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Antonio Gramsci is one of the important names discussed in the International Relations (IR) discipline due to his approach to hegemony. Indeed, Gramsci, who put forward a hegemony structure based on the consent component instead of the hegemony approach that is dominant in IR and based on the elements of coercion and material power, has had a strong influence on the discipline. So much so that IR studies on Gramsci are mainly clustered around Robert W. Cox's Critical Theory, which is put forward with a Neo-Gramscian perspective. Similarly, studies that comparatively examine the hegemony approaches of the theories of the discipline with Gramscian hegemony are also common. In this study, the IR discipline itself is examined within the scope of its functionality in terms of the continuation/reproduction of Gramscian hegemony. In other words, the instrumentality of IR in terms of establishing the consent element of hegemony that Gramsci emphasizes and the issue of which aspects of hegemony this instrumentality of the discipline corresponds to are the fundamental problematic of the study. Therefore, the study aims to reveal how the discipline is functionalized in terms of establishing the consent element of Gramscian hegemony, through the signs that show that IR is a discipline of the dominant bourgeois class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the position of the European continent within the international system, focusing specifically on Germany, from the years when the future of the global international system began to be debated following the Cold War up to the present day. Since the 1990s, there has been ongoing debate regarding whether the international system will remain dominated solely by the United States (U.S.) as a hegemon or evolve towards a multipolar world. Following the reunification of Germany after the Cold War, Europe and particularly Germany entered a new and notably economically prosperous period. This period has been characterized by the prominence of international organizations and the concept of “soft power”. The article’s research question is whether Germany’s prominence and the concepts of democracy and international cooperation in Europe are related to U.S. hegemony, and if so, which factors can explain this. Considering the current emphasis on the multipolar world and the prevalence of potential conflict areas rather than the functionality of international cooperation and institutions, the article aims to elucidate the systemic reasons for Germany’s constrictions vis-à-vis global powers and the options for alleviating this constriction by utilizing Mearsheimer’s theory of offensive realism.

Copyright of Route Educational & Social Science Journal (Ress Journal) is the property of Ress Academy Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explains how Egypt, which was an anti-Western, Soviet ally and an independent country during the Gamal Abdel Nasser era, underwent a significant foreign policy shift during the Anwar Sadat period aligning itself with the US hegemony. The main argument of the study is that Egypt joined the US hegemony willingly without being subjected to direct pressure or intervention from the military power of the US or coercive apparatus. Therefore, the study evaluates Egypt’s inclusion in the US hegemony through in terms of the Neo-Gramscian hegemony theory. The study explains Egypt’s integration into the US hegemony by its alignment of foreign policy with the US foreign policy. Accordingly, Egypt removed the biggest obstacle to an alliance with the US by signing a peace treaty with Israel. The US responded to Egypt’s rapprochement by supporting the Egyptian ruling elite economically and politically. The study highlights the importance of political leadership and ideology in this process. It is based on qualitative research methodology and the connections between events are explained using the process analysis method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gumushane Universty Electronic Journal of the Faculty of Communication / Gümüshane Üniversitesi Iletisim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi is the property of Gumushane Universitesi Iletisim Fakultesi Elektronik Dergisi (e-GIFDER) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of PRAKSIS is the property of PRAKSIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The world order is in a state of constant change and transformation. From a historical perspective, rising powers have had the aim of changing the hegemonic order. After the 1940s, the United States became the main actor of the hegemony being built. In the post1990 period, it remained the sole superpower. However, the geoeconomic and geopolitical power centers in the West began to shift towards other parts of the world after a while. At this point, rising new power centers have increased their criticism of the system in which there is only one hegemonic power. In this context, one of the concepts discussed on the basis of the actors who want the existing system to change is strategic autonomy. In the study, the existing hegemonic order and the strategic autonomy that middle powers have determined as the target in their foreign policies are discussed. Also, it is argued that strategic autonomy is used by middle power actors as a tool against US hegemony. In addition to its theoretical and conceptual aspects, the subject has also been examined within the scope of the analysis of foreign policies of different actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 1990s, many studies have challenged the concept of hegemonic masculinity by producing different categories or attempting to read masculinities parallel to hegemonic masculinity. One of the concepts produced is fragile masculinity. While hegemonic masculinity implies the position of masculinity on the highest level of the hierarchy, which is difficult to have, fragile masculinity points out that this position is constructed with the risk of being lost at any moment. The 2021 movie, The Power of the Dog, offers a good analysis to read the unstable positions of masculinities. The movie shows different masculinity performances as well as the role of homosocial places and relationships in unstable positions of these performances. This article focuses on the representations of masculinities and discusses the reciprocal interaction of hegemonic and non-hegemonic masculinities and their changing positions. It concludes that homosociality not only supports the masculinities but also reveals the fragility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of "ideology" enables us to "understand" human behaviour in many social and cultural fields, including literature. Based on the question of how ideology can be applied to literature, we encountered that many factors such as the author's experiences, values and ideology cannot be ignored to understand literary text. In the ideology-literature connection, names such as Karl Marx, George Lukacs and Lucien Goldman appear. In this study, ideology was analyzed through the work titled "A Discourse by Three Drunkards on Government" by Nakae Chōmin. In this work, both Nakae Chōmin's world of thought and Meiji ideologies were analyzed through three different characters. In this study, employing the method of content analysis, the subject matter of the text has been determined as basic concepts, symbols, ideological approaches, the author's worldwiew etc. as the starting points for research. In addition, we have focused on the use of concepts rather than the structure of the used language. Our main research question is to understand whether the author puts forward his thoughts as a "hegemonic ideology" or "ideology as an -ism" in this work. As the result of our analysis, we have determined that although all characters in the work reveal different ideologies, they meet on the common ground of Nationalism. As an answer to our basic research question, we understood that Nakae Chōmin puts forward a libertarian, progressive ideology, in a word "ideology as an -ism" which produces a solution for the liberation of the Asian peoples from Western hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mülkiye Dergisi is the property of Mulkiye Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explains China’s Middle East policy through its relations with Iran and Saudi Arabia. The main argument is that China’s Middle East policy is not based on achieving global hegemony but on cooperation and avoidance of conflict with the United States, which is still a hegemon power albeit its declining effect in the region. In support of the argument, the study discusses the “mutually dependent hegemonic powers” theory developed by J. Abu Lughod and interprets Chinese relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran comparatively. Lughod predicts that the 21st-century world order will have an appearance in which there is not one hegemonic power dominating the system, but there are several core powers that can coexist instead. According to the findings, China’s Middle East policy is based on coexistence with the dominant power of the region as one of the core powers in the global system.

The international political economy developments that started in the 1980s also affected the corporate governance regime, leading to a process called asset manager capitalism, and at the end of this process, giant asset manager companies, which are new political economy actors, grew significantly. Counting dominance in the economic system as one of the preconditions of hegemony as a form of domination based on consent has paved the way for the evaluation of the position of BlackRock, the largest of these companies, in the US hegemony. In addition to the literature review of the relevant studies on the subject, the study, using a hermeneutic approach, aims to investigate BlackRock from the perspective of US hegemony. As a result of the research conducted for this purpose, BlackRock, whose assets under management (AUM) have reached 10 trillion dollars, seems to be positioned in favor of US hegemony when its close relationship with the US, its role as a savior in times of economic crisis, its consultancy to the world's largest financial institutions (including central banks), its voting rights in the general assembly of thousands of companies in which it is a shareholder, and its ability to significantly influence the global economic system through letters published every year since 2012 are evaluated as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Communication Theory & Research / Iletisim Kuram ve Arastirma Dergisi is the property of Gazi University, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The rise of small-sized enterprises, which was prompted by a change in the regime of accumulation in late capitalism, heralds not only the emergence of a new form of business management that increases the efficiency of production, but also the birth of a new form of subjectivity. Situated within capitalist social relations, small-sized enterprises play an important role both in facilitating the control of labor power and in abstracting labor from its social content to define it at the individual level according to the singular qualities of subjects. In this article, small-sized enterprises and the ideological determinations and technologies of power underlying them are discussed in relation to Michael Foucault’s concept of “governmentality” and Antonio Gramsci’s concept of “hegemony”. It is argued that small-sized enterprises essentially serve to socialize the logic of “entrepreneurship”, one of the main instruments of power of neoliberalism, through both the conduct of conduct as Foucault states and the articulation of common sense in the context of Gramsci’s conceptualization.

Discourse, established through language and expressing beyond the word in the communication process, constructs the relative positions of structures in society. In this construction process, the field of discourse turns into a field of hegemonic struggle. Sports is an important field of activity in society, and the discourses created in this field can turn into a struggle for institutions affiliated with the sports sector. Sports, especially football, where physical and mental struggles are made, can turn into a struggle for force and power. The effort to become power in football built by the discourse was attempted to be analyzed and understood by the qualitative analysis method, which is frequently used in the field of communication. In this context, the study aims to examine the reproduction and positioning of control in sports within the framework of force and power relations in press releases and social media posts during the management crisis in football in the 2021-2022 season. The discourses produced in the field of football were examined within the framework of the relationship between intertextuality and hegemony through the concepts of post-Marxist discourse approach such as nodal points, articulation, and saturation. It was observed that the subjects determined as the Clubs Union Foundation and the Turkish Football Federation, as well as political actors and international sports federations, were articulated into sports management. As a consequence of the withdrawal of sports management to the political arena, it was determined that the political power reproduces and positions control through laws to seize hegemony and sovereignty in this field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Mediterranean Journal of Gender & Women's Studies (KTC) / Akdeniz Kadın Çalışmaları ve Toplumsal Cinsiyet Dergisi is the property of Mediterranean Journal of Gender & Women's Studies (KTC) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this study is to deal with the intellectual and political pursuits of the two groups, Pınar journal and Haksöz journal group, which broke away from the National Struggle Movement (YMM). Islamism, which was a component of the nationalist conservative wing in Turkey until the 1970s, was influenced by the Islamic movements and currents of thought in the Middle East and entered the process of autonomy and radicalization. Since these two groups who broke away from YMM are involved in this process, they are the subject of the study. In the study, the opinions of Pınar Journal who broke away from YMM and Hamza Türkmen and his friends, who will publish Haksöz Journal in the following years, are revealed through text analysis. What are the factors that have drive them, and what changes have occurred in their thinking? Around these questions, it sheds light on the new searches of Islamism in Turkey that started in the 1970s. Accordingly, there has been serious participation in this new Islamist wave not only from traditional Islamic circles, but also from idealist nationalists and nationalist conservative groups such as the YMM. Thus, Islamism gradually became the hegemonic power of the far right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu makalenin amacı; dinî grupların sosyal yapısal temel unsurlarının üyeler üzerindeki etkilerini, üyelerin dinî gruplara yönelmelerini sağlayan güdüleri, grupla bütünleşmelerini sağlayan ögeleri ortaya çıkarmak ve söz konusu faktörlerin üyelerde bir hegemonyaya yol açıp açmadığını belirleyerek bu hegemonik unsurların bir işleyiş mekanizması üzerinden üyeleri yönlendirip yönlendirmediğini inceleme altına almaktır. Makalede grupların yapısal özellikleri ve üyelerin gruplara yönelik tutum ve davranışları teorik açıdan sosyal psikolojik bir yaklaşımla ele alınmaktadır. Bu kapsamda sosyal etki ve uyma konusu başta olmak üzere itaat, boyun eğme, özdeşleşme ve benimseme olguları, grup-üye arasındaki etkileşimler ve gruplar arası ilişki biçimleri hegemonya kavramıyla bağlantılı olarak araştırılmaktadır. Makalede yorumlayıcı sosyal bilimsel yaklaşım çerçevesinde ideal tip yöntemi kullanılmıştır. Bu bağlamda Türkiye’deki tarikat ve cemaatlere yönelik gerçekleştirilmiş çalışmalar doküman analizi yöntemiyle incelenmiş, aynı zamanda araştırmacının çeşitli gözlemleri dikkate alınarak hegemonyaya yol açabilecek özellikler on başlık altında toplanmıştır.

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Copyright of Journal of Peace Research & Conflict Resolution / Baris Arastirmalari ve Çatisma Çözümleri Dergisi is the property of Yalova University, Research Center for International Conflict Resolution and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the past few decades, the international political economy has attained itself particular independence within the wider discipline of international relations step by step. The endeavors to figure out the determiners of the radical changes taking place in the world economy since the early 1970s have placed several special theoretical concepts in the focus of interest which directly associates with the international political economy. The concept of hegemony is one of them. Today, hegemony is one of the most discussed subject matters. Antonio Gramsci was an Italian Marxist intellectual, theoretician and politician who developed the concept of hegemony in the Prison Notebooks. Gramsci's writings made incontrovertible contributions to the understanding of hegemony within the context of Marxist thought and philosophy. However, in the historical process, lots of views and theories have been put forward regarding the concept of hegemony. Thus, the application of the concept in international political economy is widely contested and necessitates disambiguation. From this point of view, we have tried to analyze how the concept was handled by theorists belonging to different schools of thought in the international political economy literature. In all these respects, this article takes its point of departure in the multiplicity of characterizations of the concept of hegemony and fastens on elucidating a certain strand of conceptualising hegemony more closely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences / Toplum Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Toplum Bilimleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the important aspects of the history of Turkey’s modernization is the Turkish language reform that took place in the cultural field during the Single Party period, and which we cannot say has ended yet. It cannot be ignored that the Turkish language reform was a key factor in spreading the hegemony of Kemalism in society. It can be suggested that Gramsci’s findings on language and the set of concepts he uses have a seminal role in the study of the different dimensions of the Turkish language reform. In particular, Gramsci’s emphasis on the political character of the relationship of culture and language to social groups and social classes makes his studies important. Gramsci’s writings on the language, although they do not hold much of a whole, can be considered as a summary and road signs of a large-scale program that he planned for the future but did not live long enough to do so. The connections that he establishes between language, hegemony, subalternity, worldview, history, culture, commonsense, class struggle and civil society make his analyses multidimensional. This study aims to examine some of the points Gramsci’s work implied with regard to the Turkish language reform without referring to his broad and comprehensive approach entirely and albeit in a limited way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences / Uluslararasi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

States fight by nature to get their hegemony accepted. Therefore, world history begins with wars and con-flicts. Unequal power exchanges between states have existed since the day humanity began to live together. Since the states reveal these dynamics, establishing sovereignty has survived from the first generation to the present. So why did societies that want to domi-nate each other find the solution in conflict and war? This study attributes this problem to the invariance of human nature, such as Thucydides, and a dogmatic reason in the consciousness of increasing humanity’s powers through fear. Although progress has been made in line with the systematically changing theories of war with the lessons learned from the methods of war between the Spartans and the Athenians, the following fact must be revealed: “Even if the technological development and economy of mankind progress, the war that this man dogmatically carries in does not change his nature, it only changes the methods of war.” This study reveals the change in war policies and defence in line with the data obtained by observing the conditions of American-based change of the political order transitioning to multipolar world order.

İktidarlar insanlığın var olduğundan beri kitleleri yönetmek için birtakım mekanizmalar kullanmıştır. Bu mekanizmalar arasında belki de en eskisi insanlık tarihi kadar eski olan algı yönetimidir. İktidarlar, iktidarlarını koruyabilmek için kitlelere birtakım mesajlar verir. Bu mesajların amacı aslında bir taraftan kitleleri yönetmek diğer taraftan ise hegemonya ilişkileri kurmaktır. Algı yönetimi tüm bunların tam merkezinde yer almaktadır. Algı yönetimi mekanizmaları çağdan çağa toplumdan topluma göre birtakım değişiklikler göstermiştir. İlk dönemlerde çoğunlukla kullanılan enstrümanlar devletin ya da topluluğun içinde gömülü olarak yer alan din, gelenek, göreneklerdir. Orta çağ Avrupa’sına baktığımızda hem din hem de feodalitenin zora dayalı baskısı varken, modern dönem de ise mümkün olduğunca yumuşak güçlerin kullanıldığı, rıza üretiminin daha önemli hale geldiği bir dönemdir. 1980’li yıllardan itibaren internet kullanımının öne çıkmasıyla algı yönetiminin yönü sosyal medya ve ana akım medyaya yönelmiş, kitlelere buradan mesajlar gönderilerek ya da iktidarların buralara sızarak algı yönetimini yaptıklarına şahit olunmuştur. Bu çalışmanın amacı algı yönetiminin önemini ve iktidar ve hegemonya ile olan ilişkisini göstermektir. Yöntem olarak nitel yaklaşım, anlama tekniğe olarak da literatür taraması yapılmıştır.

In this study, it is aimed to evaluate the functions of interlocking directors in Turkey as brokerage in the transfer of resources and forming corporate elites. Members on the board of directors of more than one organization at the same time are defined as interlocking director. The functions of interlocking directorship have been evaluated by using the framework presented by the theory of resource dependence and class hegemony. Interlocking directorship has been evaluated at the organizational level within the scope of resource dependence theory and at the individual level within the scope of class hegemony theory. Social network analyzes were carried out in the research, in which the relations between interlocking directorships were the unit of analysis. The sample of the research consists of 696 board members, 83 of whom are interlocking directorships, of the companies included in the BIST 100 index. Within the scope of resource dependence theory, it has been concluded that they have the potential to be an intermediary for resource transfer. It has been concluded that the potential of interlocking directorships to mediate in the provision of financial resources of enterprises is rather low. Within scope of class hegemony theory, the network has cliques and clustered structure around business groups. Incidental to these findings, it was concluded that the relations between interlocking directorships in Turkey do not have the characteristics that can constitute a corporate elite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Selçuk University Journal of Faculty of Letters is the property of Selcuk Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Deconstruction, put forward by Jacques Derrida, is a theory that combines literature and philosophy to reveal the structural hegemonies, hierarchies in the language, and to find alterations and instabilities in the language called “logos”. The Netflix miniseries Hollywood (2020) is created and produced by Ryan Murphy and Ian Brennan. It is suitable for deconstructive analysis, as it tells about a permanent displacement, inconsistencies, changes and plays in meaning, gender confusions and the establishment of new hierarchies instead of the fallen ones. Deconstruction technique has been conducted on film criticism in various ways. Case study of this research; the Hollywood series, which has claimed itself to have been a production against sexist and racist discrimination in the 1940s Hollywood, will be shown to have unconsciously constructed new hierarchies and hegemonies while fighting the existing taboos. The aim of this study is to contribute former practices of the use of deconstruction in film criticism. As a result of this study, it has been revealed that Netflix series Hollywood feeds the hegemonies it criticizes and serves those structures.

Copyright of Journal of Aksaray University Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences / Aksaray Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Aksaray University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Gumushane Universty Electronic Journal of the Faculty of Communication / Gümüshane Üniversitesi Iletisim Fakültesi Elektronik Dergisi is the property of Gumushane Universitesi Iletisim Fakultesi Elektronik Dergisi (e-GIFDER) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)