingly communicate information to readers that is factually untrue. Twenty-four leading introductory psychology textbooks were surveyed for their coverage of a number of controversial topics (e.g., media violence, narcissism epidemic, multiple intelligences) and scientific urban legends (e.g., Kitty Genovese, Mozart Effect) for their factual accuracy. Results indicated numerous errors of factual reporting across textbooks, particularly related to failing to inform students of the controversial nature of some research fields and repeating some scientific urban legends as if true. Recommendations are made for improving the accuracy of introductory textbooks.

Since the emergence of the national protests at Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) in South Africa in 2015, both the public media and social media platforms were inundated with debates justifying the credibility and validity of the protests. It appears that the public and social media had succeeded in swaying public opinion in favour of the protests, as much media attention was focused on portraying the protests in the same manner as those of June 1976, namely that these were students fighting for equality in education, similar to those of 1976. However, since the protests hit their peak in 2015, and even through 2016, what have we learnt about the crisis in higher education that the protests have created? First, is there a crisis? Second, do the protests reflect the reality of the state of education in South Africa, namely, that institutions no longer seek to educate, but to indoctrinate? These are the key questions addressed in this article.

In the postwar period, after 1999 in Kosovo, not only Kosovo citizens are those who claim that the Islamic religion in Kosovo does not seem to be at the same level of faith as it has been preached for centuries.What is happening in Kosovo is something special when is known that the vast majority of Kosovo's population belong to two major religions - Muslim and Catholic religion. After not a very short period of time the state bodies, including the Islamic community, have proven that in the Republic of Kosovo there are ideologies which until after 1999 in Kosovo were not mentioned that have ever been present.The question arises why and from when have these ideologies began to appear in Kosovo that are endangering the stability of security at the same time they are making parallelism to Islamic faith in the Republic of Kosovo.So what happened to Kosovo's kosovo how occurred that the impact of some destructive ideologies and especially the takfir ideology to emerge and to try that coexistence and religious tolerance be put into question, precisely in the period of state building.

Since the 1960s, organ procurement policies have relied on the boundary of death-advertised as though it were a factual, value-free, and unobjectionable event-to foster organ donation while minimizing controversy. Death determination, however, involves both discoveries of facts and events and decisions about their meaning (whether the facts and events are relevant to establish a vital status), the latter being subjected to legitimate disagreements requiring deliberation. By revisiting the historical origin of the dead donor rule, including some events that took place in France prior to the report by the Ad Hoc Committee of the Harvard Medical School to Examine the Definition of Brain Death, I want to recall that those who first promoted the DDR did not take into account any scientific rationale to support the new proposed criteria to determine death. Rather, through a process of factual re-semantization, they authorized themselves to decide about the meaning of death in order to implicitly prioritize the interests of organ recipients over those of dying people.

In recent years the concept of indoctrination has almost become synonymous with Islam. Madrasas are described as incubators for violent extremism and as jihadist factories. They are perceived as places where Muslims are indoctrinated in an ideology of intolerance, violence and hatred against the West. The concept of indoctrination is and will be increasingly used, given the current climate of religious resurgence, religious conflicts and inter-religiously motivated terrorism. Thus, indoctrination will continue to occupy a prominent place both in media coverage and in simple everyday conversations. Therefore, we have an intellectual and moral obligation to critically examine and understand this term as precisely as possible, so we can use it accurately in relation to education and Islamic culture and in order to be able to better analyze its consequences.

Attempts at modifying public opinions, attitudes, and beliefs range from advertising and schooling to "brainwashing." Their effectiveness is highly controversial. In this paper, we use survey data on anti-Semitic beliefs and attitudes in a representative sample of Germans surveyed in 1996 and 2006 to show that Nazi indoctrination--with its singular focus on fostering racial hatred--was highly effective. Between 1933 and 1945, young Germans were exposed to anti-Semitic ideology in schools, in the (extracurricular) Hitler Youth, and through radio, print, and film. As a result, Germans who grew up under the Nazi regime are much more anti-Semitic than those born before or after that period: the share of committed anti-Semites, who answer a host of questions about attitudes toward Jews in an extreme fashion, is 2-3 times higher than in the population as a whole. Results also hold for average beliefs, and not just the share of extremists; average views of Jews are much more negative among those born in the 1920s and 1930s. Nazi indoctrination was most effective where it could tap into preexisting prejudices; those born in districts that supported anti-Semitic parties before 1914 show the greatest increases in anti-Jewish attitudes. These findings demonstrate the extent to which beliefs can be modified through policy intervention. We also identify parameters amplifying the effectiveness of such measures, such as preexisting prejudices.

The oil-rich northern districts of Iraq were long considered a reflection of the country with a diversity of ethnic and religious groups: Arabs, Turkmen, Kurds, Assyrians, and Yezidi, living together and portraying Iraq's demographic make-up. Yet the territory has suffered from heightening ethno-political influence and sectarianism throughout its recent history. The ethnic basis to territorial claims has amplified the discourse over linguistic presence, cultural representation and minority rights across the region and elevated debates over territorial representation to the height of ethnic survival issues. This paper will explore the changing face of education in the region over the last 12 years, highlighting the way in which education policy has reflected, and reacted to, national fragility and conflict.

This research reports on the experiences of higher education English language teachers who teach as critical pedagogues. The aim was to discover the key challenges of critical pedagogy and how this practice is understood. Thirteen teachers from higher education institutions around the world were interviewed and all had a clear agenda for greater social justice. Eleven had to contend with the criticism that critical pedagogues indoctrinate students and they recognised that this was difficult to avoid in such a distinct ideological space. Teachers endeavoured to withhold their own political views from students while accepting a certain degree of risk not normally associated with teaching a language. For some teachers, the impact of exposing students to culturally challenging political ideas was not fully considered and in general, the long-term impact of its social and linguistic goals remains unknown and should be a goal for future research.

This paper aims to highlight the prominence and relevance attached by the Franco dictatorial regime to emotions and sentiments in primary education textbooks. The authors of school textbooks employed a singular writing style, which enabled them to permeate the regime’s ideology within the primary education community and classroom. Overcoming the censorship of their textbooks lent the authors a measure of authority derived from the government, increasing the schoolbook’s relevance as the instructional resource par excellence. The sentimental narrative, reinforced by figurative, pseudo-poetic language and precise instructions on how and what to feel, represents prescriptive texts and reveals the objective of emotionally homogenising and indoctrinating the children in order to socialise them politically and religiously, moulding their socio-political self and identity within the pattern established.

It has been alleged that compatibilists are committed to the view that agents act freely and responsibly even when subject to certain forms of radical manipulation. In this paper I identify and elucidate a form of compatibilist freedom, social autonomy , that is essential to understanding what is wrong with ordinary indoctrination, and argue that it also holds the key to understanding what goes wrong in more fanciful manipulation cases.

Temi psihološke uloge medija u procesima indoktrinacije političkih i korporativnih ideologija u zapadnim društvima pristupljeno je iz više perspektiva. Rad pruža pregled kritičke teorije medija, koja razmatra kako postmoderna propaganda pogoduje nastajanju fenomena ‘javnosti’ i institucije ‘PR-a’. Utvrđeno je da imperativ konzumerizma, koji inzistira na negaciji individualiteta, reproducira tipove osobnosti. Stoga je pojedinac modernog doba depersonalizirana individua koja je za konstrukciju svoje zbilje ovisna o medijima, političarima i oglašivačima te relativno novijim akterima – influencerima. Razmatra se kako kolektivni entiteti, sačinjeni od heterogenih pluralističkih institucija, mogu postati jezgra socijalnog ‘pathosa’. Rad nastoji dekonstruirati neke aspekte odnosa privrede, politike i medija te načina na koji se propagandnom retorikom utječe na psihu pojedinca i zajednica., Multiple perspectives are applied in approaching the subject of psychological role the media plays in the processes of indoctrination of political and corporate ideologies in western socie ties. This paper provides a review of critical theory on the media, examining the way in which postmodern propaganda contributes to the formation of ‘the public’ and the institution of public relations. It is found that consumerist imperative, insisting on the negation of individuality, reproduces certain types of personalities, thus a modern day individual appears to be deper sonalised and highly depended upon media, politicians, advertisers and relatively recent agents – influencers – for the construction of their reality. The paper examines how collective enti ties, made up from heterogeneous pluralist institutions, can become the core of social ‘pathos’. Paper attempts to deconstruct some aspects of the existing relationships between the economy, politics and media, and investigate the way in which propagandistic rhetoric can influence the psyche of individuals and communities.