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Copyright of International Journal of Politics & Security (IJPS) is the property of Inono Universitesi, Malatya and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The ideas underlying terrorism, which can be summarized as the use of violence for political purposes, have transformed over time. One of the theories that aims to explain this transformation, the “wave theory” put forward by David C. Rapoport, claims that modern terrorism has progressed in four waves until today. The fourth wave is the current “religious wave”. There are also those who refer to this wave as “new terrorism” since it has significant differences from its predecessors in terms of motivation, organization, target selection, area of action, tactics and effective use of technology. The September 11 attacks were undoubtedly the event where the differentiation in the above-mentioned qualities was most evident. In the 2023 Global Terrorism Index report, it is pointed out that religiously motivated terrorism has decreased by 95 percent since its peak in 2016, which raises the question “what’s next?”. An analysis of recent terrorist attacks reveals the emergence of a new wave of terrorism, characterized by ideological diversity, decentralization and individualization, disinformation and lethality.

The ideas underlying terrorism, which can be summarized as the use of violence for political purposes, have transformed over time. One of the theories that aims to explain this transformation, the "wave theory" put forward by David C. Rapoport, claims that modern terrorism has progressed in four waves until today. The fourth wave is the current "religious wave". There are also those who refer to this wave as "new terrorism" since it has significant differences from its predecessors in terms of motivation, organization, target selection, area of action, tactics and effective use of technology. The September 11 attacks were undoubtedly the event where the differentiation in the above-mentioned qualities was most evident. In the 2023 Global Terrorism Index report, it is pointed out that religiously motivated terrorism has decreased by 95 percent since its peak in 2016, which raises the question "what's next?". An analysis of recent terrorist attacks reveals the emergence of a new wave of terrorism, characterized by ideological diversity, decentralization and individualization, disinformation and lethality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Increasing and globalizing terrorism in the world is among the important sources of threat for states and regions. Today, terrorism is on the rise, especially through radical religious arguments. While radical religious terrorism targets countries and societies of different faith groups, it also targets states and societies that have adopted the secular system to establish a religious government. At this point, one of the targets of terrorist organizations is the Central Asian states, a significant portion of whose population is Muslim and adopts a secular understanding of government. In contrast, Central Asian states are trying to counter against radicalism and terrorist organizations. In this context, regional states publish a list at different periods and announce to the world the organizations whose activities are prohibited in the country's territory. This study aims to examine the lists published by Central Asian states and analyze their perceptions of terrorism and radicalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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İnsansız hava araçlarının dünya genelinde birçok kullanım alanı mevcuttur. Multidisipliner alanda kullanılan bu araçlar Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin terörle mücadele sürecinde taktiksel değişimi beraberinde getirmiş ve Millî Teknoloji Hamlesi kapsamında Türkiye’nin uluslararası güvenliğe katkısı açısından büyük öneme sahip olmuştur. IHA/SIHA üretimi sürecinde bu konuda çığır açan çalışmalar resmî kurumlar ve BAYKAR gibi şahsi girişimler tarafından geliştirilmiş ve Türkiye’nin liderlik ettiği sınır ötesi operasyonlarda önemli başarılar kat edilmiş ve bölgesel güvenliğin sağlanmasında Türkiye önemli bir rol oynamıştır. 1990’lardan bu yana yurtdışı bağımlılık neticesinde satın alınan cihaz ve silahların veri güvenliği sağlanamadığından ülke kendi savunma sanayi stratejisini oluşturmuş ve başarılı bir istihbarı temel ile havadan havaya füze atma kapasiteli son teknoloji savaş uçakları ve insansız hava araçları ile yapılan operasyonlar başta DAEŞ olmak üzere terör örgütlerinin hareket kabiliyetlerini önemli ölçüde kısıtlamış ve Türkiye’yi bölgesel ve uluslararası güvenlik alanında önemli bir oyuncu hâline getirmiştir. Ülkelerin bağımsızlığının sadece özgürlük ve demokrasi yönetimi ile sınırlandırılamayacağı günümüzde bir ülkenin kendi güvenliği için özellikle savunma sanayisinde yenilikler yapıp ilerleme kaydedebilmesi gerekmektedir. Türkiye’nin son yıllarda önemli bir ivme kazandığı insansız hava aracı sistemleri hem devlet güvenliği hem de bölgesel ve uluslararası güvenlik hususlarında ülkenin yeni bir rol elde etmesini sağlamıştır. Bir başka deyişle bu araçlar geleneksel askeri hava araçlarına kıyasla maliyet etkinliği ve riskin az olması gibi avantajlara sahip olup ayrıca Türkiye’nin IHA/SIHA’larını kendi iç güvenlik operasyonlarında ve sınır güvenliği gibi alanlarda kullanması bu teknolojinin stratejik önemini artırmıştır. Türkiye’nin bu alandaki ilerlemesi, uluslararası güvenlik politikaları ve savunma sanayisi trendleri açısından da önemli bir gelişme olarak değerlendirilebilir. Bu teknolojik gelişmelerin, Türkiye’nin dış politika ve savunma stratejilerini nasıl etkilediği konusunda detaylı bir analiz yapmak, bu konunun karmaşıklığını daha iyi anlamamıza yardımcı olabilir.

ABSTRACT: This study aims to indicate the cultural factors nexus terrorism in terms of Bourdieusian terminology’s conceptual framework, which synthesizes social, economic, and cultural explanations and thus proves useful for studying political and religious radicalization, extremism, and recruitment to terrorism. This analysis can be used to comparatively assess the countries’ cultural tendencies relevant to terrorism. In this study, Hofstede's culture scale, which is regarded as a paradigm and towering figure by most scholars was used. The research endeavors to illustrate the effects of Hofstede's cultural dimensions (widely known model of national culture) on Global Terrorism Index scores via a multiple linear regression model. Terrorists marginalized others and created their discourse to commit rhetoric narrated by fairy tales and protagonists. The findings expressed that whereas the power distance has an increasing effect on terrorism (while increasing terrorism), the long-term orientation has a mitigating effect (reduces terrorism). On the other hand, no significant results were obtained from the dimension of individualism versus collectivism, femininity versus masculinity, avoidance of uncertainty, and indulgence versus restraint. However; we evaluate that social media usage has a centralizing and affiliating effect between collectivism and individualism. ÖZ: Bu çalışma, sosyal, ekonomik ve kültürel açıklamaları sentezleyen ve dolayısıyla siyasi ve dini radikalleşme, aşırılık ve terörizme birey temin etme konularına yönelik çalışmada yararlı olduğunu kanıtlayan Bourdieu terminolojisinin kavramsal çerçevesi açısından terörle bağlantılı kültürel faktörleri göstermeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bu analiz, ülkelerin terörizmle ilgili kültürel eğilimlerini karşılaştırmalı olarak değerlendirmek için kullanılabilir. Bu çalışmada, çoğu bilim insanı tarafından bir paradigma ve önemli bir figür olarak kabul edilen Hofstede'nin kültür ölçeği kullanılmıştır. Araştırma, Hofstede'nin kültürel boyutlarının (yaygın olarak bilinen ulusal kültür modeli) Küresel Terörizm Endeksi puanları üzerindeki etkilerini çoklu doğrusal regresyon modeliyle göstermeye çalışmaktadır. Teröristler diğerlerini ötekileştirerek anlatılarını hayata geçirmek için elebaşları ve hikâyeleri ile kendi söylemlerini oluşturmaktadırlar. Bulgular, güç mesafesinin terörizmi artırıcı, uzun vadeli yönelimin ise hafifletici bir etkiye sahip olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır. Öte yandan bireyciliğe karşı kolektivizm, kadınlığa karşı erkeksilik, belirsizlikten kaçınma ve hoşgörüye karşı kısıtlama boyutunda anlamlı bir sonuç elde edilememiştir. Fakat sosyal medya kullanımının kolektivizm ile bireycilik arasında merkezileştirici ve bağlayıcı bir etkisinin olduğu değerlendirilmektedir.

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Propaganda; İngiltere’nin eski başbakanlarından Thatcher’in anlatımı ile “terörizmin oksijenidir”. Devletin siyasal aygıtlarına, hukuk düzenine yönelik yıkıcı ideolojisini, siyasal amacını, fikirlerini; gerçekleştirdiği sembolik şiddet eylemlerinin arkasına yerleştiren terör örgütü; korkutarak uyuşturduğu kitlelerin zihinlerine bu yolla erişmeyi ve onları dönüştürmeyi hedefler. Ne var ki, terör örgütünün elinde muazzam bir silah olan propaganda, ifade hürriyetinin bir tezahürü/görünüm şekli olarak da değerlendirilir. İfade hürriyeti ise bütün hürriyetlerin özü ve ön koşulu olarak kabul edildiği için hukuksal müdahale ve kısıtlamadan olabildiğince korunmak istenir. Üstelik, salt bir düşünce açıklaması olarak, ifadenin herhangi bir suça vücut vermeyeceğine ilişkin kuvvetli bir eğilim de mevcuttur. Gerçekten, bu yaklaşıma göre en yıkıcı fikir ya da düşünce açıklaması dahi serbest tartışma ortamında panzehrini bulacak, böylece hukuksal bir müdahaleye ihtiyaç da kalmayacaktır. İfade hürriyetinin bir türevi olarak görülen propaganda fiilleri için de benzer değerlendirme sık sık yapılır. Oysa, haklar ve yükümlülüklerin karşılıklığı temelinde şekillenmiş olan modern hukuk düzenlerinde, hiçbir hak ve hürriyet sınırsız kabul edilmez. Dolayısıyla ifade hürriyetinin de sınırlarının olacağı tabiidir. Yaygın kabulün aksine basit bir düşünce açıklamasından daha fazla anlam içeren propaganda filleri için bu sınır evleviyetle mevcuttur. Ancak sağlıklı bir değerlendirme için ifade ile propaganda arasındaki sınırın belirginleştirilmesine ve propagandanın terörizmde oynadığı rolün anlaşılmasına ihtiyaç bulunmaktadır.

Terör eylemleri gerçekleştirecek olanların caydırılabilmesi de bu eylemleri gerçekleştirenlerin cezalandırılabilmesi de terörizmle etkili mücadele için gereklidir. Ancak bunun için terörizmin fail ya da azmettirici niteliğini haiz çeşitli özneleri olabileceğini öngören bir terörizm tanımına ihtiyaç vardır. 3713 sayılı Terörle Mücadele Kanunu “örgüt” kavramını terör eylemlerinin mutlak bir şartı olarak kabul etmektedir. Oysa terörizm (terör eylemleri) örgütlerden başka kişiler, devlet dışı silahsız aktörler ve devletler tarafından da gerçekleştirilebilir. Bu aktörlerin her biri siyasî şiddetin bir türü olan terörizmi menfaatleri gereğince araçlaştırabilirler. Şiddetin ya faili ya da azmettiricisi olarak siyasî amaçlarına ulaşmaya çalışabilirler. Çalışma bu aktörlerin terörizmin özneleri olmalarının gerçekliğini inceleyerek 3713 sayılı Kanun için bir terörizm tanımı önermektedir. Böyle bir tanım Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Devleti’nin terörizmle mücadelesine hem ön alıcı hukukî tedbirler çerçevesinde katkılar sunabilir hem de terör suçları işleyen tüm öznelere yaptırım uygulanabilmesini yasal olarak tartışmasız hale getirebilir.

The main goal of terrorist acts is to eliminate the constitutional order and destroy fundamental rights and freedoms by using force and violence. Political tensions, wars, mass migrations, and huge changes in communication, information and transportation technologies have brought with them new security threats. Transnational terrorist activities, organized smuggling and cyber crimes have become increasingly common. In response to these threats, states have tended to increase the powers of the administrative law enforcement in the fight against terrorism, such as intelligence collection, monitoring and follow-up. On the other hand, this situation has also brought about discussions about the violation of the right to protection of private life. Violation applications have been made to national courts and the European Court of Human Rights. The ECHR's decisions on this issue are also guiding for governments. In this study, it is aimed to discuss the general monitoring and follow-up authority given to the administrative law enforcement in terms of ECHR jurisprudence. After giving explanatory information about the concepts of protection and confidentiality of private life, national security and intelligence, the general monitoring and follow-up powers given to the administrative law enforcement are discussed and the ECHR jurisprudence on similar practices is exemplified. Some suggestions were also produced in the last part of this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Israel, which has been oppressing the people of the region, especially Muslims, since its establishment in the Palestinian territories, acts almost like a terrorist organization. As a recent development, since October 7, 2023, Israel has carried out many attacks on Gaza, killing or injuring thousands of innocent people living in Gaza. These attacks violate the rules of International Law, the Law of War and International Criminal Law, the International Criminal Court decisions, the Geneva and Hague Conventions, the UN Convention on Conventional Weapons, Human Rights Watch reports and the conscience of humanity. In Gaza, Israel has bombed babies, children, women, unarmed civilians, journalists, hospitals, schools, civilian housing, mosques and churches, refugee camps, ambulances, convoys of the wounded, cultural heritage, used phosphorus bombs, mistreated prisoners, starved and dehydrated the civilian population, imposed an embargo on energy and other basic necessities, forced the displacement of up to two million people and implemented a policy of mass extermination of the population. All of these are not only war crimes, but also crimes against humanity. In the face of Israel's series of massacres and unlawful actions since its establishment, many countries, especially the United States, have provided unconditional military and political support to the Israeli government. The US provides Israel with $3.8 billion in annual military aid and vetoes UN Security Council resolutions against Israel. In addition to the US, countries such as France, Germany, the UK, Canada and the UK are trying to legitimize Israel's attacks and refuse to lift the embargo on Gaza. Moreover, these countries do not prevent Israeli settlement activities in the occupied territories and do not put pressure on Israel to comply with international law. By supporting Israel's war crimes, these countries are complicit in crimes against humanity. In the face of all the dramas and atrocities taking place in Gaza, academics, human rights defenders, artists, athletes, journalists, opinion leaders, clergy, judges and prosecutors from universities around the world are calling on the international community to take action. They demand an immediate halt to the suffering in Gaza, accountability for those responsible, the protection of the right to life and freedom of the people of Gaza, the lifting of the embargo on Gaza, the reconstruction of Gaza and an independent state for the Palestinian people. These demands are declared as a historical, conscientious, moral and civilized duty. The main purpose and problem of this article is the prosecution of Israel, which has captured the Palestinian territories and committed the crime of genocide by using disproportionate force against the people of the region at every opportunity with the support of many states, especially the USA, and the other powers that support it. The study has been prepared based on the data obtained through the method of source scanning by utilizing arguments from mass media, social media platforms and newspaper portal news, as well as research articles, books, etc.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Bu çalışmada NATO ve Şangay İşbirliği Örgütü’nün (ŞİÖ) terörle mücadele stratejilerini ve üyeleri arasındaki güven sorunu karşılaştırmalı olarak tartışılmaktadır. Hem NATO hem de ŞİÖ bölgesel örgütler olarak güvenlik arayışının bir ürünü olarak kurulmuştur. Ancak iki örgüt de güvenlik sorununa farklı yaklaşmaktadır. NATO için klasik tehditler öne çıkarken ŞİÖ için geleneksel olmayan tehditler önceliklidir. Aynı şekilde NATO bir yıkıcı düşman olan SSCB’ye karşı bir askeri ittifak olarak ortaya çıkmışken ŞİÖ ise üyelerinin üç şeytan olarak tanımladıkları terörizm, ayrılıkçılık ve aşırılıkçılığa karşı kurulmuştur. Her iki örgütünde gündemleri kurulduğu günden beri gelişip dönüşmektedir. NATO’nun, bu gelişimde, önceliklerini fazla değiştirmediği için terörle mücadele gündemini ikincil bir konu olarak gördüğü söylenebilir. ŞİÖ’nün ise önceliği zaten üç şeytanla mücadele olarak belirlendiği için terörle mücadelede işbirliği düzeyinin kurulduğu günden beri gelişip derinleştiği ileri sürülebilir. Bu çalışma iki örgütün terörle mücadelesini ele alırken büyük oranda betimleyici bir metot kullanmaktadır. Bu yönüyle betimleyici karşılaştırma da elde edilen verilerin bir yorumu olarak sunulmaktadır. NATO ve ŞİÖ’nün belli bir gündem üzerinden karşılaştırmalı analizinin konuya ilişkin Türkçe literatüre bir katkı sunması umulmaktadır.

Radicalization has garnered substantial attention in global security studies and intellectual circles following the dissolution of the Cold War political structure. The concept gained global recognition following the terror attacks on September 11, 2001, as well as in European cities such as Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005. This analytical paradigm has become widely recognized in the profession of interpreting political violence occurrences, especially in scholarly investigations on jihadist terrorism and the participation of Western "foreign fighters" in Syria and Iraq. The social sciences have increasingly focused on radicalization, particularly in relation to homegrown violent extremists. This discussion aims to understand the intricate processes by which seemingly ordinary individuals are drawn toward adopting terrorism. In this context, our study provides the practical foundations of the concept of radicalization within the broader framework of international security architecture and focuses on the key perspectives being discussed in the existing body of literature on radicalization.

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This paper aims to reveal the environmental impacts of cryptocurrencies, their macroeconomic relations, and their elements on crime. It is thought that the energy required for cryptocurrency mining causes more environmental pollution and damages the climate over time; the environmental footprint of cryptocurrencies may reach a dangerous point for the future of the world. It should be considered that different systems that require less energy during mining can be developed, and energy from renewable energy sources can be turned on for the crypto-mining system during hours when public energy consumption is low. In order to reduce the negative effects on economies, cryptocurrencies should be produced with an approach that can be audited, tax loss can be prevented and consumer/investor needs can be addressed. Due to the lack of effective legal regulation by states, cryptocurrencies can be used for money laundering, financing of drug-weapons-human trafficking and terrorist acts. For this reason, it is essential for all countries to quickly establish legal regulations on cryptocurrencies, prohibit black market transactions and regulate the global Bitcoin (BTC) audit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Black Sea / Karadeniz is the property of Black Sea / Karadeniz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Çankırı Karatekin University Journal of the Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences is the property of Cankiri Karatekin University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The role and working area of intelligence agencies in countering radicalization is a contentious issue. Especially, emphasizing the concepts of radicalization and terrorism for political reasons will lead to the perception that intelligence is used as a device to suppress the opposition. However, preventing radicalization and rehabilitating radicals is not seen as possible without utilizing the possibilities and capabilities of intelligence. Intelligence has an effective function in tools of prevention, repression, and intervention covered by the programs implemented in the fight against radicalization. The article will examine the participation of intelligence agencies in the Danish Model, considered a relatively successful practice by the authorities, and its function in these programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute / Selçuk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Journal of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Terrorism increases the national risk on an economic, political, and social scale. It has a negative impact on individual well-being and quality of life. Defense spending is important to countries' stability, protection from internal and external risks, and confidence. Countries spend more on defense to reduce risks and increase welfare. This study examines the relationship between 1996-2019 data and Turkey's terror and defense spending. According to the results of the Lee-Strazicich test, the variables are sensitive to structural rupture and contain a unit root with structural breaks. According to ARDL results, the long-run association between terrorism and defense spending is negative and statistically significant. A short-run analysis of the variables did not yield any meaningful results. Our research shows that defense spending reduces terror attacks and is effective. However, political or military measures alone are not enough to solve the phenomenon of terrorism. Stability is an essential part of the fight against terrorism. The effectiveness of the precaution to be taken within the framework of social, political, and economic policies in the fight against terrorism is crucial in terms of solving the problem. It is seen that one of the biggest obstacles to the economic development of developing countries such as Turkey is terrorist incidents and the negative effects of terrorism on the economies of the country. Also, as a result of the research, it was concluded that Turkey's fight against terrorism suffered economically and socially and had to invest in defense expenditures the fight terrorism. This research concludes that the relationship between terrorism and defense spending in Turkey needs to be further examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of HAK İŞ International Journal of Labor & Society is the property of HAK-IS International Joumal of Labour & Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Security Studies / Güvenlik Calışmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkish National Police Academy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Economics, Finance, Politics is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Relations Studies / Uluslararası Ilişkiler Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Extradition is a legal concept that has been grown throughout the history of international relations. However, it is not just a simple result of the everyday headaches of international actors. Extradition, specifically, extradition of common criminals, has also a substantial intellectual background that had been developed by prominent scholars such as Grotius and Beccaria. The current scope of extradition agreements, whether they are unilateral or bilateral, includes an obligation to surrender a person who has been convicted or suspected. This situation is related to its intellectual background as its history as well. Recent developments in international law, such as the denaturalization of dual citizens who have been involved in terrorist activities, initiated new legal disputes over whether a state has not any duty to open its borders to someone, who is not its citizen anymore, however, it should be examined that whether states are under an obligation to take and prosecute terrorists in terms of international law. Consequently, such an obligation is essential for the establishment of international security. Recognition of this obligation as a valid legal institution can only be achieved via a well-structured international treaty.

Terörizmin varlığı eskiye dayanmakla birlikte uluslararası toplumun ve Birleşmiş Milletler’in gündemine gerçekten taşınması 11 Eylül saldırıları ile olmuştur. Bu olaylardan sonra Birleşmiş Milletler, uluslararası terörizmin her türünü uluslararası barış ve güvenliğe tehdit olarak kabul etmiştir. Dolayısıyla, uluslararası barış ve güvenliğin sağlanmasında birincil yetkili organ olan Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi'nin yeri bu konuda ayrı bir önem taşır. Bu maksatla makalede, Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi’nin uluslararası terörizm ile mücadeledeki rolü çalışma konusu olarak seçilmiştir. Ancak, Birleşmiş Milletler organları, terörizm kavramını tanımlamaktan imtina etmektedir. Bu tanımlamayı üye olan devletlere bırakmaktadır. Birleşmiş Milletler üyesi devletler ise terörizme karşı ortak bir yaklaşım sergileyememektedir. Dolayısıyla, terörizm ile mücadeleye ilişkin kararların etkinliğinin sağlanmasının önünde, terörizmin tanımlanması sorunu önemli bir engel teşkil etmektedir. Bu kapsamda makalede öncelikle, terörizmin tanımlanması sorunu ve Birleşmiş Milletler’in terörizme ilişkin genel yaklaşımı incelenmiştir. Daha sonrasında ise Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi’nin terörizm ile mücadeledeki rolü, kararlar ve komiteler bağlamında tanım sorunu merkezinde incelenmiştir.

Wartime economies are structures created by armed groups to generate economic income. When these economies, which usually focus on exploitable resources such as cocaine production or illegal mining, emerged as structures that included civilians, they adversely affect periods of conflict and peace. While armed organizations increase their material power thanks to these structures, the inclusion of civilians in these structures make them support armed organizations and these armed groups gain legitimacy. Civilians who profit from these activities also refuse to cooperate with the state in the fight against terrorism and this situation hinders the counter-terrorism efforts of the state. In peacetime, groups included in these economies resist the implementation of peace, and the efforts of different armed groups to fill the gap created by the organization that laid down their arms, lead to a transformation of violence. This study aims to examine the effects of these structures by focusing on the Colombian conflict and peace process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The terrorist attacks to the World Trade Centre in New York and the Pentagon in Washington DC on September 11, 2001 reinforced comments that it was the beginning of a new era. In the 21st century, war and terrorism exert increasing power in international affairs and are accepted as sources of destabilization of international security. In this regard, concept of "new war" is on the agenda of international relations and terrorism is evolving in a new direction in this process. In this study, it aims to reconsider the development process, transformation, and important moments in the history of international relations in order to explain the new concept role played by terrorism on a global basis. In this context, the dimension of the reflection of terrorism in term of the transformation of the concept of new war in international relations is discussed by using the case study method and the September 11 attacks and the subsequent process. The determinations and the conclusion are related to the continuity of the phenomenon of terrorism within the concept of new war. Different border and international conflicts also show that terrorism is among the main factors that will feed different problems. Likewise, within the scope of this study, terrorism, as seen on September 11, shows that war has a moer destructive and threatening potential and that war is shaped according to the new order rather than traditional methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the changing strategy of terrorist organizations towards the use of violence through the example of FETO/PDY. For this purpose, it is a research article that examines the approaches of the studies in the literature and examines where FETO/PDY stands in the discussions. In the study, the history of modern terrorism and what kind of transformation has taken place in terrorism are also included Here, it is seen that the FETÖ/PDY terrorist organization stands in a very different place from the examples in the history of modern terrorism. In addition, they form their organizational structures with institutions such as NGOs, foundations and associations, which are among the tools of democracy, without going under the label of a terrorist organization. The main purpose of the study is to show terrorist organizations’ resort to violence as a last resort because losing legitimacy, power poisoning, being deprived of financial and social support and not having a capacity to fight with modern national states. In this context, the FETO/PDY has been examined as a case, as it creates a new field of study terrorism, trying to achieve its political goals by establishing a parallel state structure and resorting to violence as a last resort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]