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Numerous papers have been written about the history of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 both in Hungary and beyond its borders in the past decades. The archival documents of Ukraine and the former Soviet Union are under research too. Numerous data prove that the actions aiming to crush the War of Independence were directly governed from Transcarpathia. Archival data also confirm the reminiscence of the Transcarpathian Hungarian witnesses, according to which the Soviet military and political centre was set up in Uzhgorod, from where the defeat of the Hungarian Revolution was directed. The reminiscence of the Soviet soldiers reveals that the first military corps crossed the border with the purpose of crushing the revolution on October 24. Since travelling became impossible due to the strictly closed borders after the Second World War, people living in the Soviet Union could not keep in touch with Hungary. The postal connections were severely controlled. The Soviet authorities permitted the inhabitants to order only a couple of foreign publications, in few copies. Even the Hungarian Communist Party-press could be ordered and read only by few people. The majority of the population was informed about the local and foreign world and events mainly by the Soviet press, which was the mouthpiece of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Getting a relatively realistic picture about the outside world was only possible through foreign radio broadcasting. The Hungarian people mainly listened to Kossuth Radio, but some people could reach western broadcasts and listened to the Free Europe Radio, for instance. These sources of news were available during the revolution too. After the revolution was suppressed, the Transcarpathian newspapers celebrated the «victory over the counter-revolution» and judged its participants (the «horthysts», the «fascists» — as they called them). Only rejective writings were published; articles with the slightest sign of sympathy could be published neither in the central nor in the local papers. The importance of the press is confirmed by everyday experience, numerous studies and scientific reports. Its public opinion-forming power is particularly significant. Analysis of the press is necessary to understand the conditions of an age. To understand the essence of the 1956 Revolution, it is crucial and vital to study the contemporary press. The events of the 1956 Revolution in Hungary received a great response in the local papers. Even after 64 years, the articles that appeared in the Transcarpathian newspapers during the ‘56 Revolution are extremely telling. It is obvious how the Soviet authorities wanted to influence the opinion of Transcarpathian inhabitants about the Revolution. From October 25, in the papers, the following questions arise almost every day: what caused, triggered the revolution, what actually happened in October? In local press sometimes 3–4 articles deal with the Revolutionary actions from the Soviet point of view. This article is press study research on the 1956 Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Such a timely phenomenon in the modern world as digitalization can become a tool for achieving sustainable development goals. But it is new, and its benefits and threats are not well understood. This problem can be partially solved by creating economic and mathematical models for assessing the impact of digitalization on sustainable development. Nonetheless, most of the existing models in this field are devoted to defining the impact of digitalization on the economic aspects of countries' activities, and environmental ones are either ignored or presented approximately, with significant abstraction. Despite this, the objective of the paper is to develop and implement an economic and mathematical model, which in a generalized form can be used for different countries of the world, subject to its certain adaptation and detailing of national indicators. This approach allows to take into account the difference in the social and economic situation of countries and levels of their digitalization, which makes it possible to draw more valid conclusions based on the results of estimations. The proposed model is built on the basis of the system dynamics method, which takes into account the path-dependence, and is implemented on the example of Ukraine. With its help, two computational experiments were carried out: an inertial one (a forecast for 5 years, provided that all the current patterns of digitalization of the country's economy are preserved) and a scenario, in which patterns of investing in digital capital in Ukraine change (to the patterns of European countries - Spain and Hungary), while maintaining the rest conditions unchanged. Using this model, it was defined that digital equipment and technologies as part of the environmental capital of the Ukrainian industry, as well as non-digital equipment and technologies, have an extremely small impact on reducing energy consumption and do not contribute to a significant reduction in the air pollution. Provided that the current situation persists (the inertial scenario), emissions of pollutants into the air in 2024 may even grow by 0.8% compared to 2019. During the experiment on investment patterns‟ replacement in Ukraine with the patterns of Hungary and Spain, it was found that despite the change in the nature and (in the case of Hungary) the direction of investments in digital equipment and technologies, which significantly affected their amount (both in manufacturing and environmental capital), while the rest conditions for the functioning of industry remain unchanged, the indicators of value added, energy consumption, employees‟ sickness rate and air pollution level stay practically the same as before such a replacement. Therefore, the "blind" copying of the digitalization practices of other countries, while maintaining unchanged other conditions, without taking into account the peculiarities of the national institutional environment, the degree of development of science and technology, is inappropriate, since it does not lead to an improvement in the situation in Ukraine. The general conclusion is that digitalization by itself is not able to reverse the current unfavorable trends in development of Ukraine for the better. It is necessary to achieve fundamental changes in the growth of the real sector of the economy on an innovative basis, in the amount and structure of investments, in the propensity of economic entities to invest, which is now at a low level, and also to form an integral industrial-digital ecosystem, similar to European ones, but taking into account the heterogeneity of European economies and their experience, as well as the characteristics of the current state and dynamics of development of the technical, technological and institutional environment of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic under study is relevant due to several points: firstly, at the beginning of the XXI century, human rights receive a new understanding: they are not merely subjective rights, they imply the legal guarantees that an individual is protected from encroachments on the part of governmental authorities, as well as other individuals; secondly, the thesis according to which social rights are "secondary" as against the socalled classical (personal and political) rights, should be re-considered, since they require active behavior on the part of the State and it is difficult to protect them in court. The purpose of the article is to explore the specifics of social human rights through the features ensuing from the content of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights of 1966, and to justify their significance in the human rights system. They should be understood primarily in the context of international law in this area. Moreover, the European Court of Human Rights in its decisions explicitly states that the division of rights into personal, political, social or economic is conditional. In point of fact, human rights are a single system. During the study, the author drew conclusions about the essence of social human rights. Adjustments are needed to the widespread position according to which civil and political rights require "negative" obligations of the State, and socio-economic rights - "positive" ones. In modern conditions, this approach is being rethought in many aspects. Firstly, a number of social rights (e.g. freedom of labor, choice of occupation, prohibition of forced labor, right to professional associations, etc.) are, in fact, organic segments of fundamental values such as freedom and equality, which underlie the entire human rights system. Secondly, social rights, like other blocks of human rights, require the implementation of positive obligations of the State, which are based on the resources available to the State. Thirdly, only a few States (e.g. Hungary) have significantly limited the possibility of court protection of social rights at the level of the constitutional principle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]