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The Political Economy of Sentiment: Paper Credit and the Scottish Enlightenment in Early Republic Boston., 1780-1820. By Jose R. Torre. (London: Pickering & Chatto, 2006. Pp. 251. Cloth, £66/ $99.00.)Reviewed by Cathy MaisonThe Political Economy of Sentiment traces the transformation in thinking about "value" that began in late seventeenth-century England and reached maturity before America's market revolution. Jose Torre argues that profound changes in the meanings of value spurred innovations in the paper credit and banking systems of the early national political economy, but he also invites the reader to consider parallel intellectual transformations among New England's Unitarian ministers, sentimental novelists, and decorative artists who articulated new views about value through the concept of "sentiment."In Torre's background stand the traditional defenders of the intrinsic value of money (silver and gold), a "beggar thy neighbor" mercantilist model of commerce, and the regulation of personal behavior in the marketplace. Among them, John Locke is cast not as the herald of liberal individualism, but as an advocate of unchangeable intrinsic value in money. Slowly, under the influence of Scottish Moral Sense writersmost notably David Hume, Francis Hutcheson, and Adam Smith-value became changeable, contestable, and conceptually fictitious. Revolutionary Americans more readily accepted currency as a promise to facilitate exchange, an instrument of public trust, and confidence without real value. The true measure of wealth was not the store of money on hand, but the ability of mere paper to satisfy collective individual desires to develop America and consume more.This new view of value proved to be liberating in an infant republic whose citizens were deeply in debt, but also convinced of their tremendous potential for economic and cultural development. Powerful spokesmen pushed the new view of value further and celebrated speculative investments, expansive individual consumption, and an infinite system of paper credit, all of which, they insisted, would knit together large networks of investors and consumers in mountains of confidence and trust.Yet because paper credit was fictitious, and Americans had lost the security of attachment to the British commercial empire and fixed traditional political authority, some kind of glue was necessary to hold together otherwise discretely associated individuals in this new world of value. "Sentiment" would be the glue to ease disquietude about the unbridled self-interest, and it would provide New Englanders with an "epistemology based on feelings" (56). In the form of sympathy or benevolence, Adam Smith's "impartial spectator" knew what was morally right by imagining himself in the place of the other whom he was judging; an internal moral sentiment would bind individuals in a system of "natural liberty" that had little place for the constraints of mercantilism and much potential for the satisfaction of wants and needs.Torre is less effective in addressing a central conundrum in early national political economy: the failure of lofty ideals-in this case, sentiment-to play out in the reality of contentious interests. Surely, regulation, restraint, and paternalism persisted in disputes over cultural authority, but Torre provides only a few glimpses of discussions about commercial protection and internal improvements. He demonstrates that many key economic thinkers, among them Jonathan Witherspoon, Ben Franklin, William Barton, James Sullivan, and Mathew Carey (whose name is consistently misspelled), were excited about facilitating the new nation's "liquid" credit and enlarging public confidence in banks, and hence the nation's sympathetic social bonds. …

The 23rd AIRAANZ conference, which was held in Newcastle, Australia in February 2009 had, as its theme, ‘Labour, Capital and Change’. The theme drew on the contention that, under pressures such as neo-liberalism, globalization, the reassertion of managerial power and the rise of individualism, the traditional vital signs of industrial relations, particularly as measured by the levels of union density and collective bargaining, have declined in most Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. Nevertheless, despite these views and forces, how the rules over work are made, interpreted and enforced still sit at the kernel of most peoples’ lives. A number of tracks were incorporated in the call for papers. These included

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)Over the past decade, scholarship on pentecostal and charismatic movements has expanded rapidly as historians, anthropologists, and sociologists have charted the worldwide proliferation of "Spirit-filled" traditions and analyzed the implications of this exponential growth for political, economic, and cultural life in both local and global contexts. Path-breaking works in this genre such as Harvey Cox's Fire From Heaven: The Rise of Pentecostal Spirituality and the Reshaping of Religion in the Twenty-First Century (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1995), Philip Jenkins's The Next Christendom: the Coming of Global Christianity (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002), and Allan Anderson's An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004) drew attention to the dramatic spread of Spirit-filled faith in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, and called upon scholars of Western religion to reevaluate their assumptions about the origins and orientations of pentecostalism in and beyond Europe and the United States. The essays in A Liberating Spirit: Pentecostals and Social Action in North America contribute to a growing body of literature that responds to this appeal. Building on recent studies that explore the relationship between Spirit-filled faith and social action worldwide--especially Donald E. Miller and Tetsuano Yamamori, Global Pentecostalism: The New Face of Christian Social Engagement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007)--contributors to A Liberating Spirit ask whether pentecostals in North America are developing a "theology of liberation" or a "progressive" approach to issues of race, class, gender, and ecology.In their introduction to the volume, Wilkinson and Studebaker assert that "traditional North American Pentecostalism has often understood the freedom of the Spirit in personal terms" and therefore "has not had a strong propensity toward social engagement" (7). Hoping to amend this individualistic orientation and to challenge scholarly interpretations that stress the movement's inherent otherworldliness, detachment, and/or political conservatism, the authors aim to identify historical and theological resources from within the pentecostal tradition that can enable contemporary North American practitioners to "develop a vision of redemption that encompasses both the personal and social dimensions of human life" (7). A Liberating Spirit , the editors explain, takes on two inter-related tasks: first, to assess whether a "Progressive Pentecostalism" currently exists in North America and, second, to promote a Spirit-filled Christianity that "liberates human persons both from perpetrating and suffering social evil" (12).The ten essays that follow seek to fulfill these ambitions through a variety of methodological frameworks. Some employ sociological, anthropological, or historical analysis in an effort to critically evaluate the participation of diverse North American pentecostal groups in efforts to resist, overcome, and/or endure racial injustice, economic marginalization, gender oppression, and environmental crisis. Several of the contributions--especially Pamela Holmes's attempt to construct a "Pentecostal Feminist Hermeneutic of Liberation" and the three essays on ecology--are more explicitly theological in their approach. Given this methodological multiplicity, the collection as a whole is somewhat unwieldy. An epilogue highlighting key themes, underscoring how these disparate but sometimes overlapping essays (the two contributions on class are remarkably similar) build on one another or contribute to a common conversation and drawing conclusions based on the analysis presented would have added to the volume's value. Rather than requiring readers to synthesize this rather uneven body of data, the editors might have emphasized how A Liberating Spirit engages broader issues in the study of religion and reflected on the extent to which the book answers the myriad questions they pose at the outset: "Is there evidence of a Pentecostal 'theology of liberation' that explains Pentecostal engagement in North America? …

MEMOIRS AND AUTOBIOGRAPHY Colin Baker. A Fine Chest of Medals: The Life of Jack Archer. Cardiff: Mpemba Books, 2003. xvi + 273 pp. Photographs. Maps. £11.99. Paper. Colin Baker. Wild Goose: The Life and Death of Hugh van Oppen. Cardiff: Mpemba Books, 2002. xviii + 256 pp. Photographs. Maps. £10.50. Paper. These two military biographies, like most good studies of their type, are as much travelogues as accounts of the subjects themselves. Colin Baker has a wonderful gift for descriptive writing, and he keeps the chronological narratives moving at a brisk pace. he also possesses the rare ability to penetrate the minds of his protagonists, two very different men from very different worlds. No mean achievement. The detailed descriptions of various famous military engagements are riveting. From the words and thoughts of Jack Archer we get not only absorbing accounts of the battles themselves-as at Mashonaland (1896), Omdurman (1898), Ladysmith, (1899-1900), and Cambrai in the First World War (wounded and captured in August 1914, Archer remained a POW for the rest of the war)-but also eye-catching details of the various terrains. Hugh van Oppen, a young soldier in the post-World War II world, provides horrific, surreal perspectives on the Korean conflict (1952-53), which, he stresses, took on many of the attributes of World War I trench warfare. The sections on his role in the tragic Nkata Bay affair (1959) in Nyasaland, where twenty Africans were killed and another forty wounded in a tense riot-dispersion exercise led by van Oppen, along with his later activities in the Congo (1965-66) as a mercenary, take us inside actions that were both traumatic-indeed much more so for the British government than for van Oppen himself!-and totally challenging. Or just plain terrifying. Quite apart from recounting the lives and experiences of these two extraordinary soldiers, these books cause us to reflect on the nature of the British Army as it was in the 189Os during the height of Britain's imperial engagements, during World War I, during the 1950s, and indeed, now. What strikes one most forcefully is the brute, stubborn ignorance of those in highest command, their failure to recognize, use, promote, and reward those who possessed the rare combined qualities of natural warrior and natural leader, the vital bedrock of any army. Clearly, the British Army had two exceptional warrior-leaders in its ranks. It drove out one early in his career, and it drove out the other later. Of course, the army might take the view that it got what it wanted from Jack Archer, a superlative NCO who did what was needed, filling the traditional role of the experienced professional and able to provide guidance, assistance, and leadership to both men and, under pressing combat conditions, officers, too. As for van Oppen, the Army might well respond that in this modern day there is no place for the "high-spirited individualist." The discipline of line-of-command is imperative in all circumstances. Certainly these are issues to which this reviewer was moved to give some thought, as others may well be. The deduction to be taken from the tale of van Oppen is that if a soldier is naturally gifted as a warrior-leader, then the regular army, where often the most "deadly opponent" is prolonged periods of "enforced inactivity" (A Fine Chest of Medals, 154), is to be avoided. Archer endured more than twenty-five of his thirty soldiering years in this limbo. The path that will guide the enterprising warrior-leader most swiftly toward his goals of combat, promotion, and rewards is that of the mercenary. …

Psychoanalytic field theory is integral to relational praxis. In his study of the analytic field and its interpersonal complexities and relational intricacies, Tubert-Oklander emphasizes its clinical promise. Tubert-Oklander's field orientation, however, is a conservative and limited one. This commentary proposes a new, more radical coparticipant theory of analytic praxis. As a unique form of clinical participation, coparticipant inquiry is marked by an emphasis on patients' and analysts' relational mutuality, coequal analytic authority, and dyadic uniqueness. Coparticipant inquiry represents both a one-person and two-person psychology—an integral of classical individualism and the social emphasis of the interpersonal/relational viewpoint. Coparticipant analysis calls for a new, multidimensional concept of the self that reconciles the seeming paradox that we are simultaneously communal and individual beings—from birth embedded in a series of social field, yet always uniquely individual. This psychoanalyti...

Stephen Wangh's insightful article, “Revenge and Forgiveness in Laramie, Wyoming” invites a psychoanalytic contribution to interdisciplinary dialogue on violence, revenge, and forgiveness. This author suggests that one strength of Wangh's perspective is his attention to the interplay of systemic and intrapsychic dynamics, which offers a needed corrective to dominant individualistic perspective in psychological and clinical literatures on forgiveness. He notes that Wangh does not clarify a particular definition of forgiveness or an approach to interdisciplinary dialogue. This commentary outlines a linguistic approach to the definition of forgiveness by drawing on three semantic domains of meaning (forensic, therapeutic, and redemptive or sacred). The author suggests some areas of rapprochement between the construct of forgiveness and psychoanalytical theory across each of these semantic domains and briefly illustrates the role of hermeneutics in interdisciplinary dialogue.

In her 1903 polemic The Home: Its Work and Influence, Charlotte Perkins Gilman thundered, ‘This power of home-influence we cannot fail to see, but we have bowed to it in blind idolatry as one of unmixed influence, instead of studying with jealous care that so large a force be wisely guarded and restrained.’1 Her point, throughout The Home, as well as her phenomenally successful Women and Economics (1898) and her feminist utopian novel Herland (1915), was that the middle-class home in Gilded-Age America was by no means a benign institution, and that claiming otherwise was both erroneous and pernicious. Combining sexual companionship, child-rearing, and economic dependence, the nineteenth-century middle-class American home turned women into slavish drudges, and men into selfish tyrants, yet, rather than criticizing or seeking to alter the system itself, she argued, society at large repeatedly blamed individual wives, husbands, children, even specific houses, for the ills found within it. Gilman therefore urged that drunkenness, infidelity, domestic violence, infant and maternal mortality and illness, juvenile delinquency, and psychological disorders such as neurasthenia should not be seen as symptoms of the moral degeneracy of those who display such behavioral problems. Instead, the home itself needed to be totally reconceived and reformed, along socialist and collectivist, rather than individualist and capitalist, lines.

Bureaucracies, while well suited to deal with matters of the rational mind that pragmatic American habitus celebrates, are in fact ill-suited for matters of the heart. Thus, bureaucracies created to undertake the tasks bump up against the three values identified long ago by de Tocqueville and that are at the heart of many continuing American dilemmas. These include first the dialectical tensions over equality, individual rights, and utilitarianism. They are the rock, paper, scissors of the American educational system. This chapter is about how this game of rochambo is played out in recent decades. In describing the swings, I will move between demands to eliminate the inequalities of race and poverty, protection of individual rights, and most recently, the appeal to business ethics in the administration of education programs. Three examples will illustrate the dissonance between these three values: The persistence of inequality, the persistence of radical individualism, and the persistent connection between education and business practice.

Recent developments in managerial theory and practice practically ensure the continued widespread use of personality testing (Miller & Rose, 1990). In this article I argue why communication theorists ought to attend to the ontology of personhood implied in the discourse of personality exams and the biopolitics associated with the exams, implementation in organizational life. I specifically focus on how the exams function as a form of government by providing authorities with a technique for engineering the workplace and for disciplining unruly employees. I also address how personality exams function as a subjectifying technology by providing individuals with a formalized discourse for “self-knowledge.” I conclude by discussing the tensions that follow from the exams' simultaneous invocation of autonomous individualism and race-, class-, and gender-based articulations of the normal individual.

It is difficult to overestimate how much quantum chemistry owes to Frank Boys. He was a pioneer, an individualist, a dedicated scientist and a great man.

The previous chapter discussed ‘the eye’: the conceptual intersection of the scopophilia of consumer culture, the power of the gaze and images of bodies on consumer magazine covers. This chapter explores ‘the I’: the intersection of the discourse of individualism and the internalized power dynamics of self-care and self-management. Taking as its focus the representation of faces and the language of direct address on consumer magazine covers, it provides an account of how consumer media in general provoke a regime of self-examination and consumption-oriented subjectivity. Precisely because the public in consumer culture operates as a space of appearance more than participation, agency becomes shaped by visibility and appearance, and self-image becomes a crucial fulcrum around which notions of self-worth revolve. Media texts such as consumer magazine covers provide brightly lit spaces for the performance of self-identity and, as such, play a fundamental role in the discursive construction of the individualist values so central to contemporary neoliberalism. As such they are a useful empirical launch pad for considering the ways in which extremely visible ideational images of people are one of the primary resources for the construction of self-identity made available in the contemporary mediascape.

Chapter 1 Note on Transcription Chapter 2 Preface Part 3 Introduction Chapter 4 Selves in Time and Place: An Introduction Part 5 Part I. Personal Trajectories Chapter 6 Fate, Domestic Authority, and Women's Wills Chapter 7 Narrative Subversions or Hierarchy Chapter 8 Contested Selves, Contested Femininities: Selves and Society in Process Chapter 9 Narrative Constructions of Madness in a Hindu Village in Nepal Part 10 Part II. Cultural Productions of Identity Chapter 11 Consumer Culture and Identities in Kathmandu: "Playing with Your Brain" Chapter 12 Situating Persons: Honor and Identity in Nepal Chapter 13 Tibetan Identity Layers in the Nepal Himalayas Chapter 14 Crossing Boundaries: Ethnicity and Marriage in a Hod Village Chapter 15 Engendered Bodies, Embodied Genders Part 16 Part III. Politicized Selves Chapter 17 The Case of the Disappearing Shamans, or No Individualism, No Relationalism Chapter 18 Imagined Sisters: The Ambiguities of Women's Poetics and Collective Actions Chapter 19 Growing Up Newar Buddhist: Chittadhar Hridaya's Jhi Maca and Its Context Part 20 Afterword Chapter 21 Selves in Motion Chapter 22 Index

In this volume Brumfit provides a detailed, yet highly readable, analysis of many problems that at least partially arise from viewing language as a static code. He describes language as a dynamic force that interacts with other social forces and practices and as a process that is permeable, variable, and useful. He argues that the best way to teach, research, and plan language policy is to recognize and enhance the users' abilities to use language for their own permeable, variable, and unpredictable purposes.

Widely known for the challenges he poses for the excesses of “me-first” individualism loosely associated with contemporary Western liberalism, Joseph Raz has grown accustomed to plumbing its depths for signs of humanity and goodness. His new book approaches the twin problem of pursuing universal values while acknowledging particularistic cultures, through a window opened in Engaging Reason (1999), where he unpacks the complexity of a “value-reason nexus” to conclude that valuable options are often pursued for incommensurate reasons. In what sense, he now asks, can this “nexus” be said to be universal? At the heart of this project lies an attempt to extend his earlier analysis of value in two related directions: toward human attachments, where Raz must show that particular engagements with value need not fly in the face of universality, and toward an abstract approach to universal respect, which nevertheless remains part and parcel of our contingent attachments.

Sciabarra's book attempts to conjoin dialectics with libertarianism to produce total freedom. He is led to this seemingly odd conjunction by a concatenation of concerns. He sees dialectics as the logic or method most attentive to contexts and libertarianism as a radical political ideology of freedom. He sees the opportunity to free dialectics of its totalitarian (including Marxist) overtones and libertarianism of its apparent irrelevance, which is the more galling now that once-popular Marxism has failed as radical social theory. He wishes to combine his own academic appreciation of the dialectical elements of Marx's method with his long-standing love of libertarian ideas. Primarily, he hopes to expand libertarian thought from a narrow concentration on economic self-interest and the state as repressive to a broader concern with the cultural, social, and historical preconditions of freedom, and he sees dialectics, with its emphasis on contexts, dynamism, and relations, as a method that can be appropriated by libertarians to realize these broader concerns and to propound a comprehensive and radical social theory. No longer need libertarian thought be seen as atomic individualism struggling for freedom against state violence; building on dialectical thinking shorn of its Marxist content, libertarians can embrace whole individuals living in rich social environments that can carry out, without violence, the social powers that the state has illegitimately appropriated.

Happiness, unhappiness, and depression are not the usual foci of political science or economics, but Robert Lane demonstrates their importance. The Loss of Happiness in Market Democracies is a worthy companion to and extension of Lane's earlier work, especially The Market Experience (1991). Lane employs psychology, genetics, evolutionary theory, and medical research to convince economists and democratic theorists that biological and psychological research can enrich their often unrealistic assumptions about well-being and behavior. He argues that in affluent societies there is growing unhappiness, growing depression, and declining marginal utility of income to produce happiness. These are accompanied by mistrust and increasing political negativity, which further undermine happiness. The dominant Western image of individualism ignores that people often do not know what makes them happy, which undermines prevailing market and democratic premises (p. 284).

List of tables and illustrations List of contributors Preface List of abbreviations 1. P. J. Withington and Alexandra Shepard - Introduction: communities in early modern England Part One: Networks 2. Jason Scott-Warren - Reconstructing manuscript networks: the textual transactions of Sir Stepehn Powle 3. Margaret Pelling - Defensive tactics: networking by female medical practitioners in early modern London 4. Margaret Sena - William Blundell and the networks of Catholic dissent in post-Reformation England 5. Ian Archer - Social networks in Restoration London: the evidence from Samuel Pepys' diary Part Two: Place 6. Steven Hindle - A sense of place? Becoming and belonging in the rural parish, 1550-1650 7. Paul Griffiths - Overlapping circles: imagining criminal communities in London, 1545-1645 8. P. J. Withington - Citizens, community and political culture in Restoration England 9. Craig Muldrew - From a 'light cloak' to the 'iron cage': an essay on historical changes in the relationship between community and individualism Part Three: Rhetoric 10. Cathy Shrank - Rhetorical constructions of a national community: the role of the King's English in mid-Tudor writing 11. Geoff Baldwin - The 'public' as a rhetorical community in early modern England 12. Alexandra Shepard - Contesting communities?: 'town' and 'gown' in Cambridge, c.1560-1640 13. Natasha Glaisyer - Readers, correspondents and communities: John Houghton's 'A collection for improvement of husbandrry and trade' (1692-1703) Bibliography

It is difficult to disagree with the two papers presented. In my perception, there is a clear–cut dividing line in Europe, between the North and the South, and there is a complex set of factors behind these differences between the North and the South. Looking beyond Europe, I suspect that a majority of countries share the individualistic features of the South, and that the political patterns characterising the North are an exception rather then a rule in a global perspective.

The phenomenon of increasingly intense globalization in the present, where in the condition of the collapse ofthe nation’s morality with the increasingly culture of hedonism and individualism without life among the youngergeneration. The decreasing awareness of moral values that have been passed down through generations bythe ancestors, has begun to be displaced by norms and regulations from the west that tend to be incompatiblewith the conditions of our society. Solutions to counteract or reduce the culture, one of them through culturalarts. This activity is an effort to preserve traditional arts, especially wayang kulit and as a medium of charactereducation for elementary school students. Implementation of activities as locations in SD Negeri 05 WirunSukoharjo. The method in carrying out this introduction activity prioritizes activeness between participants andmentors supported by the use of media and training models that are effective and efficient with the aim oftraining materials that can be accepted by the training participants, namely elementary students well. Broadlyspeaking, a design design especially WALIMBA (WAyang LIMBah kertAs / Waste Paper Puppet) refers toDavid Gibson’s theory with the design stages in three major groups, namely: planning, design and implementation.While the stages of implementation of activities through 3 (three) methods, namely: the method oftogetherness approach, personal approach, and partnership approach. Paper Puppet Waste is packaged sowell that students can be creative and play while learning, besides this activity is one of the main ways topreserve puppets.

A model of gender-work assimilation is employed to evaluate the structure of male-dominated occupations and the behavior of women employed in these occupations. It is suggested that because certain occupations have been the exclusive domain of males, the masculine sex-role “spilled-over” into the definition of job related tasks. The masculine sex role and work-emergent behavior cause women to act according to the norms of the occupation. With low occupational representation, women choose, or are pressured into choosing, job specialties considered sex appropriate. The author also suggests that the higher proportion of women in the occupation, the less conforming and more individualistic women become in choosing job specialties.

The current study investigated cultural and psychological factors associated with intentions to reduce the spread of COVID‐19. Participants (n = 704) completed measures of individualism–collectivism, belief in conspiracy theories about COVID‐19, feelings of powerlessness, and intentions to engage in behaviours that reduce the spread of COVID‐19. Results revealed that vertical individualism negatively predicted intentions to engage in social distancing, directly and indirectly through both belief in COVID‐19 conspiracy theories and feelings of powerlessness. Vertical collectivism positively predicted social distancing intentions directly. Horizontal collectivism positively predicted social distancing intentions indirectly through feelings of powerlessness. Finally, horizontal collectivism positively predicted hygiene‐related intentions both directly and indirectly through lower feelings of powerlessness. These findings suggest that promoting collectivism may be a way to increase engagement with efforts to reduce the spread of COVID‐19. They also highlight the importance of examining the interplay between culture and both personal feelings (powerlessness) and information consumption (conspiracy theories) during times of crisis.

The last couple of decades have witnessed a renewed interest in the notion of inductive risk among philosophers of science. However, while it is possible to find a number of suggestions about the mitigation of inductive risk (i.e., its assessment and management) in the literature, so far these suggestions have been mostly relegated to vague marginal remarks. This paper aims to lay the groundwork for a more systematic discussion of the mitigation of inductive risk. In particular, I consider two approaches to the mitigation of inductive risk—the individualistic approach, which maintains that individual scientists are primarily responsible for the mitigation of inductive risk, and the socialized approach, according to which the responsibility for the mitigation of inductive risk should be more broadly distributed across the scientific community or, even more broadly, across society. I review some of the argument for and against the two approaches and introduce two new problems for the individualistic approach, which I call the problem of precautionary cascades and the problem of exogenous inductive risk, and I argue that a socialized approach might alleviate each of these problems.

It is a standard insight that people’s experience with their environment - expressible as rules, biases, insights, subjective theories, etc. - constitutes knowledge, albeit of a pre-scientific nature. The only thing that is taken to be lacking to make such experience ‘really’ scientific, is its depersonalization: to find what is common, nonbiased, objective. The most important contribution of the paper under discussion, it seems to me, is its stress on the idea that the latter step is actually not necessary, and sometimes even in principle nonsensical, for still making such individualistic experience scientific. Individual experience may already be objective, be it only from an individual’s point of view. But that is not the point: such objectivity is in a sense even irrelevant (see Kelly, as cited in the paper). What matters is whether such experience can be usefully employed, in a systematic way, for people to learn to change what they can do with what other people or groups of people do (which is what problem study 2 is about: reorganization in a Socio-technical System).

As Anne Hellum noted in her earlier position paper on the equality and anti-discrimination reform in Norway, to which we make a Swedish sequel, the Nordic countries are on the top of World Economic...

Objective This study employs the concept of relational autonomy to understand how relational encounters with family members (FMs) and care providers may shape decisions around ovarian cancer patients’ clinical trial (CT) participation. The study also offers unique insights into how FMs view patients’ decision making. Methods In‐depth interviews were conducted with 33 patients with ovarian cancer who had been offered a CT and 39 FMs. Data were inductively analysed using a thematic approach and deductively informed by constructs derived from the theory of relational autonomy (RA). Results Patients’ relationships, experiences and social status were significant resources that shaped their decisions. Patients did not give equal weight to all relationships and created boundaries around whom to include in decision making. Doctors’ recommendations and perceived enthusiasm were described as influential in CT decisions. Both patients with ovarian cancer and their FMs maintained that patients have the “final say,” indicating an individualistic autonomy. However, maintaining the “final say” in the decision‐making process is constitutive of patients’ relationships, emphasizing a relational approach to autonomy. FMs support patients’ autonomy and they do so particularly when they believe the patient is capable of making the right choices. Conclusions Although ethical principles underlying informed consent for CT participation emphasize individual autonomy, greater attention to relational autonomy is warranted for a more comprehensive understanding of CT decision making.

The prevalence of women’s and men’s heterosexuality, bisexuality, and homosexuality was assessed in 28 nations using data from 191,088 participants from a 2005 BBC Internet survey. Sexual orientation was measured in terms of both self-reported sexual identity and self-reported degree of same-sex attraction. Multilevel modeling analyses revealed that nations’ degrees of gender equality, economic development, and individualism were not significantly associated with men’s or women’s sexual orientation rates across nations. These models controlled for individual-level covariates including age and education level, and nation-level covariates including religion and national sex ratios. Robustness checks included inspecting the confidence intervals for meaningful associations, and further analyses using complete-cases and summary scores of the national indices. These analyses produced the same non-significant results. The relatively stable rates of heterosexuality, bisexuality, and homosexuality observed across nations for both women and men suggest that non-social factors likely may underlie much variation in human sexual orientation. These results do not support frequently offered hypotheses that sexual orientation differences are related to gendered social norms across societies. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (10.1007/s10508-019-01590-0) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

In her discussion of Naomi Scheman's “Individualism and the Objects of Psychology” Louise Antony misses the import of an unpublished paper of Scheman's that she cites. That paper argues against token identity theories on the grounds that only the sort of psycho-physical parallelisms that token identity theorists, such as Davidson and Fodor, reject could license the claim that each mental state or event is some particular physical state or event.

Edward Hoffman s (Editor) Note. It is ironic that Abraham H. Maslow was often misinterpreted as overemphasizing individualism, because he always maintained a strong social orientation in his theorizing. Especially toward the end of his life, Maslow became convinced that United States society had become pathologically individualistic and needed to develop better means of facilitating close relationships among people. In this intriguing unpublished paper dated April, 1968, Maslow speculated on this issue.

The attitude of the general public to vaccination was evaluated through a survey conducted on a representative sample of the Israeli population (n = 2,018), in which interviewees were requested to express their standpoints regarding five different vaccination programs. These included: pandemic influenza vaccination, seasonal influenza vaccination, travel vaccines, Human Papilloma Virus vaccine and childhood vaccinations. Analysis of the responses reveal three major attitude traits: a) acceptance, characterized by the opinion that targets should be vaccinated; b) individualism, characterized by the opinion that vaccination should be left to personal choice; and c) differentiation, characterized by the tendency to express different attitudes when addressing different vaccination programs. Interestingly, direct opposition to vaccination was found to be a minor attitude trait in this survey. Groups within the population could be defined according to their tendency to assume these different attitudes as Acceptors, Judicious-acceptors, Differentiators, Soft-individualists, and Hard-individualists. These groups expressed different standpoints on all five vaccination programs as well as on other health recommendations, such as screening for early detection of cancer. Attitude traits could be also correlated, to a certain extent, with actual compliance with vaccination programs. Interestingly, attitudes to vaccination were not correlated with social profiles related to income or education, although younger individuals exhibited higher degrees of individualism and differentiation. Taken together, all this is in accordance with the current social settings, underlining the individual's tendency for critical evaluation and self-stirring. This should be taken into consideration by health authorities involved in vaccination programs.

Countries having a more individualist culture have enjoyed higher long-run growth than countries with a more collectivist culture. Individualist culture attaches social status rewards to personal achievements and thus, provides not only monetary incentives for innovation but also social status rewards, leading to higher rates of innovation and economic growth.

Earlier field studies of Caribbean sugar-plantation communities have tended to focus mainly on cultural, economic, and sociological variables, with only a peripheral treatment of political behavior.1 Analyses of group political behavior in the so-called plantation societies have drawn very heavily on ethnocultural variables as explanatory factors.2 These studies have suggested that these plantation communities were individualistic;3 lacked a subjective sense of community solidarity;4 lacked well-developed group patterns,5 and were rigidly stratified and fragmented by class cleavages6 and by ethnocultural cleavages7 among blacks, Indians, whites and "mixed coloureds." The conclusion drawn