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The ideas underlying terrorism, which can be summarized as the use of violence for political purposes, have transformed over time. One of the theories that aims to explain this transformation, the "wave theory" put forward by David C. Rapoport, claims that modern terrorism has progressed in four waves until today. The fourth wave is the current "religious wave". There are also those who refer to this wave as "new terrorism" since it has significant differences from its predecessors in terms of motivation, organization, target selection, area of action, tactics and effective use of technology. The September 11 attacks were undoubtedly the event where the differentiation in the above-mentioned qualities was most evident. In the 2023 Global Terrorism Index report, it is pointed out that religiously motivated terrorism has decreased by 95 percent since its peak in 2016, which raises the question "what's next?". An analysis of recent terrorist attacks reveals the emergence of a new wave of terrorism, characterized by ideological diversity, decentralization and individualization, disinformation and lethality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies is the property of Turkish Journal of Shiite Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Asia Minor Studies is the property of Asia Minor Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Islamophobia, which means the fear of Islam, turned into hatred and hostility towards Islam in a short time of five to ten years. It has been increasing every passing day in European countries as well as in the United States. Muslims living in Western countries are humiliated and discriminated against and subjected to these Islamophobic discourses and actions, the dose of which is increasing day by day, and their right to live in safety, which is their most basic human right, is sought to be taken away from them. Islamophobia, which peaked in the United States with the 11 September 2001 attacks, soon reached European countries where Muslims are concentrated and then to countries such as New Zealand on the Australian continent, where many Muslims living there were attacked and brutally killed while they were praying in mosques. Finally in Sweden and Denmark the holy book of Muslims the Qur'an, and the Turkish Flag were burned on the ground, and they were attacked and exposed to hatred and factionalism. These Islamophobic attacks have made Muslims all over the world anxiety and concerned and have brought the necessity of living together with people with different cultural values, which the post-modern period we live into a level that impends world peace. Lately studies on Islamophobia inter-religious dialogue and the need for people with different cultural values to live together show that the issue is important for both Muslims and world peace. While some studies on this subject only identify the interreligious dialogue studies in some European counties as the main theme, in this study, we will try to examine the historical and current causes of Islamophobia, which emerged in the West in the last quarter century but cannot be explained by reason. In other words, we will examine the historical and current causes of anti-Islamism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Relations Studies / Uluslararası Ilişkiler Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The terrorist attacks to the World Trade Centre in New York and the Pentagon in Washington DC on September 11, 2001 reinforced comments that it was the beginning of a new era. In the 21st century, war and terrorism exert increasing power in international affairs and are accepted as sources of destabilization of international security. In this regard, concept of "new war" is on the agenda of international relations and terrorism is evolving in a new direction in this process. In this study, it aims to reconsider the development process, transformation, and important moments in the history of international relations in order to explain the new concept role played by terrorism on a global basis. In this context, the dimension of the reflection of terrorism in term of the transformation of the concept of new war in international relations is discussed by using the case study method and the September 11 attacks and the subsequent process. The determinations and the conclusion are related to the continuity of the phenomenon of terrorism within the concept of new war. Different border and international conflicts also show that terrorism is among the main factors that will feed different problems. Likewise, within the scope of this study, terrorism, as seen on September 11, shows that war has a moer destructive and threatening potential and that war is shaped according to the new order rather than traditional methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US, which carried out military intervention in Afghanistan after September 11 attacks, led to the establishment of a new regime in this country by initiating a nation-building process after overthrowing the Taliban administration. The US had given political, military and economic support to the established regime for approximately 20 years. However, both the failure to establish a stable structure which does not depend on foreign aid and the increasing costs of war for the US economy caused the withdrawal of US troops from the country. The aim of this article is to discuss the reasons for the swift collapse of the nation-building process despite the external support given to the regime in Afghanistan. In this regard, the compatibility of the needs and demands of the Afghan people with the nation-building project which had been conducted will be examined. In this context, at first, the social structure of Afghanistan will be explained within the scope of historical background, and then the political, economic and security dimensions of the U.S.-led nation-building process will be addressed with the problems in the field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gumushane Universty Electronic Journal of the Faculty of Communication / Gümüshane Üniversitesi Iletisim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi is the property of Gumushane Universitesi Iletisim Fakultesi Elektronik Dergisi (e-GIFDER) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Apart from bringing terrorism to the top of the international agenda, the September 11 terrorist attacks in the US also increased the current interest in terrorism studies. Numerous studies on Salafi-jihadi organizations such as Al Qaeda, which carried out the attacks, rapidly mushroomed. The literature on Salafi-jihadi organizations offers two mainstream approaches; one generalizing stream and one reductionist stream. While generalizing studies define these organizations as identical structures based on their superficial common features, reductionist studies produce classification types by focusing on their different characteristics. Although both approaches have their own advantages in explaining Salafi-jihadi organizations, the generalizing approaches ignore the differences of these actors stemming from their different political, social, economic, and historical conditions, while reductionist approaches always leave out some important characteristics of these actors which do not suit the classification criteria they created. To assess the reality of Salafi-jihadi organizations more clearly, without being bound by the limitations of generalizing and reductionist approaches, this article tries to demonstrate the similarities and differences between Al-Qaeda and ISIS as prominent jihadi terrorist organizations. The article argues that despite their strong similarities, the jihadist organizations are not as identical as generalizing approaches suggest, and their differences are not as sharp as reductionist studies offer. In this study, the similarities and differences of the actors are analyzed in the categories of ideology, goal, and strategy, mainly through the primary sources on the actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the September 11 attacks, the USA intervened in Afghanistan with the claim of fighting terrorism and started the occupation process that lasted for 20 years. The decision of the USA to withdraw from Afghanistan after 20 years was important both for the countries in the region and for the international balance of power and was followed carefully. The media also closely followed the developments to share with the public what happened during the withdrawal process and the construction process of the new administration that started in Afghanistan. In this study, it has been examined how often and with what approach the print media in Turkey conveyed what happened during the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. The agendas of 17 national newspapers, which were examined by the content analysis method, while they were fulfilling their news and information transfer tasks, were examined in the context of the US withdrawal process from Afghanistan. It has been tried to determine with which themes the newspapers presented the process in Afghanistan and what their judgments were about the new administration and actors in Afghanistan. In the news content in the newspapers, it was determined that the process in Afghanistan was evaluated with different frequencies and perspectives and conveyed to the readers. Newspapers positioned the actors of the process in line with their ideological approaches and shared the developments with the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this study is to try to understand the social, economic, political and cultural background of the increasing fear of Islam in Europe, especially after the September 11 attacks in 2001, and to argue that Islamophobia has actually become an ideology produced by the merchants of fear, conservative governments and right-wing populist parties. The phenomenon of Islamophobia, which has its roots in the 1973-74 Oil Crisis and then deepened with events such as the Bosnia-Herzegovina war, the September 11 attacks, the 2015 Charlie Hebdo massacre, the 2019 Hanau Massacre, the Global Financial Crisis that has had a great impact in some parts of Europe since 2008, and the so-called refugee crisis since 2015. However, there are questions about whether the fear in question is a real one or an ideological one with its own discursive elements. In order to explain the fear of Islam, or Muslims, in contemporary Europe, it can be said that the fear in question is not real, but a narrative that is being discursively produced. Therefore, in this article, it is suggested to use a more descriptive concept of Islamophobism instead of Islamophobia. While making these evaluations, many other similar studies are used by tracing the scientific research nourished by the field studies carried out by the author since the beginning of the 2000s. In short, in this article, it is examined how the issues revolving around immigration and Muslims in Europe have become issues that threaten national, social and cultural security, and thus how anti-Muslim racism has been turned into a form of governmentality. The article concludes that many Muslims in Europe have become more engaged in legitimate forms of political representation in parliamentary democracies during the age of Islamophobism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bursa Uludağ Journal of Economy & Society / Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Uludag Universitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Journal of Religious Education Studies / Türkiye Din Eğitimi Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Turkish Journal of Religious Education Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Judgments by the Court of Jurisdictional Disputes / Uyusmazlik Mahkemesi Dergisi is the property of Court of Jurisdictional Disputes of the Republic of Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The experience of the US armed forces in terms of irregular warfare goes back to the 18th century. However, periodically, traumatic events such as the Vietnam War led to such valuable experiences to be ignored and to approach irregular war with caution. In this study, how the US Army's irregular war doctrine was shaped after the September 11 attacks and what it means in current strategic thinking is presented. Understanding the importance of irregular warfare in the changing security concept of the USA in the light of official documents, military manuals and discussions in the literature constitutes the main purpose of the study. In this sense, the method of the study was determined as qualitative document analysis. At the end of the study, it is argued that a period, in which conventional armies focus on irregular approaches to achieve political goals, and the difference between the conventional and the irregular is blurred, is experienced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Arms trade is a strong ground that affects and directs inter-state economic-political relations due to the volume of its economic and political dimensions and the intersection of these dimensions with each other. With this feature, it is the subject of an important struggle and competition among the dominant states of the international structure. In this study, crises and conflicts that have great effects on regional and global scale, such as the end of the Cold War period, the dissolution of the USSR and Yugoslavia, the emergence of new independent states, the First Gulf War, the Georgia-Russia War, the Russian invasion of Crimea, the attacks of September 11, the Arab Spring, are discussed. It is examined how these crises and conflicts are reflected numerically and proportionally on the arms sales of the two main actors of the international structure, the USA and Russia. These figures are also an indication of the political preference between the USA and Russia for the countries that buy arms. In the results obtained from the study; it is seen that the crises and conflicts that are the focus of the study have caused changes in the numerical and proportional data related to trade, as well as affecting the preferences of the countries, which have a political nature for the USA and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Serving as a crucial route for both international oil transport and trade activities between the East and the West as a critical waterway connecting the Mediterranean Sea to the Indian Ocean, the Red Sea has been the subject of numerous international geopolitical calculations because of its strategic location, in addition to being a zone of competition and conflict among great powers. Although the elimination of the Soviet threat through the end of the Cold War, and developments in the Gulf region have deemphasized the military significance of the Red Sea to a certain extent, the Red Sea has begun to attract attention once again with the emergence of a new regional threat risk due to the increase of terrorist activities originating from Al-Qaeda. The USA has begun to fortify its security infrastructure in the region in order to wage war against terrorism subsequent to September 11 terrorist attacks in 2001, and developments in Somalia and Yemen gave rise to the deployment of foreign military forces in the region in order to combat terror and piracy. Global and regional competition, having gathered momentum in recent years because of China's Belt and Road Initiative, initiated a race for attaining military bases and naval docks in the Red Sea where commercial and military interests are intertwined. The Red Sea has further come into prominence as the new area of the power conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Developments in Yemen have caused Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt to strengthen its military presence in the Red Sea. Given the close relations between these states and Israel, as well as Israel's presence in the Red Sea, it can be said that the Red Sea has begun to turn into an "Arab-Israel Lake". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkey Unmanned Aerial Vehicle Journal / Türkiye Insansiz Hava Araçlari Dergisi is the property of Ali Ulvi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the most important effects of the events of September 11, 2001 was the formation of an extremely negative image in the Western world, which has been prejudiced against Islam for centuries. Islam was according to some a "religion of sword". These events were presented by those people as an incontestable proof that Islam is a "religion of violence". Although not included in the report of the commission, which examined the September 11 attacks to the finest detail, handwritten five-page Arabic letters from the attackers' luggage were put on the market. German historian of religions Hans G. Kippenberg, based on the assumption that these documents are authentic, compared the deeds of the attackers with the campaigns carried out in the time of the Prophet. In this article, by deconstructing Kippenberg's fiction one tried to put forth how it is incompatible with a scientific approach. As a result, it appears that Kippenberg has wanted to gain credibility by putting an ideological and reductionist discourse on a scientific disguise. The Kippenberg example reminds people who serve the discipline such as the History of Religions, which ultimately adopt scientific honesty as a motto, that there should be no myths in a place where historical realities are manifest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radicalism and violent extemism have begun to be perceived in the U.S. as the most serious threat for the national security after 9/11 terrorist attacks. Barack Obama Administration has launched a comprehensive program in order to prevent individuals who have connections with and sympathy for the Islamic terrorist organizations from resorting to violence and to hinder them in encouraging others for extremism. The program which has been scheduled and executed under the social movement theory and refered as the Countering Violent Extremism was severely criticised by the Muslim communities and civil society organizations on the grounds that it created discrimination in society. The purpose of this article is to find out to what extent have these programs achieved their goals. The basic assertion of this article is, contrary to the government's arguments, the programs have failed due to their lack of clear definition, defect of sustainability and measurability and decentralised structure. Focused on Barack Obama Administration's term, the article was written through collecting and analysing the official documents and secondary texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Terrorism is not a modern phenomenon, although it is often engaged in the international political agenda, especially in the post-Cold War world. There is no doubt that the terrorist attack carried out by the nineteen Al-Qaida militants against the United States on September 11, 2001 was a complete breaking point for terrorism. After this point, motivation sources and methods of the terror, which was started to called as "new terrorism" with its new organization structure and applications, has been changed dramatically. First of all, it is seen that new terrorist organizations have started to be organized in the form of loose horizontal networks with minimum chain of command. Secondly, it is observed that the terrorist organizations in this wave of terror have increased their interest and demand for access to weapons of mass destruction as well as conventional weapons compared to their predecessors. Also it can be said that this new wave of terror is ideologically based on mystical and religious motivations. On the other hand, these new terrorist organizations use unusual asymmetric methods to maximize casualties in their actions. In addition, it is seen that these organizations are specialized in the use of new communication tools such as social media in parallel with technological developments. Undoubtedly, it can be said that ISIS become one of the most important representative of new terrorism in terms of used methods and implemented tactics in the such an environment that new terrorism debates began to be held more intensively following to the September 11 attacks. In this context, the effects of the "new terrorism" to future security environment was analyzed in this study through the DAESH terrorist organization, which is one of the best examples of the new terror definition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many of countries are faced with disasters produced by nature. Earthquake, flood, landslide, hurricane, drought, fire etc. events are among the most common natural disasters. On the other hand, there are some disasters which are caused by people. For example, the terrorist attack on twin towers in 2001 in New York, called 9/11, in the United States, has killed thousands of people. Such attacks are disasters created by human beings. Disaster and Emergency Management courses are offered under the Departments of Public Administration at undergraduate and graduate levels in some universities in the United States. Sam Houston State University, for example, has established a Master's program in Public Administration at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. Disaster and Emergency Management Program is a sub branch of this program. Under this program, courses such as Global Disaster Policy, Emergency Management, Disaster Resilience, Decision Making Uncertainty and Community Policies are given. In this study, some activities related to disaster management and education in the United States was discussed and they were compared with activities in the same fields done at Turkish universities. Under this investigation, some interviews were done with people of the relevant institutions and organizations both in the USA and in Turkey, and the collected data were analyzed and evaluated using inferential statistical methods. Some suggestions were developed in the light of the obtained findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Barosu Dergileri is the property of Ankara Bar Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The U.S. national security strategies from the Cold War Period to the present have shown significant changes. Especially in the period after the Cold War, the use of soft power together with hard power has gained increased importance. The practices such as pre-emptive war, unilateralism and frequent breach of international law which came into question just after 9/11 attacks have been replaced with soft power elements such as multilateralism, more diplomacy and cooperation toward the end of the 2000s. The geographical combatant commands which are the most important actors implementing U.S. national security strategy and have been operating since the early years of World War II to the present day and which are assigned the areas of responsibility in different regions of the World have adjusted to this change. Within the period of 70 years from their first establishment to the present, these commands' headquarter structures have evolved considerably civilian-type and transformed to the inter-department/inter-agency structure. The missions of the commands have also changed and the different functions such as humanitarian aid, cooperation, dialogue, public diplomacy and strategic communication rather than classical military functions like war planning have gained importance. These changes have ensured the geographical combatant commands to continue their effectiveness in the 21st century. There are some critics and recommendations on the ground that the military commands are so efficient on the U.S. foreign policy in the post- Cold War period, and some civilian structures should be set up to carry out the same tasks. However, the U.S. decision-makers have so far preferred the great advantages provided by the principles of the unity of command, the simplicity of management, the economy of resources and the unity of effort to the ambiguous benefits of civilian appearance. Thus, the geographical combatant commands have existed as the major agents of the U.S. national security strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of International Social Research is the property of Journal of International Social Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article is going to deal with the Afghanistan issue, which became very popular in 2000's in the international relations. Above all, it is quite important to notice that, rather than giving cronological and encyclopaedical information about Afghanistan, this article will highlight the dynamics playing role in the formation and in the course of events, as well as the principal background. Within this scope, first of all, the significant main factors, which assume role in determining the position of Afghanistan in her foreign policy, such as; geaography, population, denominations, and ethnic groups, are going to be dealt with. Afterwards, the invasion of Afghanistan in the post-september 11 attacks period is going to be emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. was subjected to terrorist attacks on September 11th, 2001. It was stated that this attack was carried out by the Al-Qaeda terrorist organization, whose headquarter was detected to be in Afghanistan. Upon this event, the U.S. invaded Afghanistan under the name of fight against terrorism within the scope of decision issued by the UN, and the U.S. put an end to the Taliban Administration. However, the leader of Al-Qaeda Osama Bin Laden, who is said to be the main target of the invasion, could not be caught for years. The Al-Qaeda leader was captured dead as a result of the operation, which was carried out by an elite group from the U.S. Navy Special Forces in the midnight of May 1st-2nd, 2011. And this study deals with the process through the capture of Osama Bin Laden, the realization of the operation, and the effect of Osama Bin Laden's death on the future of Al-Qaeda. According to the study, Osama Bin Laden's death could create a positive psychological effect in terms of the U.S.; while it could also lead to negative situations as a result of sympathy towards the strands of Islam in Afghanistan and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks in U.S., claims began popping up in the media about Al-Qaeda 's links in the Balkans. It is still possible to come across some articles in the media which point to the countries and regions dominated by Albanians and Bosniaks as the cells of terrorism perpetrated in the name of Islam. Some Balkan countries media even benefited fronz killing of Osama bin Laden in May 2011, such that they wrote the news where they were showing Bosniaks and Bosnia and Herzegovina connected with Al-Qaeda and international terrorism. The allegations about use of the Balkans by terrorist as one transit zone, possible base and a place for recruiting new followers is not being supported with evidence. In this article claims that the Balkan countries are a terrorist threat to Europe and the world are found to be more fictional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Turks have been immigrating to America for a long time, they do not have social lobbies and networks as strong as some ethnic groups who immigrated to America after Turks. Turks have been quite late in emergence as a social force as well as in institutional integration. There are a few reasons for this. It can be said that these problems are based on language barriers and the conflict between religious and social values in the new country, Immigrant Turks have not been intending to stay in their new country. However, despite the tragedy of September 11th, which had badly affected Muslims, Turks are emerging strongly in many different areas. While developing the presence of a Turkish community in America, they are trying to protect their own culture and identity by building mosque-based organizations to serve future generations. Meanwhile, main objective of this research is to show immigrant waves of Turkish immigration to America and to try to understand how religious institutions are formed by Turkish communities in America from sociological point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of SAREM Journal of Strategic Studies is the property of SAREM Journal of Strategic Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Economic Review: Journal of Economics & Business / Ekonomska Revija: Casopis za Ekonomiju i Biznis is the property of University of Tuzla, Faculty of Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of International Law & Politics / Uluslararasi Hukuk ve Politika is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)