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This paper explores the relationship between media, government, and terrorism. It investigates what terrorists want from the media, what governments seek from the media when covering terrorism, and what the media aims to achieve in its coverage of terrorism. The paper discusses coverage versus boycott, extortion and exploitation, ethical considerations, the war on terrorism and public diplomacy, current trends in terrorist operations, and attacks on journalists and media institutions, the Media in the West, and the Middle East dealings with terrorism. The purpose of the study is to investigate the complex relationship of three parties (terrorists, media, and government) with different objectives and agendas. The problem of media and terrorism lies in the conflicting interests and goals of these three different entities. The author used several case studies related to the problem of this study to highlight the conflictual approach to terrorism and how each entity looks at it, making the equation of terrorism, government, and media complex, challenging, and extremely sensitive that must be managed with caution. Both media and political institutions must consider several factors such as national security, public interest, economic, political, and ethical considerations. The relationship between terrorism, media and governments are characterized by a set of challenges, such as the public right to know and the potential for extortion and exploitation by terrorist groups, and the attempts from the governments to set the agendas. How can the media serve the truth without falling into the trap of extortion, exploitation, without succumbing to the pursuit of journalistic scoops, and sensationalism and without falling into the pressure of control and pressures from the governments?

Depending on internal and external political developments, many constitutional changes were made in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia throughout its history. The evolution of socialist practices, differences of centralist and autonomous approaches towards the republics forming Yugoslavia, and the rise of nationalist movements formed the basis of these constitutional changes. The political effects of these constitutional amendments in Kosovo which later gained republic status and witnessed years of ethnic tensions between Albanians and Serbs, constituted turning points in the political history of Kosovo. Initially considered as part of the Socialist Republic of Serbia with a centralist perspective since 1946, Kosovo's constitutional status began to improve legally and administratively with the federal constitutional amendments of 1968 and 1971. Most especially with the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, Kosovo attained a position almost equal to the federal republics in terms of authority despite being an autonomous region. But after Tito's death, in the 1980s, the escalation of nationalist discourse and movements in Yugoslavia began to disrupt the functioning of the federal government. The abolishment of Kosovo's autonomy in 1989 should be assessed as a result of this process. From that point onwards, the political unrest in Kosovo gradually escalated into ethnic conflicts, leading to a struggle that eventually culminated in independence, declared in 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yugonostalgia, defined briefly as nostalgia for the era of socialist Yugoslavia, manifests itself in various forms as a socio-cultural movement adopted in the former Yugoslav countries. The political aspect of Yugonostalgia is an expression of a critical attitude towards the wars and ethnic nationalism during the break-up of Yugoslavia, which disregarded the practice of multicultural coexistence. Furthermore, considering that the former Yugoslavia countries are currently entangled in a cycle of political and economic problems such as poverty, corruption, and unemployment, the possibility arises that Yugonostalgia could lead to a new political movement that could be embraced by the masses who are fed up with those troubles. The study discusses the potential of Yugonostalgia to transform into an effective alternative political movement in post-Yugoslav countries and to forge a new political identity beyond being a socio-cultural movement expressing nostalgia for Yugoslavia and a critical attitude towards contemporary problems. Its main assumption is that Yugonostalgia does not yet have the potency to go beyond being a cultural movement based on collective memory and to unite the masses with political motivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 19th century is characterized as a period marked by the proliferation of nationalist movements in the Balkans. A significant number of studies on Albanian nationalism conducted by Albanian historians argue that Ottoman rule was an important factor in the increase of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo. Concurrently, there exist scholarly perspectives linking the genesis of the Albanian nationalist movement to global dynamics. Following the aftermath of the First World War, the international milieu alongside the expansionist endeavors of Western powers served to amplify Albanian national consciousness. This phenomenon found resonance in Kosovo as well. Economic volatility and prevailing social disparities in the region exacerbated discontent among the populace, fostering insurgencies. Beyond economic imperatives, the exigency for instituting a democratic parliamentary framework emerged. Consequently, the groundwork for the Albanian parliamentary system was laid during this epoch. Some sources attribute Albanian nationalism to the tenets of the 1789 French Revolution, setting it apart from other Balkan nations. Nationalism persists as a prevalent discourse, particularly in the Balkan region. This study aims to probe into the historical antecedents that propelled the evolution of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo post-1979, along with evaluating the contemporary regional landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zayd Mutee Dammaj, is a Yemeni short story and novel writer known for his novel “er-Rehîne / The Hostage”, which has gained wide fame beyond Yemen. The author, who lived between 1943 and 2000, gained fame with his first and only novel, “erRehîne / The Hostage”, in addition to his several collections of short stories. The novel reveals the realities of the Yemeni Imamate that lasted in Yemen between 1904 and 1962 and the management policy of the Imams. It also deals with national consciousness and the struggle for independence. The novel was selected by the Arab Writers Union as one of the top 100 Arabic novels of the 20th century and has been translated into French, English, German, Russian, Japanese, Spanish, Hindi and Serbian. The novel attracted the attention of many critics and writers; it has been the subject of many studies, literary articles and academic theses not onlyin Yemen but also in many countries of the world. Apart from digital editions, one hundred thousand editions of the novel have been published until today. It is stated that this figure is a record number compared to Yemeni and Arabic novels. In this study, technical and thematic issues such as the plot of the novel, language and stylistic features, character analysis were analyzed and also touches on how the Imamate regime that marked the period affected people emotionally and spiritually, and how this regime took away their rights to life, freedom and dreams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Belgi Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, the modernization processes of Turkey and Japan, which are outside the countries of origin of modern concepts such as modernization and nationalism, are evaluated and interpreted to the extent that they enable the comparison of their conceptions of nationalism. With a focus on the Atatürk and Meiji periods, the role of nationalism in the processes of nation-state building is analyzed. In this framework, the study examines the nation-building in the Turkish and Japanese modernization processes through the conceptions of nationalism of these countries. In this context, the comparative method was applied and historical conceptualizations were included. Along with the comparison method, it has included a basic evaluation of the similarities and differences of Turkish and Japanese nationalism processes in general and in particular. The study is designed to understand how different nationalism perspectives are handled in accordance with the conjuncture, the role they play in nation-state formations and to present a comparative perspective. In this framework, since Japan is an island country, its existence was unknown to many European countries until the 16th century and thus it differs in terms of common cultural elements. Thus, although it does not seem possible to compare the Turkish and Japanese conceptions of nationalism in a common lane, a general perspective has been focused on the nation and statehood processes of both countries and a comparison has been tried to be made by focusing on a certain time period. The most important difference in the statehood processes of Turkey and Japan is that religious elements were handled differently in both societies. However, the common goal for both states during this period was to create a modern nation-state out of the cosmopolitan empire. While reform conflicts emerged in Turkey, this was not the case in Japan. With this examination, the attitudes and experiences of these two countries are considered as a common feature in understanding their modernization experiences apart from Europe. The most important result of the study is that it reveals the complex layers of historical conditions that affect or determine the nature of the processes through the comparison of the nationalism of the ruling elites in Turkey and Japan in the processes of nation-state building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The minstrel style poetry tradition has an important place in Turkish culture. Countless minstrels have been trained in this tradition from Turkestan to Anatolia, and they continue to do so. Among these minstrels, there are many minstrels known by everyone, and one of them is undoubtedly Minstrel Veysel. Minstrel Veysel is one of the leading minstrels of minstrel literature in the 21st century. He was born in the autumn on a long and narrow road, lost one eye at the age of two and the other eye at the age of seven, could not study due to his visual impairment, could not join the military, was bought a reed to amuse himself, lost his tongue after the age of forty, grew the first orchard in his village, lived for seventy-seven years. and he gifted 170 of his poems to the Turkish nation. In his poems, Minstrel Veysel expresses universal values such as justice, family happiness, peace, unity and solidarity, respect for elders, environmental awareness, friendship, democracy, human rights, progressivism, universality, sacrifice, national consciousness, kindness, love, sharing, humility and loyalty. He is a lover who brought. In addition to all these concepts, one of the concepts that Veysel expresses in his poems is heart. The concept of heart, which entered Turkish folk poetry with Yunus Emre in the 13th century, has been used in poems by many poets since then. The heart, which started with the poems of Yunus Emre, has become an indispensable subject in both Classical Turkish Literature and Turkish Folk Literature. Although not as much as Yunus Emre, the concept of heart has found its place in various aspects of Âşık Veysel's poems. In this study, the concept of heart in Âşık Veysel's poems will be discussed and interpreted from various perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakültesi Dergisi DTCF Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi (DTCF Dergisi) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Following the Second World War, the Cold War initiated a bipolar contest for superiority that would last for decades, and in this era the Soviet Union established communist regimes in Eastern Europe. Nationalism, which the Soviet Union tried to oppress but which played a role in the delegitimization of Soviet control, became an important topic of discussion between authorisation regimes and democratisation efforts in the world politics. During and after the Cold War period several thoughts were introduced about nationalism from different perspectives. Francis Fukuyama was among the important figures who thought about nationalism at that time. In his book “The End of History”, Fukuyama touched upon nationalism to explain the struggle for recognition and argued that nationalism is a form of recognition. In this context, this article first focuses on the historical timeline and nationalism in Eastern Europe in the Cold War era. Then, it examines the events that took place in Eastern Europe in the aftermath of the Cold War by concentrating on Fukuyama’s inferences about nationalism and seeks an answer to the reconsideration of nationalism.

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The left-right distinction in Türkiye, which resemble in many aspects to examples in the West, became clear in 1970's, and described differences between revolutionary demands towards economic equality and conservative attitudes emphasizing national identity. Although both have different tendencies, on the left end, socialist movements can be found, while nationalist movements occupy the right end. However, considering the presence of synthesizing political ideologies, it becomes highly challenging to categorize political movements along a linear spectrum in Türkiye. For instance, it is almost impossible to properly array the right-political movements when the Islamism is included this spectrum. Additionally, it can be argued that in Türkiye, the primary determinant is a distinction based on cultural conflict rather than a class-based distinction. In this context, it can be argued that the tension between Westernism and Islamism, rooted in the experience of Ottoman-Turkish modernization, constitutes an axis that shapes the left-right distinction in Türkiye, and even intersects the Socialism-Nationalism axis vertically. In the synthesis areas of this intersection, there are political tendencies such as Kemalism, Ulkuculuk, social democracy, and Islamic socialism. This study proposes a political spectrum model composed of the axes of Socialism-Nationalism (horizontal) and Westernism-Islamism (vertical) to analyze political ideas and movements in Türkiye. It is thought that this model will provide a clear understanding of the ideological contexts and areas of discussion within center-left and center-right movements in Türkiye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relationship between politics and religion possesses significant dynamics in every society, independent of its social, cultural, historical, and geographical context. Religion can directly intervene in political processes, serve as a fundamental basis for political groups, and effectively influence the form of governance. Political actors can actively utilize religion and religious institutions to gain legitimacy and garner support. The nexus of religion and nationalism forms one facet of the relationship between religion and politics, involving a close interaction at historical, theoretical, and empirical levels. The period of the Slovak Republic (1939-45) reflects a complex process wherein the interaction between religion and nationalism significantly shaped the political and social fabric of the country. This study investigates the impact of religion on Slovak nationalism and the relationship between the Slovak Catholic Church and Slovak nationalism during the years 1939-45. Focusing on the role of religion in the development of Slovak nationalism, the nature of the relationship between Slovak national identity and Catholicism, the evolution of the religion-politics relationship, and the influence of Catholic beliefs on state policies, this research aims to shed light on an important period in Slovakia's history. Furthermore, it seeks to contribute to the limited body of academic research on Slovakia in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the experience of Italian-language newspapers in Ottoman Istanbul and their role in fostering a nationalist spirit among the multicultural Italian- Levantenes through multilingual texts and archival records. To this end, the pedagogical role of the longest-running newspaper in Istanbul, La Rassegna Italiana-Organo degl'Interessi Italiani in Oriente, in helping to build a nationalist Italian community in Turkey is analyzed. The Turkish-Italian tensions that spanned the first four decades of the twentieth century, beginning with the Libyan War of 1911-1912, were reflected in the Italian press in Istanbul. However, in addition to La Rassegna, publications such as Il Bollettino della Dante Alighieri, Il Messaggero degl'Italiani, and Vita Katolika, published in Istanbul, would transmit and defend the line of Mussolini's Italy to the Italian culture in Istanbul between 1920 and 1943. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to examine the nationalist ideology present in La Turquie Kémaliste, a propaganda periodical primarily published in French, with partial content in English and German, during Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's presidency in Turkey. The periodical's main objective is to appeal to a Western urban audience by highlighting the modernity of the new republic, offering a critical analysis of orientalist viewpoints towards Turkey, and promoting the nation's tourist attractions. While intensely criticizing orientalist ideas and attitudes of the time, the publication carefully avoids anti-Western or Occidentalist sentiments, adhering to the principle of 'westernizing despite the West' within Ottoman-Turkish modernization. The visually rich content of the magazine facilitates an analysis of the official narrative of national history, with a pronounced emphasis on the dichotomy between the 'Ancien Régime' (Ottoman Empire) and Republican Turkey. However, the periodical proudly presents Ottoman cultural heritage in a limited and selective manner, tailored for tourism. The periodical provides valuable insights into Kemalism, a distinctive form of Turkish nationalism, by exploring a wide range of themes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study approaches the philosophical concepts of national culture of Ján Lajčiak and Ladislav Hanus. Both authors were among the original thinkers who dealt with the problem of the philosophy of culture in Slovakia in the first half of the 20th century. Emphasis is placed on the role of philosophical reflection, in which Lajčiak and Hanus replace the issue of the nation, the development of national consciousness and speech with a discourse focused on the idea of culture. In this context, attention is paid to the role of modern scientific impulses and evolution, respectively European tradition, and plurality. The study simultaneously analyses the shift in the assessment of the status of the people and the consequences of the romantic idealization of social reality, which were in contrast with the needs and demands of contemporary society. The space is devoted to Lajčiak and Hanus' criticism of the persistent conception of national culture as a one-sided model, within which other conceptions were considered inadmissible and harmful. The philosophical conceptions of Lajčiak and Hanus simultaneously demonstrate the discontinuity of the development of the philosophy of the history of culture in Slovakia, because Hanus's conception only marginally follows Lajčiak's conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Area Studies / Bölge Çalışmaları Dergisi is the property of Social Sciences University of Ankara and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper deals with the question of the driving forces of the religious, ecclesiastic, and political antagonism between Greece and Bulgaria in the context of the Treaties of San Stefano and Berlin, in combination with the national awakening and ethnic rivalries of the period. As a result, the study investigates the GreekBulgarian Church Dispute, which involved the quest for an autonomous Bulgarian Church, the schism from the Patriarchate, and the antagonism for religious loyalties connected to ethnic identities after the pre-national era and the emergence of nationalism. Consequently, the paper examines the political and nationalistic aspects of Greek-Bulgarian antagonism, with a special focus on the politico-territorial disputes resulting from the San Stefano and Berlin Treaties. Lastly, the paper showcases the connection this antagonism had to the Macedonian Question regarding the cause of the never-ending turmoil in the Balkans, the powder keg of Europe.

This research examines the language used in media articles with framing content against Turkey in the Balkans, specifically in Albania and Kosovo. Albanian national identity and the nationalism that arose following the breakup of the Ottoman Empire have periodically resurfaced throughout modern history. Today, Albanian nationalism can sever ties with modern Turkey, often portraying the past and present in a negative light. The study focuses on how Albanian media with a nationalist perspective covered the construction of a Turkish memorial in Tirana's park, which was intended as a symbol of friendship between the two countries and as a tribute to the martyrs of July 15th. A total of 69 news articles were analyzed using both quantitative and qualitative methods, and categories of news framing related to a nationalist perspective in the journalists' reporting were identified. The results showed that media outlets in both countries covered the event, but Kosovo media displayed a higher level of framing against Turkey, despite the fact that the event took place in Albania. This nationalist approach suggests that Turkey continues to be perceived as a geostrategic, political, and cultural threat to the Albanian nation in the Balkans.

The State of the Republic of Türkiye was actually and officially established on April 23, 1920. The name of his regime became the Republic On October 29, 1923. Our state has 6 basic founding principles. The most prominent among these is nationalism. Nationalism is the main source of the other five principles. What is meant by nationalism is Turkish nationalism. Therefore, nationalism is an inclusive and encompassing principle. Atatürk established the State of the Republic of Türkiye as an independent, national Turkish state. He defined the Turkish homeland as the only indivisible Turkish homeland. He determined by the decision of the Parliament that the only anthem representing our state is the National Anthem. He determined Turkish, which is a Turkish language, as the only official language. He declared that the only flag representing our state is the Turkish flag. He insisted that our state is the only Turkish state that cannot be divided and broken up. He said that the name of our nation is only the Turkish nation. He gathered all our citizens under the roof of the Turkish nation. He revealed Turkish history as a whole. Turkish nationalism has become a determinant in all types of art such as music, painting, architecture, theater, literature. He made the interests of the Turkish nation the sole determinant in foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to analyze the nationalist discourses used in the reproduction of national identity through the representation of athletes in the press within the framework of the relationship between sports and nationalism. In this context, the study focuses on the defection of weightlifting athlete Naim Süleymanoğlu to Turkey and the nationalist discourses in the press before, during and after the 1988 Seoul Summer Olympics in South Korea. The theoretical framework of the research was formed based on the literature on the relationship sports, nationalism, and media. In the qualitative research design, qualitative content analysis technique was used. The sample of the study consists of news articles and columns in the online archive of Milliyet Newspaper between 1984 and 2000. As a result of the content analysis, the findings revealed three main themes: The first is the theme of “Bulgarian persecution”, which was prominent in the first period of the athlete’s defection to Turkey. This theme stands out with the discourse of “anti-communism” and “negative/enemy/other”, one of the mainstays of Turkish nationalism. The second theme is in line with the “strong state” and “positive/we/Turkish” discourse, which is one of the triangulation points of Turkish nationalism. The second theme is in line with the “strong state” “positive/we/Turkish” discourse, which is one of the triangulation points of Turkish nationalism. The third theme is the “positive/national pride” theme that became prominent in the media discourse after the athlete’s performance success in the Olympics. The results of the research show that the nationalist discourse in the press has a content compatible with the “Turkish-Islamic synthesis” of the period and that national identity is reproduced within the framework of this content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World is the property of bilig: Journal of Social Sciences of the Turkish World and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Orientalism views non-Western societies as entities to be managed and also marginalizes these societies. Therefore, Orientalism can be seen as a way of thought that legitimizes colonialism and helps colonizers to otherize their colonies. This insulting mentality has had significant psychological consequences on the societies being humiliated and researchers such as F. Fanon, Malik bin Nebi, and A. Cesaire have attempted to reveal the psychology of all oppressed societies. The current study examines the psychology of Turks in the first periods of the Turkish Republic, who'd been exposed to the Orientalist perspective for centuries, based on the studies of F. Fanon. The article uses the discourse analysis method to look at the Cumhuriyet newspaper's 1930 Vocal Queen Contest, which was held in the early Republic's Westernisation period as a case study. Therefore, the research question of the article is as follows: "Can a correlation be established between the psychological factors behind Turkish modernization and Fanon's findings?". This study can be said to reach some important evaluations about the intellectuals, nationalist feelings, Westernization, and Turkish modernization during the Republican period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food and food culture are formed by being influenced by the origin of the culture. Food culture creates a cultural belonging and identity. Thus, food and the culture it creates differ between societies. These differences are reflected in the character of societies and this character determines the nationalist ideologies of the society. Today, anti-refugee is one of the issues that nationalist ideologies have made a major problem. In this direction, the main purpose of the study is to examine the comments made on the news about refugee foods on the YouTube channels of news agencies operating in Turkey in the context of nationalist ideology. In the study, qualitative content analysis method was applied. In the findings of the study, it has been seen that it has become a medium where the anti-refugee discourse is reproduced and disseminated intensively. Besides, it has been determined that anti-refugee sentiment is not based on food culture, but directly based on nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi (CTAD) is the property of Ataturk Institute for Modern Turkish History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turcology Research is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Erol Güngör (1938-1983) is one of the important figures of nationalist-conservative thought. Since the 1970s, he started to draw attention among the Turkish intelligentsia with his writings. He analyzed the modernization process, which he comprehended on the axis of the intellectual-people conflict, in terms of the failure to establish the unity of national culture. He evaluated Turkey's issues in a historical-sociological perspective, with his exceptional personality, who was knowledgeable in both Ottoman and Western cultures. In doing so, although he was politically involved, he did not completely abandon a scientific approach. Although Güngör is a member of the academy, he is a university professor whose intellectual horizon far exceeds the boundaries of this field. He published his works during the Cold War conjuncture (1960-1980) when the right-left polarization was effective. One feature of this period is the rise of leftist ideology and politics in Turkey, and the other is the strengthening of a nationalism that emphasizes anti-communism. Erol Güngör made important criticisms towards the Turkish Left in an effort to raise the intellectual level of the nationalist camp in such conditions. With his writings in Yol and Töre magazine, he expressed the dilemmas of the left. His struggle against the left constitutes one of the main elements of his thought. This article has been written in order to analyze the nature of Erol Güngör's criticisms of the left in the Cold War conjuncture and to clarify the path of intellectual development in the period 1965-1975. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2013, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) that have adopted Turkish nationalism in Germany have been included in the reports for the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution. According to the reports, they are considered to be elements that threaten German democratic culture and minorities in Germany. The issue was brought to the German Bundestag and it was brought to the agenda that these NGOs could be a security threat and have radical right wing features. In this regard, the main purpose of this study is to examine how and why the NGOs that adopted Turkish nationalism in Germany, which have been working through umbrella NGOs as legal entities since 1978, are perceived as a security threat. The background of the path to this process is examined from a social constructivist perspective with the theory of securitization.

Erol Güngör, who studied nationalism, which was one of the effective ideologies in the political atmosphere of the 1970s, using the social science method with the advantage of being a social psicologist, acquired a different position among the intellectuals who lived in that period. His approach to social issues both historically and by researching from different ideas enabled him to reveal different perspectives and strengthened his critical approach. It has become a necessity to reveal his point of view on concepts such as nationalism, culture, civilization and religion to understand in detail some of the issues that are still current even though he wrote in his lifetime. Thus, it is aimed to contribute to the researches of today's researchers on these issues. While examining Erol Güngör's view of concepts, the text analysis method was used in our study, and its conceptual framework was tried to be revealed through his own works. Erol Güngör did not only deal with topics such as culture, modernization, Islam, religion, nationalism, intellectuals and history, which were the subject of intense debates both in the world and in Turkey at that time. While declaring his ideas or making a statement on another subject, he prioritized and reflected his ideas about these basic concepts. This has led Erol Güngör to not only define but internalize these concepts in his works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Aksaray University Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences / Aksaray Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Aksaray University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Nazi Era (1933-1945) varied in terms of mass propaganda and mass manipulation activities. The ideological background of these activities is largely based on the "political pseudo-myths" created by Nazi ideologues, especially Adolf Hitler. In our opinion, the term "contemporary myths" used by Roland Barthes for the symbolic tools of modern times is also valid for the artificial mythology produced by the Nazi ideology. Nazi ideologues did not hesitate to include old myths that did not belong to them. Such an attitude they adopt clarifies the term "working of myths", the role (function) they have assumed as a form of discourse in Hans Blumenberg's work titled Arbeit am Mythos. Focusing on the myth of Prometheus, which is seen as a "fundamental myth" for Western culture, later European cultural variants (i.e. co-texts) of an authentic Ancient Greek myth were created. With a similar logic, the Nazi discourse refers to the Siegfried myth with a similar orientation instead of the Prometheus myth. So, in this study, we aim to focus on the Siegfried myth, one of the main elements of Germanic folklore, to reveal how this myth was "processed" by the Nazi ideology, in other words, it was transformed in a new context and instrumentalized in a political discourse. Such an interrogation necessitates recalling some established definitions and functions of myth. Therefore, at the first stage, by referring to some general definitions of the concept of "myth", each mythology was rewritten in one way or another in later periods, made a part of this or that discourse, gained existence through oral or written transmission, updated in another way, that is, its form and we will emphasize that it is a "processed" form of an old mythological narrative that has become stereotyped with its content. These definitions are also intended to draw attention to the fact that there is no myth that has not been "processed", "pure" or "original", in other words, not transformed, as Gilbert Durand, which Kubilay Aktulum discussed in his book İmgelem Çözümlemesine Giriş, expressed in the context of myth analysis. In this way, Nazi ideologists believed that it was an effective way to consider the share of the mythological content that they found ready in their own time and that continued from one period to another in their propaganda discourse, and therefore they believed that it was necessary to use mythical material in their ideological discourses, and they tried to justify this in their discourses. Accordingly, as a requirement of the theoretical determination, it is inevitable to focus on the meaning of the Siegfried myth, which ideologists found ready at the first stage, in German culture. As we shall see, the myth of Siegfried has undergone several 'processes', undergoing a semantic as well as formal transformation. For example, the first stop of the mythical discourses of ideologues is the Nibelungen epic written in the 13th century. The myth of Siegfried was filtered through the feudal culture in this text written in Middle High German. The sub-text of the mythical discourse adopted by the Nazi ideologues is this epic. The second stop is the operations of the German Romantics, who brought about the rebirth of Germanic mythology around 1800; that is, the myth of Siegfried represents the search for a 'national consciousness' for the German romantics. The third important stage is Richard Wagner and Nietzsche's vision of Siegfried (last quarter of the 19th century), which shares his views. Richard Wagner transforms this myth into a symbol of German identity. Nietzsche also makes use of myth in this direction. Similarly, Nazi ideologues (hence the chief ideologue Adolf Hitler) deliberately distorted the Siegfried myth and instrumentalized it in order to manipulate the masses. In Nazi ideology, a parallel is drawn between the betrayal and murder of the figure of Siegfried and the German Empire's defeat (allegedly stabbed in the back) of the First World War. While the Nazis infuse a folklore element into their discourse, they draw parallels between Siegfried's mythological destiny and their own real conditions. In this study, how an old mythological story is transformed and instrumentalized in an ideological context will be analyzed in a thematic perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the policies of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia on the national question between 1918-1941 will be examined. After the establishment of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (the Kingdom of Yugoslavia since 1929), which united the Southern Slavs under a single state in 1918, the most important political conflict in the country was between the pro-centralist Serbs and the pro-federal Croats. When the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was founded in Belgrade in April 1919, it accepted the idea that Serbs, Croats and Slovenes formed a single Yugoslav nation, and also set a goal of overthrowing the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. After 1934, the communist party accepted the existence of Slovene, Croat and Serbian nations separately and adopted a political program for the establishment of a federal Yugoslav state on the basis of equality of nations. The decisions of the Comintern played a major role in changing the party's view on the national question. In this study, the transition process from the view of the existence of a single Yugoslav nation, which was adopted by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia when it was first established, to the view of federalist Yugoslavia, which recognizes the existence of different nations, will be explained. It will be argued also that the transformation of this ideological-political attitude was decisive to the establishment of Second Yugoslavia (1945-1991) as a federal state by the communists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, I aim to find the impact of social values and demographic characteristics on attitudes toward immigrants in Turkey. For the empirical analysis, wave 7 data from the World Values Survey (WVS) is used. Individual-level data from 2018 shows that religion and nationalism play a key role in increasing negative attitudes toward immigrants. As individuals' social class improves, their anti-immigrant sentiments tend to decrease. However, when there is concern about potential competition for scarce jobs in the labor market, social class jumps result in discrimination against immigrants. The logit regression coefficients for political opinion, education, age and marital status do not show robust results in different models using different measures of negative attitudes. Thus, demographic characteristics do not systematically influence opinions toward immigration in Turkey. Rather, values and socioeconomic position in society have an impact on opinions toward immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakültesi Dergisi DTCF Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi (DTCF Dergisi) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, it was aimed to determine the effect of the intention to buy domestic products on consumer ethnocentrism. For this purpose, data were collected by conducting a survey with 600 people in Türkiye between February and May 2022. Descriptive statistics were used in the analysis of the data. In addition, the Structural Equation Model (SEM) was used to measure the effect of domestic product purchase intention on consumer ethnocentrism. As a result of the study, it was determined that very few of the consumers knew the concept of consumer ethnocentrism (11.83%). The consumers' 30.17% reported that they always show consumer ethnocentrism, while 36.67% sometimes show consumer ethnocentrism. According to the SEM model, on the intention to purchase domestic products; nationalism, domestic product and country of origin factors were found to be effective, consumer ethnocentrism was determined by the intention to purchase domestic products, domestic product and country of origin factor. This study is of significant importance in determining the purchasing behavior of consumers in Türkiye regarding domestic products and their levels of ethnocentrism. It serves as a guiding tool for actors operating in national and international markets to identify the necessary policies and marketing strategies to be followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Social Resources is the property of Journal of Academic Social Resources and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)