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To judge from wisdom literature and artistic production, the ideal man in pharaonic Egypt was as polite and even-tempered as he was well groomed. This article examines the evidence for warrior burials from periods when the state was decentralized or relatively weak and argues that conceptions of manhood in fact oscillated between an irenic ideal and a more violent counterpart. Drawing upon comparative case studies and advice given by Niccolò Machiavelli to his prince, I argue that hegemonic masculinity in Egypt did not simply reflect the character of the times. Rather, rulers actively promoted the type of masculinity that best served their purpose. To an ambitious local ruler engaged in enlarging his core territory, it was beneficial to appeal to and encourage ideals of valor among potential soldiers and supporters. Once peace had been established, however, violent masculinities proved disruptive. Based on internal evidence as well as observations of authoritarian governments that aimed similarly to solidify their power and pacify their realms, I suggest that pharaohs and their advisors likely employed five specific strategies to neutralize potential competitors and transform an honor-bound warrior aristocracy into courtiers and bureaucrats.

According to a recent interpretive orthodoxy, Spinoza is a profoundly democratic theorist of state authority. I reject this orthodoxy. To be sure, for Spinoza, a political order succeeds in proportion as it harnesses the power of the people within it. However, Spinoza shows that political inclusion is only one possible strategy to this end; equally if not more useful is political exclusion, so long as it maintains what I call the depoliticised acquiescence of those excluded.

Aquest treball consta de dues parts. En primer lloc, s’analitzarà el desenvolupament del concepte biopolítica en l’obra del filòsof italià Roberto Esposito, mostrant com, posteriorment, a partir de la idea d’una biopolítica afirmativa, aquest autor elaborarà un pensament polític que permet l’afirmació de la vida. I, en segon lloc, es resseguirà el rastre de tres pensadors que marquen el caràcter afirmatiu del projecte espositià: Baruch Spinoza, Friedrich Nietzsche i Gilles Deleuze The following work is divided in two parts. First, the development of the concept of biopolitics in the work of the Italian philosopher Roberto Esposito will be analyzed, showing how, later, this author elaborates a political thought that allows for the affirmation of life from the idea of an affirmative biopolitics. Secondly, three thinkers who mark the affirmative character of Esposito’s project shall be considered: Baruch Spinoza, Friedrich Nietzsche and Gilles Deleuze

Orientador: Olga Rodrigues de Moraes Von Simson Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação Resumo: Este projeto teve como objetivo discutir as implicações políticas no processo de organização de um memorial escolar, que resultou em um movimento de empoderamento de diferentes indivíduos ou grupos de uma determinada comunidade. Tratou-se de uma pesquisa ação que foi desenvolvida com o apoio de especialistas do Centro de Memória - Unicamp. As relações entre memória compartilhada, resistência política e empoderamento foram abordadas na pesquisa buscando promover debates e gerar contribuições tanto sobre atitudes já concretizadas ou ainda para orientar aquelas que serão tomadas coletivamente, no futuro. A iniciativa de organização de um memorial escolar partiu e está sendo executada por um grupo significativo e representativo da comunidade local, com ação participativa dos pesquisadores/técnicos do CM - Unicamp. Todo o processo de organização do Memorial Padre Carlos se valeu de táticas de resistência ante uma situação indesejada, que pudesse desvirtuar as propostas político-educativas da Escola Profissional Dom Bosco de Poços de Caldas, devido à inserção de membros da Congregação dos Salesianos nas atividades didático ¿ administrativas, após a morte de seus fundadores Abstract: This project aimed to discuss the political implications during the process of organising a memorial of a school, which resulted in a movement of empowerment of different persons or groups of a particular community. This research was an engaged one, being developed with the assistance of specialists of the Centro de Memória ¿ Unicamp (Center of Memory - Unicamp). The relations between shared memory, resistance and political empowerment, in the research, tried to promote debates and generate contributions on attitudes already implemented and to guide those that will be taken collectively in the future. The initiative to organise a memorial in a school started and is being run by an important and representative group of the local community, with the participation of the researchers/ technicians from CM - Unicamp. The whole process of organising the ¿Memorial Padre Carlos¿ made use of tactics of resistance before an undesirable situation that could distort the political-educational proposals of the Escola Profissional Dom Bosco de Poços de Caldas (Dom Bosco Vocational School - Poços de Caldas) due to the inclusion of members of the Salesian Congregation in didactic - administrative activities, after the decease of its founders Doutorado Ciências Sociais na Educação Doutor em Educação

Orientador: Angela Maria Carneiro Araujo Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas Resumo: Esta tese analisa, a partir do local de trabalho e da percepção dos trabalhadores, os efeitos da globalização e da reestruturação produtiva para a produção, os trabalhadores da indústria de processo contínuo expostas ao comércio internacional e os sindicatos papeleiros. A hipótese central é a de que as mudanças associadas à globalização têm um rebatimento importante no interior das fábricas, modificando a correlação de forças entre os diversos atores envolvidos na produção e tendo na participação da mão-de-obra uma mediadora não-desprezível. A reestruturação na indústria de celulose e papel alcançou um amplo espectro: desde a reestruturação das cadeias produtivas no plano internacional, passando pela redefinição das estratégias gerenciais das empresas, ultrapassando os limites de suas fronteiras com mudanças nas relações com as comunidades locais e as firmas que integram a cadeia de fornecimento de produtos e serviços e, contemplando ainda, a reformulação das estratégias sindicais. Decisões gerenciais ¿técnicas¿ que ocultam uma dimensão ¿política¿ alteraram as relações de poder entre chefes, engenheiros e trabalhadores do chão-de-fábrica. Os procedimentos metodológicos adotados para a elaboração deste trabalho compreenderam: pesquisa bibliográfica, pesquisa de campo, pesquisa documental, análise de estatísticas sobre o mercado de trabalho, visitas a fábricas e sindicatos e entrevistas Abstract: This thesis analyzes, from the perspective of the workplace and the frame of reference of employees, the effects of globalization and of productive restructuring on production, on the employees involved in industries that employ continuous processes and on the unions of the pulp and paper sector. The central hypothesis is that the changes linked to globalization have had a significant effect inside the factories, modifying the correlation of the strength of the many diverse players involved in production and they have also had a relevant mediating effect in terms of the participation of labor. The restructuring has reached a broad scope: going from the restructuring of the production chains, on an international scale, to the redefinition of the management strategies of the industries, and reaching beyond the industries internal boundaries through the changes brought on with respect to the communities and the companies that make up the supply chain and, also taking into consideration the reformulation of the strategies taken up by the unions. ¿Technical¿ management decisions that conceal a ¿political¿ dimension have altered the relationships of power among the bosses, engineers and other employees. The methodological procedures adopted include: bibliographical research as well as that of documentation, fieldwork, the analysis of statistics regarding the labor market, visits to factories and unions and interviews Doutorado Ciências Sociais Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Rubem Murilo Leão Rego Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas Resumo: Esta pesquisa procura explicar a forma como a força de trabalho se reproduziu socialmente no sul de Minas no século XIX, constituindo-se no elemento fundamental da reprodução do sistema econômico que aí se configurou. Sem desconhecer a importância do poder condicionante das várias instâncias da vida social, notadamente da economia e da cultura, ela enfatiza a proeminência do poder politico, exercido em nível local e nacional pelos mais diversos sujeitos sociais, comoo ponto definidor do processo que permitiu a contínua sujeição da força de trabalho escrava, diversamente configurada, que conviveu ao lado de uma massa heterogênea de trabalhadores livres. Só no decorrer de um longo processo histórico foi possível o aparecimento de condições que impediram a continuidade do processo de reprodução social, conduzindo os vários atores à busca de novos arranjos capazes de sustentar a produção econômica e o status e a hierarquia social por ela sustentados Abstract: This research aims at explaining the way work force has been produced socially in the South of Minas in the nineteenth century, basing on the fundamental element of the reproduction of the economic system that there took place. Not unknowing the importance of the conditioning power of the various levels of social life, especially economic and culture, it emphasizes the preeminence of the polítical power exercised in local and national level by the most diverged social subjects, as the defining point of the process which allow the continuous subordination of the slave work force, diversely configured, which existed together with a heterogeneous mass of free work. Only in the running of a long historic process was it possible the appearing of conditions which prevented the continuity of the process of social reproduction, leading the various actors in search of new arrangements capable of sustaining the economical production and status and the social hierarchy sustained by it Doutorado Doutor em Ciências Sociais

This article provides the first comparative reading of the minutes of the General Assemblies of three iconic Occupy camps: Wall Street, Oakland and London. It challenges detractors who have labelled the Occupy Wall Street movement a flash-in-the-pan protest, and participant-advocates who characterised the movement anti-constitutional. Developing new research into anarchist constitutional theory, we construct a typology of anarchist constitutionalising to argue that the camps prefigured a constitutional order for a post-sovereign anarchist politics. We show that the constitutional politics of three key Occupy Wall Street camps had four main aspects: (i) declarative principles, preambles and documents; (ii) complex institutionalisation; (iii) varied democratic decision-making procedures; and (iv) explicit and implicit rule-making processes, premised on unique foundational norms. Each of these four was designed primarily to challenge and constrain different forms of global and local power, but they also provide a template for anarchistic constitutional forms that can be mimicked and linked up, as opposed to scaled up.

Orientador: Armando Boito Junior Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Resumo: A presente investigação, desenvolvida no bojo de uma recuperação da produção teórica de Ruy Mauro Marini, Vânia Bambirra e Theotônio dos Santos, tem por objetivo analisar o lugar dedicado em suas obras, entre os anos de 1965 a 1979 ¿ período no qual se concentram suas principais formulações sobre a problemática da dependência ¿, à reflexão sobre o Estado nos países dependentes latino-americanos. Partindo do debate marxista a respeito do Estado capitalista, que o identifica como centro do poder político e enfatiza seu caráter de classe como um de seus traços essenciais, e adotando o conceito de Estado dependente como hipótese de pesquisa, pretende-se lançar luz sobre o papel do Estado na reprodução das relações de dependência, guiando-se por meio das seguintes questões: I ¿ O Estado é um elemento constituinte da explicação de Marini, Bambirra e Dos Santos sobre a dependência?; II ¿ Como a dependência impacta a configuração dos Estados e o exercício do poder político nos países latino-americanos?; III ¿ Há elementos da estrutura do Estado que se modificam nos países de capitalismo dependente?; IV ¿ Como se configura o bloco no poder nos Estados dependentes?; V ¿ Existe no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência uma análise sistemática sobre o Estado dependente? A partir das leituras e análise dos escritos desses teóricos, pudemos verificar que, embora não exista uma elaboração sistemática em torno do Estado dependente, os autores oferecem importantes aportes para compreender o caráter dependente dos Estados latino-americanos, sobretudo a partir de suas considerações sobre a configuração do bloco no poder desses Estados, indicando a posição hegemônica das burguesias imperialistas internacionais e a integração entre os interesses dessas classes e das classes dominantes locais Abstract: Developed as part of a recovery of the theoretical production of Ruy Mauro Marini, Vânia Bambirra and Theotônio dos Santos between the years of 1965 to 1979 ¿ period of their main formulations on the problem of dependence ¿ this research aims at analyzing the role of the State in their reflection about Latin American dependent countries. Starting from the Marxist debate about the capitalist State, which identifies it as a center of political power and emphasizes its class character as one of its essential features, and adopting the concept of dependent State as a research hypothesis, the research sheds light on the role of the State in the reproduction of dependent relations, guided by the following questions: I ¿ Is the State a constituent element of the explanation offered by Marini, Bambirra and Dos Santos about dependency?; II ¿ How does dependency impact the configuration of States and the exercise of political power in Latin American countries?; III ¿ Are there elements of the State structure that change in dependent capitalist countries?; IV ¿ How does the power block get configured in dependent States?; V ¿ Is there a systematic analysis of the dependent State within the framework of the Marxist Theory of Dependency? From the readings and analysis of their writings, we were able to verify that, although there is no systematic elaboration around the dependent State, the authors offer important contributions to understand the dependent character of the Latin American States, mainly from their considerations on the configuration of the power bloc, indicating the hegemonic position of the international imperialist bourgeoisies and the integration between their interests and those of the local ruling classes Doutorado Ciência Política Doutora em Ciência Política CAPES 99999.010005/2014-05

Orientador: Mariza Correa Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas Resumo: Este estudo de cunho antropológico problematiza práticas agressivas impostas ao corpo feminino em sociedades muçulmanas do mundo árabe, como intervenções cirúrgicas feitas na genitália feminina externa não por razões terapêuticas, mas sim para enquadrar-se em um ideal anatômico compatível com padrões culturais específicos. Concepções como pudicícia, promiscuidade e sexualidade feminina que aparecem nas fontes, sugerem que relações sociais onde atuam raça e gênero não podem ser dramatizadas fora de um cenário que envolve não apenas um idioma religioso de conversão de quem está dentro (crente) e fora (descrente) e em estados de ¿poluição¿ (apóstata), como também na conversão cultural entre masculino/feminino no espaço da nação e na problemática relação com o Ocidente, cujo sentido é dado no contexto pós-colonialista. No cenário antropológico, a prática da circuncisão em mulheres ¿ sobretudo a excisão e a infibulação ¿ teria sido deixada em segundo plano ou fora das etnografias; seja como objeto teórico ou político. Quando se visibiliza em tal cenário, contudo, o tema dialoga com interlocutores externos, como a imprensa, as ONGs e os movimentos feministas. Tal estudo aborda também questões éticas da antropologia e seu conceito primordial,¿cultura¿, e sua proximidade inevitável com os conceitos de ¿história¿ e ¿mudança social e simbólica¿, diálogos necessários em estudos que contemplem práticas opressivas e relações de gênero Abstract: This study of anthropological nature regards agressive practices imposed upon the feminine body in Muslim and Arab societies, namely genital cutting operations on women performed not for therapeutic reasons but to comform to an anatomical ideal compatible with specific cultural patterns. Conceptions like modesty, promiscuity and feminine sexuality shown in the sources suggest that social relations in which race and gender act out, cannot be dramatized outside a scenario which involves not only a religious language of conversion to whom is an insider (believer), an outsider (unbeliever) and those located in states of ¿pollution¿ (apostate), but also in the cultural conversion between masculine/feminine inside the boundaries of the nation as well as the problematic relation with the West in which meaning is given in terms of postcolonialist context. On the anthropogical point of view the practice of female circumcision ¿ especially excision and infibulation would be partially left or completely left out of the ethnographies as theoretical or political subjects. However, when that subject appears in anthropological settings, the theme sets dialogs among external interlocutors, as the press, NGO¿s and feminists movements. Additionally, such study brings into consideration ethical issues inside anthropology stablishing a dialog to its primordial concept which is ¿culture¿ and its inevitable proximity with the concepts of ¿history¿ and ¿social and symbolic change¿ which are fundamental issues in studies concerning opressive practices and gender relations Doutorado Sexualidade, Gênero e Corpo Mestre em Antropologia Social

Orientador: Emília Pietrafesa de Godoi Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Resumo: A energia elétrica está na base do estilo de vida da sociedade atual assumindo papel estratégico nos projetos de desenvolvimento econômico. No Brasil a hidreletricidade é a forma consagrada para a geração de energia elétrica, respondendo por mais de 70% da capacidade de operação. A importância da energia hidrelétrica contrasta com impactos ambientais e sociais que mesmo relativizados em relação a outras fontes de energia como a nuclear ou termelétrica, comprovadamente afetam a vida das comunidades locais e do meio ambiente no sentido amplo. A instalação de cada nova Usina Hidrelétrica de Energia (UHE) acontece através de relações de poder entre agentes sociais com diferentes interesses de acordo com o caso específico, mas, de maneira geral, segundo um processo social amplo que no Brasil ultrapassa um século. Da multiplicidade de agentes e situações, partimos da tese de que a assimetria dessas relações de poder em favor dos empreendedores tende a apontar para a inevitabilidade da instalação dessas obras alheiamente ao posicionamento da população local. O estudo analisa o processo de instalação da UHE Foz do Chapecó, situada no rio Uruguai, entre os municípios de Alpestre (RS) e Águas de Chapecó (SC), este abrigando o canteiro de obras localizado na comunidade de Saltinho do Uruguai, locus empírico da pesquisa que desenvolvemos entre os anos de 2006 e 2011. Considerando o caso segundo um processo social amplo, discutimos a instalação da hidrelétrica sob a luz do conflito entre dois projetos políticos antagônicos, o neoliberal, conduzido pelo empreendedor, e o democrático-participativo, representado principalmente pelo Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB). Nesta perspectiva, analisamos uma rede social relacionando diferentes agentes compreendendo desde instituições transnacionais até ribeirinhos que poucas vezes em suas vidas se afastaram da barranca do rio. Esta rede compreende um campo social transpassado por aspectos políticos, jurídicos, econômicos e ambientais, a partir do que se estabelecem os conflitos e alianças entre os múltiplos agentes sociais com interesses variados, onde cada agente utiliza estratégias tendo em vista um ambiente democrático marcado pela tensão entre legalidade e legitimidade, onde o resultado significa a instalação - ou não - de uma hidrelétrica Abstract: Electrical energy is the basis of the lifestyle of today's society assuming a strategic role in economic development projects. Hydroelectricity in Brazil is the established way to generate electricity, accounting for more than 70% of operating capacity. The importance of hydropower contrasts with environmental and social impacts that even relativized in relation to other energy sources such as nuclear power plant or demonstrably affect the lives of local communities and the environment in the broad sense. The installation of each new Hydroelectric Power (HEP) happens through the power relations between social actors with different interests according to the specific case, but, in general, according to a broad social process that goes beyond a century in Brazil. The multiplicity of actors and situations, we start with the thesis that the asymmetry of these relations of power in favor of entrepreneurs tends to point to the inevitability of the installation of these works unrelated the positioning of the local population. The study analyzes the process of installing the HEP Foz do Chapecó, located on the Uruguay river between the towns of Alpestre (RS) and Águas de Chapecó (SC), this housing the construction site located in the community Saltinho do Uruguai, empirical locus the research that developed between the years 2006 and 2011. Considering the case in a broad social process, we discuss the installation of the dam in light of the conflict between two antagonistic political projects, the neoliberal, led by the entrepreneur, and democratic participation, represented mainly by the Movement of People Affected by Dams (MAB). In this perspective, we analyze a social network connecting different agents including from transnational institutions to riparian few times in their lives away from the riverbank. This network comprises a pierced by the social political, legal, economic and environmental, from settling the conflicts and alliances between multiple social agents with varied interests, where each agent uses strategies aimed at a democratic environment characterized by tension between legality and legitimacy, where the result means the installation - or not - of a hydroelectric Doutorado Ciências Sociais Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira Costa Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas Resumo: Esta tese analisa o processo de criação de municípios no Estado de São Paulo, em dois períodos da democracia brasileira (1946-1964 e 1988-1996). Para isso foi realizada uma análise comparativa de um conjunto de emancipações ocorridas na Região Administrativa de Sorocaba. Investigaram-se os atores, as estratégias e as motivações políticas que influenciaram a expansão do número de municípios na região. E ao se comparar os dois momentos verificou-se uma série de semelhanças na criação de municípios, como a predominância dos distritos com pequena população e a forte atuação do legislativo estadual. Percebeu-se que, nesses casos, a criação de municípios é decorrente de no mínimo dois fatores: 1) ela é fruto de um processo específico de atuação das lideranças locais e dos deputados cujo discurso pautava-se na melhoria dos serviços públicos e desenvolvimento; 2) é resultado do interesse de lideranças locais, políticas ou econômicas, que visavam garantir que o valor arrecadado pelo distrito não fosse compartilhado diretamente com outras localidades, e sim pudesse ser utilizado em benefício próprio Abstract: This thesis analyzes the process of municipalities¿ creation in São Paulo State, in two periods of the Brazilian democracy (1946-1964 and 1988-1996). For this a comparative analysis of a set of emancipations that occurred in the Administrative Region of Sorocaba was carried through. The actors, strategies and motivations were investigated and also the political interests that influenced the expansion of the number of cities of the region. To compare these two moments, a series of similarities in the creation of cities was verified, as the predominance of the districts with small population and the strong legislative performance of the state. It was perceived that, in these cases, the municipalities creation was caused by two factors: 1) it is fruit of a specific process of performance of the local leaderships and members of the house of representatives based in the improvement of the public services and general development; 2) it is result of the interest of local political or economic leaderships, who aim at guaranteeing that the local tax collection is shared directly with other localities, and it can be used in proper advantage Doutorado Estado, Politicas Públicas e Processos Políticos Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Orientador: Maria Lygia Quartim de Moraes Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas Resumo: Esta pesquisa de mestrado tem como objeto de estudo a relação que tem sido feita entre comportamentos sexuais considerados ilegítimos pelo sistema jurídico e a criminalidade, em trinta anos (1977 - 2009) de história da Penitenciária Feminina da Capital. Esta dissertação procura, também, analisar os discursos subversivos sobre o sexo que surgiram dentro desta unidade penal feminina, assim como o modo que eles foram punidos ou absorvidos pela instituição. O recorte temporal escolhido, de 1977 a 2009, procurou abranger formas passadas e presentes de análise e gerenciamento do sexo das internas da Penitenciária Feminina da Capital, possibilitando percepções acerca de mudanças e manutenções nos regimentos internos, nos formatos dos prontuários e, principalmente, na rotina da instituição Abstract: The main subject of this master thesis is the relation established between sexual behavior and criminality by the law system and it contribution to the power discourse about "delinquent women", in thirty years (1977- 2009) of the São Paulo State Women's Penitentiary history. It also intends to analyze the subversive discourses about sex that emerged in that penitentiary as well as the punishment applied to then and their insertion on the institution routine. The period of thirty years, adopted in this research, intended to analyze changes in gender and sex positions in the acts defined as crimes, as well as seek to know more about the sex management of the inmates Mestrado Sociologia e Antropologia Mestre em Sociologia

Orientadores: Mauro Cardoso Simões, Carlos Raul Etulain Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Ciências Aplicadas Resumo: Este trabalho analisa as relações atuais entre religião e politica, e investiga como a política se utiliza dos discursos religiosos que abrigam certa moralidade, retóricas e crenças religiosas que minam o avanço de questões que afetam o bem comum na esfera pública. Critica, assim, a utilização da política para fins religiosos e discute a religião como instrumento da política. Iniciamos o nosso trabalho a partir das trilhas deixadas pelo pensamento político de Nicolau Maquiavel (1469¿1527), pois sua perspectiva de análise em torno da religião como um dos temas fundamentais de seu pensamento nos parece imprescindível. É neste sentido que a religião apresenta-se como um elemento indispensável para a compreensão das relações entre as esferas humana e política. Não é por acaso que Maquiavel já analisava a religião como um instrumento da política, exemplificando com o Frei Savonarola, uma liderança religiosa que promoveu mudanças sociais e políticas, a partir de um comportamento que colabora como mecanismo de dominação e coerção social. Maquiavel pensou uma diferenciação entre a moralidade pagã antiga e a cristã e, assim dissocia o poder político da ética cristã, efetuando uma nova ética laica e prática, dentro da virtú antiga. Deste modo, encontramos desde Maquiavel até hoje, argumentos que justificariam uma imbricação entre a religião e a política no mundo contemporâneo. Concluímos com a contribuição de Habermas que todos os sujeitos podem participar nas sociedades secularizadas com discurso em pé de igualdade e devem fazê-lo de modo consciente e livre. As Igrejas não podem ser marginalizadas e nem excluídas do discurso público, mas parece necessário que as Igrejas saibam dialogar utilizando os princípios democráticos e concordando com as premissas do Estado Constitucional e autônomo. A religião, assim compreendida, é um instrumento altamente poderoso para a realização da política Abstract: This work analyzes the current relationships of religion and the policy, where we find politicians that use of religious discourses, which holds a certain morality, rhetoric and religious beliefs that undermine the advancement of issues that affect the general good in the public sphere. We start our paper from the trails left by the political thought of Nicolau Machiavelli (1469-1527). Raise the perspective of analysis around the religion as one of the key themes of his works seems essential. It is in that sense that religion presents itself as an indispensable element for the understanding of the relationship between the humans and politics spheres. It is not by chance that Machiavelli has already reported to religion as an instrument of policy, for example the Frei Savonarola, a religious leadership that promotes social and political changes, from a behavior that collaborate as a mechanism of domination and coercion. Machiavelli conveys a differentiation between the ancient pagan morality and Christian and therefore dissociating the political power of Christian ethics, making a new secular ethics and practice, inside of ancient virtú. In this way, we find since Machiavelli until today arguments that would justify an arrangement between religion and politics in the contemporary world. We conclude with the contribution of Habermas all subjects can participate in secularized societies with speech on an equal footing and must make it in a consciously and freely way. Not being marginalized and not excluded from public discourse, but it is necessary that the Churches be acquainted with discourse using democratic principles agreeing with the premises of the constitutional and autonomous States. Religion, as understood, is a highly powerful tool for achieving policy Mestrado Modernidade e Políticas Públicas Mestre em Ciências Humanas e Sociais Aplicadas

Orientador: Sílvio César Camargo Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Resumo: Esse trabalho irá investigar a Agência popular de fomento à cultura Solano Trindade, cujas atividades acontecem, desde 2011, na região do Capão Redondo, periferia da cidade de São Paulo. Duas características destacam-se em suas ações: o uso de ferramentas da economia solidária (como o banco comunitário e a moeda social) e articulação em rede dos agentes locais. Seu propósito de constituição está em incentivar financeiramente a confecção de produtos e a oferta de serviços relativos à produção artística local, entendendo que a riqueza gerada desse circuito deve abastecer prioritariamente os laços de sustentabilidade da própria região. Para isso, organizam um repertório de ações que evoca um sentido específico para o "ser periférico" e para a caracterização do que é a periferia. Trata-se de uma iniciativa que retoma o espaço de luta política firmado por movimentos sociais, que está inscrita em um contexto de efervescência das produções artísticas nomeadas como periféricas já em destaque desde os anos 1990 e que mobiliza a cultura como ferramenta discursiva e prática para compor espaços de disputa identitária, política e social. Todo esse cenário, conduz à indagação de como a Solano Trindade organizada tais embates e, assim, desenha-se a questão central da pesquisa que é entender como ambas as categorizações ¿ produção cultural e periferia - formam uma composição própria e se tornam pertinentes para traçarmos uma interpretação sobre as formas de poder e contra-poder no capitalismo hoje. Como suporte teórico foram utilizadas duas bases de argumentação: a primeira referente ao debate de que vivemos um novo estágio do modo de produção capitalista baseado em insumos imateriais, o que relaciona-se com um novo processo de manipulação das subjetividades e com o uso da cultura como recurso, como fica claro nos autores Antônio Negri, Maurizio Lazzarato, Michel Hardt e George Yúdice; e a segunda filiada aos estudos acerca da construção urbanística e social das periferias, entendendo-as, no caso brasileiro, como elemento imbricado às novas demandas da lógica capitalista e, portanto, sendo também objeto de disputa de qualificação entre diversos atores; aqui foram mobilizados a geógrafa Lourdes Carril, além dos urbanistas Lúcio Kowarick, Nabil Bonduki e Raquel Rolnik. A partir desse segundo ponto, foi possível ainda acessar diversos trabalhos acadêmicos que se debruçaram sob o tema desses "sujeitos periféricos" e da "cultura periférica", aqui foram destacados Erica Peçanha e Tiajurú D¿Andréa Abstract: This work will investigate the Popular Agency to promote the culture Solano Trindade, whose activities have been taking place since 2011 in the region of Capão Redondo, in the outskirts of the city of São Paulo. Two characteristics stand out in their actions: the use of solidarity economy tools (such as the community bank and the social currency) and networking of local agents. Its purpose is to provide financial incentives for the production of products and services related to local artistic production, understanding that the wealth generated from this circuit should provide priority to the region's own sustainability ties. To this end, they organize a repertoire of actions that evokes a specific meaning for the "peripheral being" and for the characterization of the periphery. It is an initiative that retakes the space of political struggle signed by social movements, which is inscribed in a context of effervescence of the artistic productions named as peripheral already highlighted since the 1990s and that mobilizes culture as a discursive and practical tool for compose spaces of identity, political and social dispute. All this scenario leads to the question of how such a conflict is organized by Solano Trindade, and thus the central question of the research is to understand how both categorizations - cultural production and periphery - form a composition of their own and become pertinent for drawing an interpretation of the forms of power and counter-power in capitalism today. As a theoretical support, two bases of argumentation were used: the first concerning the debate that we live a new stage of the capitalist mode of production based on immaterial inputs, which is related to a new process of manipulation of subjectivities and the use of culture as resource, as it is clear in the authors Antônio Negri, Maurizio Lazzarato, Michel Hardt and George Yúdice; and the second affiliated to the studies about the urban and social construction of the peripheries, understanding them in the Brazilian case as an element imbricated to the new demands of the capitalist logic and, therefore, also being the object of a dispute of qualification among several actors; here the geographer Lourdes Carril was mobilized, as well as the urban planners Lúcio Kowarick, Nabil Bonduki and Raquel Rolnik. From this second point on, it was possible to access several academic works that dealt with the theme of these "peripheral subjects" and the "peripheral culture", in which Erica Peçanha and Tiajurú D'Andréa were highlighted Mestrado Sociologia Mestra em Sociologia CNPQ 130182/2015-0

Orientador: Gilda Figueiredo Portugal Gouvêa Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Resumo: O presente trabalho investiga a atuação do Estado e da sociedade civil a partir de duas consultas públicas realizadas pela Internet no Brasil: Marco Civil da Internet e reforma da Lei de Direito Autoral. Foca-se principalmente a atuação do Estado, mais especificamente o modo como ele exerceu o poder nesses espaços, tendo como referência teórica a concepção de poder em Michel Foucault. A consulta pública para o Marco Civil da Internet se realizou entre 2009 e 2010 com o objetivo de obter uma relação harmônica entre direito e rede por meio da regulamentação da Internet no Brasil. A consulta para a reforma da Lei de Direito Autoral (LDA) aconteceu no ano de 2010 e teve uma segunda fase em 2012. Ela foi realizada com a finalidade de manter o equilíbrio entre direito de acesso a conteúdos e o direito autoral, visto que a Lei atual de Direito Autoral (9610/98) está defasada frente ao desenvolvimento de novas tecnologias. A dissertação se divide em duas partes e um capítulo com considerações finais. A primeira apresenta a Internet e as possibilidades interpretativas que se colocam para um objeto de análise que está inserido neste meio, apresentando e problematizando as concepções teóricas que permeiam este trabalho. A segunda parte trata das duas consultas públicas realizadas pela Internet tendo como objetivo a compreensão da gênese desses espaços consultivos e o modo como essas consultas se desenvolveram. O último capítulo assume um caráter conclusivo, buscando compreender qual o caminho que essas consultas públicas apontam em relação à atuação do Estado brasileiro na Internet com a construção desses dois entre os inúmeros "espaços" que compõem estes meios eletrônicos, como o Estado está lidando com a Internet no que diz respeito à maior participação da sociedade civil na constituição de políticas públicas Abstract: This paper investigates the performance of the State and civil society from two public consultations over Internet in Brazil: Brazilian Civil Rights Framework for the Internet and the Copyright Law Reform. This research focuses primarily on the state¿s action, more specifically on how he has exercised the power in these spaces, using Michel Foucault¿s theoretical conception of power as reference. The public consultation for the Brazilian Civil Rights Framework took place between 2009 and 2010 aiming to obtain a harmonious relationship between law and network through the regulation of Internet in Brazil. The consultation on the reform of the Copyright was performed in 2010 and had a second phase in 2012. It was established in order to maintain the balance between the right of access to content and copyright, since the current law in Copyright Law (9610/98) is outdated when it refers to developing new technologies. The dissertation is divided into two parts, followed by a chapter covering final considerations. First, this paper presents the Internet and interpretive possibilities that arise for an object of analysis considering its context, presenting and questioning theoretical concepts that permeate this work. The second part encompasses those two public consultations on Internet, aiming to understand the genesis of these consultative spaces and how such queries were developed. The final chapter assumes a conclusive approach, trying to understand which direction these public consultations point in regard to the State¿s role in the Internet, considering the construction of this new space between several others existing. Also, this chapter discusses how the State is dealing with Internet as a possibility to promote a higher social participation to construct public policies Mestrado Sociologia Mestre em Sociologia

Orientador: Mauro William Barbosa de Almeida Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa o processo de territorialização empreendido por meio da produção de normas ambientais sobre o território onde habitam comunidades tradicionais da Jureia, região localizada no litoral sul do Estado de São Paulo. O objetivo do trabalho está em etnografar as relações de poder desenvolvidas no conflito territorial. Nesse sentido, busco interpretar dados de campo e da bibliografia citada para compreender a atuação de membros de órgãos ambientais do governo, de ONGs ambientalistas e moradores das comunidades tradicionais. Reuniões e documentos foram tratados como dispositivos de poder fundamentais para compreensão do conflito, cuja expressividade é tomada no comportamento e discursos dos agentes, bem como nas aproximações e dissensões entre conhecimentos tradicionais e o conhecimento científico. O "sofrimento social" e a expulsão por cansaço são analisados como efeitos desse processo de territorialização, o qual também ensejou formas de resistência cotidiana, além daquelas organizadas em associações de moradores Abstract: This dissertation analyzes the process of territorialization undertaken through the production of environmental norms on the territory where traditional communities live in the Jureia region, located on the southern coast of the State of São Paulo. The objective of this work is to ethnograph the power relatioins developed in the territorial conflict. In this sense, interpretation of field data, anthropological and sociological bibliography was performed to understand the performance of members of government environmental agencies, environmental NGOs and residents of traditional communities. Meetings and documents are treated as fundamental power devices for understanding conflict, whose expressiveness is taken in the behavior and discourses of the agents, as well as in the approximations and dissensions between traditional knowledge and scientific knowledge. "Social suffering" and expulsion due to tireness are analyzed as effects of this process of territorialization, which also gave rise to forms of daily resistance, besides those organized in residents' associations Mestrado Antropologia Social Mestre em Antropologia Social CAPES

Orientador: Leila da Costa Ferreira Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Resumo: Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo demonstrar a centralidade da práxis na teoria da estruturação de Anthony Giddens, bem como a fundamentação dessa concepção em princípios ontológicos flexíveis: a capacidade transformadora humana e a reflexividade. Desse modo, abordo o diagnóstico giddensiano da modernidade como uma nova configuração da práxis social em que os princípios ontológicos da práxis são remodelados. O trabalho se organiza em cinco capítulos: no primeiro capítulo, situo o pensamento de Anthony Giddens na teoria social; no segundo capítulo, descrevo e analiso os conceitos fundamentais da teoria da estruturação; no terceiro capítulo, analiso os conceitos fundamentais da práxis giddensiana; o quarto capítulo trata do tempo-espaço e da mudança social; o quinto capítulo refere-se à modernidade e a reestruturação da práxis Abstract: This research aims to demonstrate the centrality of social praxis in the structuration theory of Anthony Giddens and the fundamentation of this conception in flexible ontological principles: the transformative human capacity and the reflexivity. Thus, I analyze the Giddens?s diagnosis of modernity as a new social configuration of social praxis in which the ontological principles of praxis are refurbished. The research is organized in five chapters: in the first one, I situate Anthony Giddens in social theory; in the second one, I describe and analyze the fundamental concepts of structuration theory; in the third one, I analyze the fundamental concepts of the giddensian praxis; the fourth chapter deals with the time-space and social change; the last chapter refers to modernity and the restructuration of social praxis Mestrado Sociologia Mestre em Sociologia

[eng] Newspapers and television are full of stories about inappropriate behaviour by political and business leaders published weekly. According to Guinote (2008), an individual's behaviour will be changed when they reach a leadership position, which only a few can control. Many of these allegations, which show the headlines, are related to abuse of power and inappropriate enrichment. Although leadership has been defined as an individual's ability to face a goal, with this ability, they influence other people to follow her/him in the endeavour to achieve the goal (Western, 2019). The study of leadership has been approached from many perspectives. Nevertheless, they do not have the same perception of leadership in North American and European authors, nor between Westerners and Orientals (Western, 2019). Among common themes in the leadership literature, the debate over whether leaders are born or made remains open. Therefore, the chapter on whether circumstances transform an individual into a leader or, on the contrary, their personality make them leader remains open. For example, personality traits have been found to be medium to high heritability, so leadership traits may also be moderately heritable (Johnson, et al., 1998). Ultimately, leadership studies have been based on both the search for characteristic and personality traits (Kirkpatick & Locke, 1991) and what circumstances transform an individual into a leader (Western, 2019). Leadership is not power, since power is the ability to control others activities through any of the sources of power (coercive, rewarding, legitimate, expert and referral) (Hatcher, 2005), and leadership is the ability to inspire people to follow the leader in achieving a goal (Western, 2019). However, both concepts are related since a leader without power does not make sense (Hatcher, 2005). In this doctoral thesis, it is considered that leadership implies power and, precisely, this endowment of power can transform the leader's perception of her/his followers. By the inspiration of the tradition of studies based on personality traits (Kirkpatick & Locke, 1991), we intend to study what personality traits moderate an employee with power (boss) and make her/him act as a leader who seeks to pursue the benefit of the group (company) rather than their personal benefit. Various realms of knowledge have tried to find some explanations for this type of behavior. Either from economic theory with the agency dilemma (Eisenhardt, 1989), social psychology, through the concept of psychological distance (Trope & Liberman, 2003) or from evolutionary psychology, with the search for ultimate reasons of origin of leadership (King, Johnson, & Van Vugt, 2009). For example, the agency dilemma proposes that in a decision-making context, two actors may intervene: an "agent" (person or organization) who makes decisions by a delegation of another actor, a "principal" (person or organization), and whose result affects the principal. According to economic theory, the agent acting on behalf of the principal will be motivated to perform for her/his benefit rather than for the principal, posing a moral conflict (Eisenhardt, 1989). Another theory that attempts to explain the selfish position of those who achieve leadership position come from social psychology that considers social distance, a common concept in sociology, as a psychological distance (Stephan, Liberman, & Trope, 2010). Although it has covered several types of psychological distance, temporal distance is the most relevant for the study of leadership. It affects the interpretation of relationships between people or physical distance to places (Magee & Smith, 2013). In a sense, greater psychological distance becomes mindsets of cognitive abstraction (Stephan, Liberman, & Trope, 2010). Another area that has tried to find explanations for both the origin and development of leadership is evolutionary psychology (King, Johnson, & Van Vugt, 2009). Throughout evolutionary history, leaders play a critical role in achieving goals. Living in a group is full of compromise and conflict, so groups have demonstrated a need for leaders. Leaders use different strategies to solve coordination problems even in ancestral environments, such as group movement, intragroup and intergroup competition (Van Vugt, Hogan, & Kaiser, 2008; Van Vugt M. , 2006). According to researchers in evolutionary psychology, leaders can use one of the most beneficial ways to inspire their followers, sacrificing their self-interest and personal goals to benefit their followers and organization (Conger & Kanungo, 1987; Shamir, House, & Arthur, 1993). Indeed, these types of leaders with sacrificing behaviour have charismatic and influential personality compare to dominant leaders (Choi & Mai-Dalton, 1999; De Cremer & Van Knippenberg, 2004; Van Knippenberg & Van Knippenberg, 2005; Yorges, Weiss, & Strickland, 1999). Consequently, self-sacrificial leaders evoke more positive affect, trust, cooperation, and good performance between their followers (De Cremer, 2006; Van Knippenberg & Van Knippenberg, 2005). There are often conflated status hierarchies and decision-making hierarchies, but it will be helpful to discriminate between them. Leaders have a decision-making position in the group where individuals face problems and disproportionate influence on group decision-making and can prioritize resources in return (Van Vugt M. , 2006). Here in this research, we will consider the transformation process suffered by individuals who achieved a leadership position within a business organization and, therefore, a position of power in a business decision-making context. This consideration will be made both from social psychology and from evolutionary psychology. Although both fields have been developed from different theoretical processes, for two decades, multidisciplinary approaches have been recommended in marketing studies (O’Shaughnessy, 1997). Recently, social psychologists are interested in exploring the effect of the power of an individual’s behaviour; Power is an ability to influence other people and usually based on a position in the hierarchy (Keltner, Gruenfeld, & Anderson, 2003; Lammers, Stapel, & Galinsky, 2010; Maner & Mead, 2010). Today, in advanced societies, the hierarchical order of social structures is organized according to the merit of subjects that comprise it. Thus, the old structures based on aristocratic origin or family to which someone belongs have changed by social advancement based on merit. High achievers reach higher positions compared to less achievers (Smith, Jostmann , Galinsky, & Van Dijk, 2008). However, the social system does not have to work with great precision in all contemporary societies. What transcends to the community is that individuals who do not achieve positions of power are because they perform imperfectly are less capable or motivated than those who have reached powerful positions (Guinote, 2007). These beliefs, widespread in modern societies, that the powerful individuals reach their position by their own effort, meaning that when an individual comes to a place of leadership with power and authority in an organization, this fact leads to a process of personal transformation that changes the vision that s/he has of herself, her idea of others, followers or subordinates. It begins to see others as pieces that could be used to achieve their own goals (Anderson & Berdahl, 2002; Galinsky, Gruenfeld, & Magee, 2003; Smith & Bargh, 2008; Galinsky, Magee, Gruenfeld, Whitson, & Lijenquist, 2008; Smith & Trope, 2006; Guinote, 2007a). Shreds of evidence have been collected on the mental transformation of individuals who have achieved positions of leadership and power. First, powerful leaders see the futures more optimistically, perceive that they control the destiny and lead them to make risky decisions (Fast, Gruenfeld, Sivanathan, & Galinsky, 2009). Second, when individuals exert leadership, they begin to consider others, even former colleagues, differently. For instance, they begin to pay more attention to themselves than the needs of others (Rucker, Dubois, & Galinsky, 2011). They establish a social distance between themselves and the followers or subordinates (Kipnis, 1972) and even tend to ignore other people’s suffering (Van Kleef, et al., 2008). Third, through this process of estrangement and reification, they perceive their subordinates as mere instruments of manipulation to help them achieve their own goals (Gruenfeld, Inesi, Magee, & Galinsky, 2008). Although the literature praises leaders’ role, some individuals are capable of working beyond their own interest and even take personal costs to benefit their group or organization (Conger & Kanungo, 1987; Shamir, House, & Arthur, 1993). Nevertheless, there are many shreds of evidence in the literature that individuals who achieve a position of power are more likely to deceive (Lammers, Stapel, & Galinsky, 2010). In this sense, they tend to act socially inadequately, putting their interest in priority (Gonzaga, Keltner, & Ward, 2008). The classic book “Power, corruption, and rectitude” (Rogow & Lasswell, 1963) mentioned that leaders who exercise power obey two factors: the individual needs of the exaltation of ego and the organization's structure. Personality factors are under the influence of different circumstances; how they grow, their childhood, the type of education and the deprivations they suffered determine how they will use power as adults. And regarding the organizational context, tradition, reputations, and leadership are pointed as factors that encourage or discourage corrupted behaviour (Rogow & Lasswell, 1963). The focus of this thesis is on the effect of power on the behaviour of individuals. Additionally, we want to evaluate different personality factors, exploring what kind of personality traits discourage promoted leader from falling into the temptation to pursue selfish behaviour.

Orientador: Gilda Figueiredo Portugal Gouvêa Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Resumo: O presente trabalho investiga como se exerce a governança da Internet, seus limites técnicos e nacionais, e quais são os atores centrais dessa rede de redes. Para isso, recorre primeiro ao conhecimento de elementos que contribuem para a constituição dessa rede mundial de computadores, como cibernética, formação da arquitetura da rede de um ponto de vista histórico e tecnopolítico, para então identificar os principais atores que compõem a governança da Internet. Nesse sentido, realiza o estudo da governança da Internet tendo em vista uma análise ascendente e a leitura em intensidade proposta por Deleuze. Por fim, traça elementos compositivos do fluxo e refluxo da condução de condutas dessa rede, mostrando os elementos fundamentais tanto de mecanismos de poder quanto os pontos de fuga da Internet, evidenciando o movimento que o controle dessa rede possui, sua ineficácia constitutiva e as espontaneidades rebeldes que essa configuração da rede contribui para fazer surgir. Esta tese se faz importante em dois pontos: na medida em que a Internet é presente em parte expressiva da população mundial e um conhecimento de fôlego sobre a mesma cooperaria para utilizações mais críticas; e por contribuir com o debate sobre a governança na Internet no campo sociológico Abstract: The present work investigates how Internet governance is conducted, what are its technical and national boundaries, and which are the key players of this network of networks. To do this, it first resorts to the knowledge of elements that contribute to the constitution of this worldwide network of computers, such as cybernetics, the formation of the network architecture from a historical and technopolitical point of view, and then to the identification of the key players of the Internet governance. In this sense, the study of Internet governance is performed in view of an upward analysis and the reading in intensity, proposed by Deleuze. Finally, compositional elements of the ebb and flow of conducts conduction of this network are traced, showing the fundamental elements of both power mechanisms and Internet vanishing points, also evidencing the movement that the control of this network has, its constitutive inefficiency and the rebellious spontaneities that this network configuration contributes to emerge. This thesis is important in two regards: inasmuch as the Internet is present in a significant part of the world population, a deep knowledge on it would cooperate for more critical uses; and for contributing to the debate on Internet governance in the sociological field Doutorado Sociologia Doutor em Sociologia FAPESP 2014/13165-0

[cat] Els éssers humans es defineixen com un producte de la cultura on neixen i es desenvolupen. L’assimilació de la cultura quarta la llibertat dels subjectes a favor de les institucions socials. La salut mental, és una d’aquestes institucions que des del model rehabilitador o biomèdic, pretén controlar tot aquell comportament que surt de la norma, al responsabilitzar a l’individu de les limitacions i barreres estructurals que viuen. Així doncs, la salut mental deixa de banda la participació de les persones en els seus processos i en l'objectivació del que es comprèn com un problema a tractar. La disciplina del treball social té com objectiu afavorir el canvi de paradigma en l’atenció de les persones a les que se les diagnostica amb un trastorn mental des del model social, en el qual es responsabilitza al sistema social de les desigualats i l’exclusió que els subjectes pateixen, tot reconeixent les capacitats. Aquest axioma identifica el valor idoni a la pròpia experiència vital com una eina necessària en el procés de dignificació de la salut mental a la comunitat, tot fomentant l’aparició i la transformació d’un entorn que admeti la diversitat mental com a signe d’enriquiment social. Els objectius principals d’aquesta recerca són la reflexió i l’emmarcament del paper que des de la historicitat el treball social ha representat dins de l’àmbit de la salut mental i com aquesta disciplina desenvolupa la seva tasca en la millora de la qualitat de vida de les persones. És per aquest motiu que la metodologia que s’utilitzarà és de caire qualitatiu, per tal de poder captar les vivències dels diferents agents, com són les persones diagnosticades amb un trastorn mental, des de les entitats en “primera persona”, els seus familiars i les treballadors/es socials. Es van dur a terme 6 observacions participants, 20 entrevistes en profunditat i 6 grups de discussió. L’anàlisi de les dades extretes permet aconseguir un millor coneixement i difusió de les estratègies i del mètode del treball social, en la que es replanteja la importància de l’emancipació de la disciplina de les esferes de poder per evitar la reproducció de les estructures de poder per afavorir la diversitat en la societat. Destaca el reconeixement del paper de la disciplina en la identificació i la humanització de la diferència com una peça clau en la base de l’estructura social i es constata que el treball social es basa en models de caire crític amb l’encàrrec institucional i estructural, per evitar centrar-se en respostes preestablertes i tenir en compte a l’Altre com un subjecte amb capacitat d’obrar. S’identifica que les persones diagnosticades amb trastorn mental en moltes ocasions han acceptat l’etiqueta i el rol que se les ha assignat per els beneficis que han rebut a través d’aquesta. Aquestes afirmacions es fonamenten en que les línies d’actuació polítiques s’aprofiten de la fal·làcia de la participació o de la inclusió per homogeneïtzar i normalitzar la diferència, i és en aquesta situació on el treball social manté la responsabilitat de vetllar per la diversitat de la connotació dels conceptes per evitar el binarisme, com és salut i malaltia., [eng] Human beings are defined as a product of the culture where they are born and develop. Assimilation of the culture restricts the freedom of subjects in favour of social institutions. Mental health is one of these institutions that, in the rehabilitation or biomedical model, attempts to control all behaviour that departs from the norm by making individuals responsible for the limitations and barriers they face. Thus, mental health sidelines the participation of people in the processes and objectification of what is understood as a problem to be treated. The discipline of social work aims to promote a paradigma shift in the care of people who are diagnosed with a mental disorder from the perspective of the social model, which considers the social system to be responsible for the inequalities and exclusion that subjects undergo, while recognising their capabilities. This axiom identifies the ideal value of one’s life experience as a necessary tool in the process of dignifying mental health in the community, supporting the emergence and transformation of an environment that accepts mental diversity as a sign of social enrichment. The main goals of this research are to reflect on and frame the role that social work has historically played in the field of mental health and examine how this discipline achieves its task of improving people’s quality of life. Therefore, qualitative methodology is used to capture the experiences of different agents, such as people disgnosed with a mental disorder, from “first person” informants; family members and social workers. Six participant observations, twenty in-depth interviews and six focus groups were conducted. Analysis of extracted data allows deeper understanding and diffusion of the strategies and methods of social work to be attained, in which the importance of the emancipation of the discipline from the spheres of power is reconsidered to avoid the reestablishment of power structures and promote diversity in society. It emphasises the role of the discipline in identifying and humanising difference as a key element at the base of social structure. It is stated that social work is grounded in models of a critical nature with institutional and structural order to avoid a focus on pre-set responses and to consider the Other as a subject with the capacity to act. It has been determined that people diagnosed with a mental disorder frequently accept the label and the role assigned to them due to the benefits they receive as a consequence. These statements are based on the fact that political lines of action take advantage of the fallacy of participation or inclusion to homogenise and normalise differences. In this situation, social work has a continuing responsibility to ensure the diversity of the connotations of the concept to avoid binarisms, such as health and disease.

FERRARI, Patricio (2018) (ed.). Inside the Mask: The English Poetry of Fernando Pessoa. Providence: Gávea-Brown, 360 p. ISBN: 978-0-943722-42-9.

PESSOA, Fernando (2018). Sobre el facismo, la dictadura militar y Salazar. Traducción de Antonio Jiménez Morato. Madrid: La Umbría y la Solana, 364 p. [ISBN: 978-84-946988-9-7].

Este breve trabajo presenta la relación de Guardini con Europa. Para nuestro autor Europa no solo fue un tema de estudio sino también, y muy tempranamente, una respuesta a una situación y conflicto personal. Articulamos nuestro escrito en dos partes. La primera de ellas versará sobre las implicaciones biográficas de la realidad de Europa en nuestro pensador. La segunda analizará el contenido de algunos escritos temáticos. Sea en la primera parte como en la segunda podremos constatar que Guardini es un europeo modélico, cuya existencia está configurada por la realidad de Europa desde un punto de vista biográfico, religioso y fundamentalmente cultural. De ahí que su pensamiento y también su vida solamente puedan entenderse e interpretarse con objetividad a la luz de la realidad de Europa. This brief work presents Guardini's relationship with Europe. For our author Europe was not only a subject of study but also, and very early, a response to a situation and personal conflict. We articulate our writing in two parts. The first one will deal with the biographical implications of the reality of Europe in our thinker. The second one will analyze the content of some thematic writings. Be in the first part as in the second we can see that Guardini is a model European, whose existence is shaped by the reality of Europe from a biographical, religious and fundamentally cultural point of view. That is why his thought and also his life can only be understood and interpreted objectively in the light of the reality of Europe.

IntroductionHarmful gender norms, views on the acceptability of violence against women, and power inequities in relationships have been explored as key drivers of male perpetration of intimate partner violence (IPV). Yet such antecedents have been inconsistently measured in the empirical literature. This systematic review aimed to identify which measures of gender inequitable norms, views, relations and practices are currently being used in the field, and which are most closely tied with male IPV perpetration.MethodsWe searched five electronic databases to identify studies published between 2000 and 2015 that reported the association between such gender inequities and male perpetration of IPV. Identified scales were categorized by content area and level of generality, as well as other attributes, and we compared the consistency of scale performance across each category.ResultsTwenty-three studies were identified, employing 64 measures. Scales were categorized into three main thematic areas: views on gender roles/norms, acceptance of violence against women, and gender-related inequities in relationship power and control. We also classified whether the scale was oriented to respondents' own views, or what they believed others do or think. While overall, measures were positively associated with IPV perpetration in 45% of cases, this finding varied by scale type. Measures inclusive of acceptance of violence against women or beliefs about men's sexual entitlement, followed by scales that measured respondents' views on gender roles/norms, were most consistently associated with IPV perpetration. Measures of relationship power showed less consistent associations. We found few scales that measured peer or community norms.ConclusionValidated scales that encompass views on the acceptance of violence against women, and scales inclusive of beliefs about men's sexual entitlement, may be particularly promising for unpacking pathways to IPV perpetration, targeting interventions, and monitoring progress in IPV prevention efforts. A number of gaps in the literature are identified.

[spa] En el marco de las elites municipales, el presente artículo analiza el cursus honorum cumplido por Lucius Vibius Nigellio y su integración en el grupo más selecto de la elite política de la ciudad de Pollentia/Mallorca, entre época flavia y la primera mitad del siglo II d.C. El magistrado fue honrado por su familia que corrió con los gastos de un monumento estatuario emplazado en espacio público, según constata el formulario epigráfico, muy probablemente en el foro dada la relevancia del personaje y la riqueza del pedestal., [eng] In the context of the municipal elites, this article analyses the cursus honorum completed by Lucius Vibius Nigellio and his inclusion in the most select group of the political elite of the town of Pollentia/Mallorca, between the Flavian era and the first half of the 2nd century AD. The magistrate was honoured by his family who funded a monument in the form of a statue located in a public space, as is recorded in the epigraphic formulary, very probably in the forum, given the relevance of the figure and the richness of the pedestal.

On the basis of the intense impact that Big Data and related technologies are having on our personal and social existence, this article aims first of all to unravel -using the Foucauldian concept of knowledge/power- the nature of the knowledge provided by mass data collection as well as the way in which mining massive data sets are a means to legitimize decisions taken in uncertainty. Secondly, the novelty of this knowledge in relation to its most immediate precedent, statistics, will be analyzed. Finally, the type of power that emerges from this specific knowledge will be examined, especially in connection to ideas, also from Michel Foucault (1926-1984), of pastoral power and conduction through confession. Partiendo del intenso impacto que está teniendo el big data y el resto de tecnologías conexas en nuestra existencia personal y social, el presente artículo busca, en primer lugar, realizar una aproximación a la naturaleza del conocimiento que los datos masivos generan desde el concepto foucaultiano de saber-poder, como también desentrañar el modo en que dicho conocimiento es utilizado para legitimar decisiones que se toman en la incertidumbre. En segundo lugar, intentará analizar qué novedad supone dicho saber en relación a su más inmediato precedente: la estadística y, por último, tendrá como fin examinar el tipo de poder que surge de dicho saber, en relación especialmente con las ideas, de nuevo en la estela de Michel Foucault (1926-1984), acerca del poder pastoral y la conducción a través de la verdad confesada.

Ressenya del llibre 'Una sociedad de señores: dominación moral y democracia' de Mario Campaña, publicat a Ciudad de México, per Jus, l'any 2017

Democràcia i premsa lliure : La màxima periodística de ‘notícia és tot allò que algú no vol que se sàpiga’ no és aplicable sempre. Cal donar una informació completa de tot per aconseguir un enfocament honest i el més real possible dels fets i esdeveniments ocorreguts.

Des de la revolució neoliberal de la dècada dels 1980, l'economia ha anat ocupant espais al poder polític, fins al punt que actualment moltes de les decisions que prenen els diferents governs dels estats són dictades des d'institucions supranacionals i que escapen del control ciutadà. Com és que s'ha arribat a aquest punt? Quins equilibris ho fan possible? Tenim elecció o alternativa?

Why do some economically powerful states build and project military force while others do not? This dissertation argues that domestic institutions and economic interests influence why states project power to compete over resources or access to markets. It proposes that a state's level of interest compatibility with other powerful states determine when she projects power. The theory is tested using a large-N time series cross-sectional design as well as through case studies that analyze how states reacted to a set of exogenous environmental and technological shocks that exposed resources in the Arctic, the North Sea and the South China Sea. The findings have implications for rising powers in Asia, the political effects of climate change in the Arctic, and global energy security. The research design tackles the questions of when and why states project power through case studies that utilize environmental and technological shocks that exogenously expose maritime energy resources and large-N cross- sectional time series analysis. A combination of case studies and quantitative analysis represents the best way to uncover concepts that are difficult to operationalize, such as a state's foreign policy objectives. The quantitative analysis (Chapter 3) hones in on the question of when states build power projection capabilities and the case studies (Chapters 4-5) focus both on when and why states project power. In closing, this dissertation provides an explanation for when and why states project power. The primary contribution of the theory is that it allows us to make ex ante theoretical predictions regarding which states are most likely to project power and what types of objectives they are likely to project power to secure. The central finding is that state type and interest compatibility conditions whether states choose to convert economic power into power projection capabilities. This finding informs the debate over the relationship between economic and military power. The implications of these findings suggest that the United States should more strongly reorient its forces away from Europe and the Western Hemisphere, which are likely to remain cooperative geopolitical environments, and more strongly pivot to Asia

Resumo: O objetivo deste artigo é discutir, a partir de evidências empíricas sobre as elites jurídicas brasileiras, as relações dos juristas com a política em geral, e com o Estado, em especial, a partir do conceito de campo do poder. Utilizaremos ainda dados específicos sobre a atuação de juristas e de políticos na Reforma do Judiciário de 2004, como referência empírica para se compreender a interação entre atores e saberes especializados em um processo de reforma institucional estatal. À prosopografia de grupos de elites jurídicas brasileiras serão acrescidas análises de trajetórias individuais de juristas, como forma de demonstrar como se dão os trânsitos desses agentes entre o direito e a política. Ao final, se conclui que permanecem as relações estruturais entre direito e política, caracterizada recentemente por deslocamentos e reposicionamentos dos juristas, devido ao surgimento de expertises propriamente políticas e jurídicas, e da progressiva e relativa autonomização do campo jurídico em relação à política Abstract: This article aims at discussing the relations between lawyers and politics, in general, and between lawyers and the state, in particular. It will do so by analyzing empirical evidences about Brazilian legal elites, and by applying the concept of field of power. It will also be analyzed data about the action of lawyers and politicians during the 2004 Judicial Reform, as an empirical reference to understand the interaction between those actors in an institutional political process. The analysis of individual trajectories will complete the prosopography of lawyers in order to show the relations between law and politics. As a conclusion, the article will argue the continuity of the structural relations between law and politics, recently characterized by movements and replacements due to the rising of political and legal expertises, and to the progressive and relative of the legal field Aberto

Orientador: Paulo César Souza Manduca Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas Resumo: Nas relações internacionais, poder é um conceito central. Todavia, com as modificações sofridas no mundo devido ao processo de globalização, será possível observar consequência econômicas, políticas e sociais que irão promover a necessidade de uma alteração da dinâmica de sociabilidade no espaço internacional. Esta alteração terá como consequência o surgimento de novas dinâmicas externas, entre elas, o surgimento de um novo projeto de poder. Diante deste cenário, países considerados emergentes, como o Brasil, passam a ter no limiar do século XXI uma "janela de oportunidade" para construir uma maior inserção e poder decisório dentro do sistema internacional. Neste sentido, esta tese visa compreender como se constrói este novo projeto de poder no espaço internacional, denominado smart power, dando destaque aos seus axiomas e áreas estratégicas. Para completar a compreensão desta dinâmica, tal tese observa a realidade da política externa brasileira de Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, e busca identificar se tais políticas corroboram com um projeto estratégico de inserção internacional smart Abstract: In the international relations, power it is a central concept. However, with the World changes suffered on the process of globalization, will be possible to observe economic, political and social consequences that will provide a change in the dynamic of socialization in the international space. That modification will result in the appearance of new dynamics, among them, the rise of a new project of power. In this scenery, countries considered emergent, like Brazil, can get, in the threshold of XXI century a "window of opportunity" to build a greater presence and decision-making power within the international system. In this sense, this thesis has the pretend to understand as is build that new project of power in the international space, which is denominated smart power, given highlight for its axioms and strategical areas. For complete comprehension of this dynamic, this thesis note the reality of Brazilian foreign policy in the Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luíz Inácio Lula da Silva, and try to identify if that policies support a strategic project for international insertion based in the smart power Doutorado Ciência Política Doutora em Ciência Política CAPES

M.Ed. (Community Education) Please refer to full text to view abstract

My objective with this dissertation was to show that the concept of cross-avenue politics is useful to understand the real balance of power between branches in presidential systems. While most studies look at the statutory avenue in isolation, the three papers in this dissertation are an attempt to show the significant effect of the interrelation of the different avenues available over the policy-making process. I have focused in particular on how weakening executive decree power affects statutory politics; and on how entrenching more policy in the constitution affects statutory (and decree) politics in Brazil and Colombia. My results suggest that these reactive assemblies are more powerful when looking at cross avenue politics, even in presidential systems which have usually been considered to have the most dominant presidents of the region. Further research is required to analyze how these interrelation plays with other mechanisms such as referendums, and how does this influence translate into policy outcomes

La investigación desarrollada por un profesional en ciencias sociales consultó la realidad de una selección de personas que se desempeñan actualmente en diferentes organizaciones del departamento de Antioquia; es una investigación cualitativa con un enfoque hermenéutico cuya orientación fue también hacer una contribución a los estudios organizacionales, dedicados al análisis de fenómenos socio laborales de la organización. Trata sobre el poder en las organizaciones y algunos de los hallazgos estuvieron alrededor de comprender cómo se ejerce, cómo se manifiesta, cómo las jerarquías tradicionales van perdiendo vigencia para dar relevancia a redes de relación que se tejen en la organización y profundizó sobre los efectos que este produce en las interacciones, integrando elementos conceptuales con los datos recogidos a través de entrevistas a directivos y no directivos. El ejercicio del poder es deliberado y en atención a las particularidades del sujeto y de la identidad organizacional, se manifiesta de forma diferente; no tiene un lugar específico en el que sea posible verlo o tocarlo, sino que funciona en cadena, pues para ejercerlo se necesitan dos individuos que permitan cambios. Los medios que se emplean para ejercerlo pueden representar una garantía de libertad o, al contrario, una forma legítima de coerción.

M.A. (English) Victorian studies is a field much-studied and, during the century that has passed since the end of Queen Victoria‘s reign, literary criticism on the subject has been extensive. In the main, however, criticism has tended to focus on the protagonists of Victorian novels, whether to argue that their journeys are immoral, or represent a warning against immorality, or to examine their behaviour and so arrive at conclusions regarding identity. Through a close reading of Oscar Wilde‘s The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891), Robert Louis Stevenson‘s The Strange Case of Doctor Jekyll and Mr Hyde (1886), and Bram Stoker‘s Dracula (1897), and by focussing on the reactions and responses of Victorian society (as the texts represent it) to the novel‘s transgressive characters rather than on those characters themselves (as has been the trend) this dissertation moves away from readings of duality and moral judgment and towards a greater understanding of the intricacies of late-Victorian society itself. In addition, and through this process, this dissertation interrogates the bifurcated and contradictory nature of the Victorian moral structure and destabilizes the binary oppositions of character judgment that were so fundamental in its creation. Furthermore, through a discussion of the historical context of the text‘s chosen for this study, this dissertation challenges the formulation and authenticity of Victorian morality by considering the manner in which power informed the behaviour and decisions of middle-class Victorians at the turn of the century. To this end, I will consider how the philosophies of Friedrich Nietzsche, especially those pertaining to power and morality, are invaluable in problematizing the binary system of categorization that so dominated the late-Victorian cultural space. Finally, I argue that the texts I have elected to study represent a climate of unrest and dissatisfaction with the Victorian moral climate at the fin de siècle (or turn of the century) and that they are instrumental in our understanding of that moral climate and the subsequent changes to it.

D. Litt. et Phil. The primary hypothesis postulated in this thesis reads The power of states in the postmodern age of knowledge is commensurate with their intelligence capabilities ', and is utilised in addressing the problem of state power and intelligence in an age of knowledge. It is argued that the contemporary era wherein states, individuals and other entities practice their existence is fundamentally different to that of historical precedent. In effect this era can be characterised as being an age of knowledge which has superceded the former information age. Sophisticated knowledge based technologies both informational and distributional are shown to be the catalysts which have facilitated the transformation to the age of knowledge, bringing about in effect a 'new world information order'. Information and intelligence are the metaphorical passengers and product ofthe use of knowledge based technologies and associated communication processes. They represent the raison d 'etre of such technologies, in effect spurring on their development. Intelligence, being a user-specific type of information designed to provide the recipient with context and opportunity with respect to a specific problem or situation, is shown in this thesis to be a fundamental resource for the making of both decisions and subsequently policy in, and for, government. It is demonstrated that the impact of intelligence on decision- and policymaking makes it a primary determinant of state power in an age of knowledge. The efficient management of information and intelligence does, and can, therefore impact upon the relative power of the state at both inter- and intranational levels. Consequently, the aforementioned primary hypothesis presented in the thesis is validated as it is clearly demonstrated that the power of states in the postmodern age of knowledge is in effect commensurate with their intelligence capabilities. The solution provided in this thesis in addressing the aforementioned problem lies in the need for recognition of the role and influence that information and intelligence have on state power in the age of knowledge. In addition, in order to exploit the power of information and intelligence it is necessary to regard it as being fundamental to information management at all levels, and for all functions, of government. This can, however, only be achieved by means of the development of a national information and intelligence strategy. A key aspect of such a strategy would be the utilisation of private sector resources for intelligence, specifically in the context of open source intelligence, a situation made possible by the 'new realities' which are characteristic of the age of knowledge. (Cf. Afrikaanse sinopsis op volgende bladsy.)

M.A. A linear managerialist paradigm is considered normative in the planning, implementation and evaluation of development through sport initiatives. Such an approach is also assumed in an audit culture that has a clear bias for quantitative indicators that measure pre-set outputs and outcomes. The global popularity of using sport, especially football, as a development tool is being confronted with an uncompromising evidence burden, expecting rigid justification for money spent effectively. This approach is epitomised by techniques such as logical frameworks, which in turn make epistemological and ontological assumptions that are often in conflict with the local paradigms of recipients. What effect does this normative approach have on localised initiatives? A grassroots organisation (GRO) in central Mozambique instinctively employs a strategy of contestations and compromises to ensure that the people benefit from the ‘sport and dev’ industry, while maintaining their dignity. The history of Mozambique coupled with radically distinct contexts lead to donors and recipients collaborating without the ideals of equality, partnerships, transparency and participation being realised. Local beneficiaries start to play subversive games once they sense that they cannot change the donors’ offending impositions. A case study in central Mozambique, reinforcing the work of critical scholars, points to a recognition of unequal power relations as the first step out of the current impasse. An ethnographic approach reveals the complexity of inter-personal relationships, multiplicity of stakeholders and how a simple concept such as friendship can redefine power relations. The sustainability of the specific development through a football programme seems to hinge on the quality of friendship between all the actors that make up an unarticulated network, governed by unspoken rules.

M. Ed.

Participation in development claims to have a transformative potential. Does it really live up to such claim? To answer such question we must look at how change occurs in spaces where citizen participation is encouraged. This paper studies the case of participatory budgeting at local level in Ayacucho, Peru. Through this case the author assesses whether and how political capabilities of citizens are enhanced, as well as the change in dynamics of power relations that occur in regularized and invited citizen participation spaces.

Rather than starting with physical form as "state"- centered theories do, a more useful theoretical model should begin with the content of political units. Specifically, this model should examine a crucial element of the content of a political unit, the "source of transcendent credibility," and analyze the effects this has on the physical form of political units in a given system. Hence, this dissertation hypothesizes that the boundaries between political units in a given system will be relatively more distinctive as the number of sources of transcendent credibility within that system increases. A source of transcendent credibility is an unseen (transcendent) force that a critical mass of the population in a territory believes to be acting on behalf of and in favor of the "faithful." To more efficiently and effectively generate compliance from the people, a ruler will link his own credibility to this inherently credible source. Competing sources of transcendent credibility within a system increase the perceived threat to the ruler's source of efficient compliance generation. The cost-effectiveness of this means of generating compliance creates large incentives for the investment of resources to protect the source's efficacy. One potential threat arises from the fact that an international rival can improve its' bargaining power vis-à-vis a ruler by undermining the ruler's source of transcendent credibility, provided the two rivals rely on different sources of transcendent credibility. Second-tier variables, geopolitics and military capabilities, can exacerbate the perceived threat from an international rival that depends on a different source of transcendent credibility. The dissertation tests this hypothesis using case studies that vary in both time and space: the unification of northern and southern China under the Sui and T'ang, the eighth century rivalry between China and Tibet, the rise of the Shiite Safavid Empire alongside the Sunni Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century, and the European continent from the medieval period to the present. The extended European case examines the dynamic of changing numbers of sources of transcendent credibility in a system and responses to these changes. The conclusion discusses the implications for the future global system and the discipline of Political Science

El común denominador de los artículos que conforman este dossier es el papel central que juega la región —mejor el «espacio regional» adquiriendo así el concepto «espacio» la categoría histórica consiguiente—1 ya acerca de su surgimiento, ya sobre su redefinición en el contexto de la construcción del estadonación latinoamericano, fundamentalmente en la etapa 1870-1950 circa. El proyecto «liberal» patrocinado por los grupos dirigentes en el poder y apoyado, frecuentemente, por grupos socioeconómicos interesados en el desarrollo de frentes económicos agropecuarios y extractivos bien en regiones «desérticas», «fronterizas»2, bien en zonas ya incorporadas al Estado y sociedad republicanas, provocó cambios significativos en el control del territorio y la subordinación/sujeción de sectores populares, en algunos países constituído mayoritariamente por poblaciones indígenas...

There are three exhaustive and mutually exclusive models that characterize legislatures: the government (or majority party) dominated, the consensual, and the chaotic model. Each model provides a different answer to the following question: does the government control the policymaking process in national legislatures? These three models are implicit in the political science literature but are rarely made explicit. In government dominated legislatures the governing party monopolizes lawmaking. In consensual legislatures policy outcomes are the result of bargaining and compromise between the legislative majority (or government) and parties in the opposition. In chaotic legislatures, no party has the ability to bring order to the process. When the government alone has "blocking power" (typically through control of the plenary agenda), I view the legislature as government or majority party dominated. Government or majority monopolization of the agenda is referred to as the cartel agenda model by Cox and McCubbins (1991, 2005). If, however, blocking power is shared by government and opposition parties, I will show that consensus results. When blocking powers are absent, a disciplined majority party will still be able to dominate law making; thus, I will show that discipline can substitute blocking power (and vice-versa). By contrast, when blocking power and discipline are both absent, chaos reigns. My goal is to formulate explicit models for each of these three legislative models, derive testable predictions from each, with emphasis on predictions about legislative output that differentiates each model. I will then analyze large data sets on legislative voting for several countries in order to discriminate among those three models in each case. I emphasize three major empirical findings. First, legislative data from most contemporary democratic legislatures is consistent with the government or majority party dominated model - even data from legislative assemblies that are most often described as consensual, such as the German Bundestag, or universalistic, such as the United States House of Representatives. Second, despite the commonly held belief that responsible party government cannot exist without disciplined or cohesive parties, legislative data suggests that governments in countries with undisciplined parties (such as Italy or the United States) exercise responsible party government through blocking (agenda) power. Third, I use the models to analyze how legislatures change and evolve. Divided government provides opposition parties greater access to blocking power and therefore, legislatures that are consistent with the government dominated model during periods of unified party control are consistent with the consensual model during divided government. I will also show that legislative voting data is consistent with the chaos model throughout the early stages of democratic legislatures but, by the time the legislature is institutionalized, the data evidences a government dominated or consensual model. It is at this point that responsible party government emerges

El hipódromo de Constantinopla se convirtió, desde su reconstrucción monumental por Constantino I hasta su saqueo por los cruzados en 1204, en el principal escenario de manifestación de la majestad imperial. Centro de propaganda política por excelencia, este edificio tomó como modelo el Circo Máximo de Roma, con quien guardaba más parecido que con sus homónimos griegos. Todo en él estaba proyectado para realzar la idea de la soberanía del basileo: su disposición arquitectónica, unido al complejo palacial por medio de la kathisma -el palco imperial y el palacio del hipódromo con el mismo nombre-; la decoración, compuesta por obeliscos, columnas y otros elementos llenos de simbolismo solar, así como por una gran cantidad de esculturas destruidas en el saqueo de 1204; y la misma liturgia del hipódromo, un complejo ceremonial destinado a ensalzar al emperador como vencedor perpetuo., Ever since its monumental reconstruction by Constantine I until the Crusader's sack in 1204, the hippodrome of Constantinople was transformed into the main scenary for exhibiting imperial majestv. Being the center of political propaganda, this building took as a model the Circus Maximus of Rome, to which it was more similar than to its Greek homonyms. Everything was designed to highlight the idea oibasileus's sovereignty: its architectonical disposition, linking with the palatial complex through the kathisma -the imperial balcony and the hippodrome palace itself: its decoration, combining obeliscs, columns, and other elements with a solar simbolism, as well as a great number of statues destroyed in the mentioned sack of 1204; and finally, the same liturgy of the hippodrome, a complex ceremonial addressed to praise the emperor as etemally victorious.

[spa] Este trabajo se centra en analizar la relación que se estableció entre el poder imperial y los espectáculos públicos (ludi circenses, theatrici, munera y uenationes) en Occidente durante la Antigüedad Tardía. El soberano romano controló todos los medios de producción de los ludi a fin de asegurar una exhibición regular y sin problemas. El resultado de esta política fue un monopolio imperial sobre los juegos con una finalidad propagandística y de distracción de masas. A este respecto, estudiamos las leyes promulgadas por los diversos emperadores de los siglos IV y V (recogidas en el Codex Theodosianus y en el Corpus iuris ciuilis) a través de las cuales se regularon todas estas manifestaciones lúdicas. Igualmente, examinamos el tema de la construcción y restauración de circos, teatros y anfiteatros durante esta época, actividades que también constituían una prerrogativa exclusiva del soberano. Por otro lado, estudiamos el calendario lúdico y la teología de la victoria imperial en relación con los ludi.Otra cuestión muy importante es la relativa a la organización de los espectáculos, tema en el que hacemos una distinción entre los ludi organizados por el prefecto urbano y sus subordinados, las editiones senatoriales ofrecidas por los magistrados, y los espectáculos celebrados en los municipios. Asimismo, abordamos la problemática de la secularización de los juegos, dentro de la cual tienen una importancia primordial los testimonios y críticas que los Padres de la Iglesia destinaron a todas estas manifestaciones. Esto motivó la aparición de una serie de leyes (entre finales del siglo IV e inicios del V) que convirtieron los espectáculos paganos en un fenómeno completamente laico. Finalmente, estudiamos la continuidad de los juegos romanos durante las monarquías germánicas (hasta su desaparición a lo largo del siglo VI), señal inequívoca de que estas exhibiciones fueron una de las características más importantes de la civilización romana.

Bħala Dekan tal-Fakulta` ta' l-Arti fl-Universita`, infakkar li taħt l-aħħar Amministrazzjoni Laburista, il-Fakulta` ta' l-Arti twaqqfet tiffunzjona. Żewġ raġunijiet li ssemmew kienu: a. li ħafna mill-korsijiet ma kinux rilevanti għall-iżvilupp ekonomiku tan-nazzjon, b. li dawn il-korsijiet kienu jikkompetu ma' Fakultajiet oħra - liema kompetizzjoni ma kienx hemm bżonnha. Nittama li kif nirfsu l-għatba tas-seklu wieħed u għoxrin dawn l-argumenti ma jerġgħux jissemmew. Il-Fakulta` għandha x'toffri u jeħtieġ tgħin u tistinka biex tipprovdi tagħlim u riċerka aġġornata fl-oqsma ta' l-Istorja, il-Lingwi u x-Xjenzi Soċjali li huma kollha marbutin ma' l-iżvilupp tan-nazzjon., peer-reviewed

La actual coyuntura política del país, con el renacer de la cuestión nacionalista, ha obligado a los interesados en nuestro pasado colectivo a realizar durante los últimos años un replanteamiento del hecho diferencial catalán a través de su historia. Por 10 que respecta al Antiguo Régimen la atención se ha centrado mayormente en dos momentos considerados de especial trascendencia: la revolta de 1640 y la entrada de Felipe V en Barcelona en septiembre de 1714. 1 ¿Hasta qué punto resulta ecuánime valorar los anhelos políticos del Principado tomando como botón de muestra dos circunstancias extremas? De seguir exclusivamente por este camino corremos el grave peligro de llegar involuntariamente a una concepción deformada de la realidad.

[ES] En este artículo el autor, dentro de la perspectiva de la reflexión sociopolítica de Miguel de Unamuno, precisa en qué sentido Unamuno rechaza la voluntad de poder de Nietzsche sobre todo a partir de 1914. Hay dos apartados, el primero es "Rechazo de la voluntad nietzscheana" y el segundo "Validez de la interpretación de Unamuno"., [EN] In this article the author, within the perspective of socio-political reflection of Miguel de Unamuno, precise in what sense Unamuno rejects the "voluntad de poder" Nietzsche particularly since 1914. There are two paragraphs, the first is "Rechazo de la voluntad nietzscheana" and second "Validez de la interpretación de Unamuno."