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The research on the success of right-wing radical parties is extensive, not the least in terms of reasons for the success but also findings about the parties' reduced trust in democracy in comparison to other parties. Researchers often link the Sweden Democrats to right-wing radicalism, which makes us wonder if SD sympathizers' trust in democratic institutions is consistent with the party's success? Considering this research gap, the purpose of the study is to examine what the possible incorporation of the Sweden Democrats into Swedish democracy has meant for SD sympathizers' democratic values. The analytical framework consists of Plotke's theory of incorporation in combination with Leander's definition of Pariah in order to answer the following questions with a combined quantitative and qualitative method; Have the Sweden Democrats been incorporated into Swedish democracy? and Has the incorporation of the Sweden Democrats into Swedish democracy led to the Sweden Democrats' sympathizers gaining more democratic values? The study is based on the SOM institute's cumulative dataset of the SOM survey 1986-2020 as well as literature about the Sweden Democrats. The result of the analysis is that SD undergoes an incorporation process and it is confirmed that SD sympathizers gain more democratic values as the party is incorporated, but when the party enters the parliament in 2010 the trend reverses and sympathizers gain less democratic values.

This study seeks to analyze and understand the Russian propaganda before and after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. 15th of October 2021 to the 28th of February 2022 is the chosen research period, mainly because of the importance to get an understanding of how Kremlin used its propaganda machine to first justify the invasion and then legitimizing it after 24th of February. The study aims to shed light on how the propaganda can be understood from the perspective of the theories classical realism and authoritarian propaganda. Also, from a more general perspective to recognize what truly pervades the Russian propaganda during the period. The result reveals that the propaganda is strongly shaped by realistic beliefs regarding Russia’s national security in relation to the supposed threat coming from Kyiv and the West. It also shows that the propaganda is heavily restricted to the Russian authorities, seeing that it aims to create a reality where the western hegemony is in the wrong, while the Russian society is an idealistic alternative. Therefor the propaganda creates an image that Russia did not have any other choice than to invade Ukraine, to save it from Nazism and the presumed disastrous western civilization.

Yttrandefriheten har sedan påskupploppen 2022 varit ett flitigt debatterat ämne. Motsättningar mellan yttrandefrihet och andra demokratiska värden skapar konflikter som det inte finns någon tydlig och klar lösning på. Vissa menar att man inte bör inskränka yttrandefriheten medan andra menar att det måste balanseras mellan olika värden för att kunna upprätthålla det demokratiska samhället. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att se hur yttrandefrihet kommer till uttryck i samhällsdebatten i svenska tidningsmedier sedan koranbränningarna och påskupploppen 2022. I undersökningen har vi analyserat 40 artiklar från de fyra stora tidningsmedierna i Sverige, med hjälp av den Carol Bacchi lanserade What’s the Problem Represented to be (WPR) ansatsen. Frågorna vi utgått ifrån är; Hur är problemet inramat? Hur är orsakerna till problemet inramat? Hur är lösningen inramad? Med hjälp av WPR frågor har vi analyserat för att kunna urskilja och tolka problemrepresentationer i artiklarna. Vi har funnit flera olika problemrepresentationer som vi också delat in i teman för att få en tydligare bild av representationerna. I slutsatsen knyter vi an resultatet från analysen till de teorier som tidigare presenteras. Övergripande har vi kommit fram till att en stor del av hur debatten är utformad handlar om de motsättningar som finns mellan olika demokratiska värden som till exempel den mellan säkerhetsintressen och yttrandefrihet.

In January of 2023, an eight-year-old boy named Tintin was found deceased in his father's residence. The family had been in a custody dispute for years and both Tintin and his mother were frightened of the father. Despite the mother´s plead against the son visiting the father, the district court had allowed unattended parenting time with father. In the trial, the father admitted to homicide and stated that the purpose was to save Tintin. Domestic violence is a common crime where in most cases men are the predators while women and children fall victim. The main purpose of this essay is to examine problem representations in articles published by Swedish newspaper media regarding the case of Tintin. A partial purpose is to study if masculinity and the power of men are problematized in the Swedish newspaper media. The method applied in this examination is a “What's the problem represented to be?”- analysis. The study is based on 43 articles regarding the case of Tintin published by the four largest national Newspapers in Sweden. The examination found that there were differentiated problem representations presented in the newspaper media. Most of the articles problematized the acting of governmental agencies, the legislation, and a few mentioned the father´s actions. The cause of the problem was explained to be the inadequate right access legislation, the acting of governmental agencies, the fathers acting, and a minority brought up masculinity. The articles stated that the potential solution to the problem consists of a change in law, improved knowledge of how to practice the existing right access law and penalties. Finally, the examination found that the Newspaper media didn´t problematize the father's actions and masculine violence to a great extent and focused more on the failure of society.

Are all parliamentarians treated equally in their parliamentary work? And do all parliamentarians have equal opportunities to carry out their duties? This study seeks to understand if parliamentarians with a foreign background have equal opportunities to carry out their parliamentary duties and whether this differs between men and women. To achieve this, in-depth interviews with Swedish parliamentarians with a foreign background, have been conducted. The study shows that there are cases of both direct and indirect discrimination against people with a foreign background in the Swedish parliament. Most of the respondents also face direct discrimination and racism on social media that is linked to the legislators' background and/or gender. Male and female respondents do not seem to experience different levels of discrimination. However, the discrimination they experience seems to be different. The study also investigates the strategies used to respond to discrimination. The strategies and time the legislators spend on responding to the discrimination require a great deal of commitment outside their regular work tasks. The respondents thus seem to have to work more and harder in their parliamentary work, a commitment that takes both time and energy.

On 16 January 2020, The Public Health Agency of Sweden released information that a new coronavirus had been identified in China. The spread of infection began, and a couple of months later Sweden was faced with restrictions and recommendations that would affect all. All upper secondary schools were recommended to transfer to distance education immediately and principals were expected to act quickly to enforce the transition. The purpose of this study is to investigate upper secondary school principals' experiences of being leaders during the corona pandemic with its long periods of distance education. The study focuses on the principal's assignment, expectations, received support and lessons learned for the future. The study relates to previous research in leadership in general and school leadership in particular. It is a qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews with four upper secondary school principals in X municipality. The results show that the principals' assignments changed during the pandemic. The most significant change was in planning for the actual transition to distance studies. Furthermore, the principals had to work much on communication, solve practical issues, prioritize and deal with staff and students' anxiety. They could not identify any specific expectations from the local council, but most of the expectations came from staff. The principals were expected to be available and have answers to all questions. They received support from the authorities' information, the head of school, the head of principals and the colleagues during this period of time. They have learned the importance of communication, adhering to facts and being available in times of crisis. There is also a belief that they can cope with a similar crisis in the future in a good way.

During the last 20 years there has been an international shift in contingency crisis politics. Different governments are increasingly emphasizing the importance of household preparedness as a strategy for civil crisis preparedness. Studies on these campaigns have analysed the language used to justify the importance of household preparedness and have revealed an ongoing change in the discourse which affects the power relations between the state and citizens. However, a large amount of research has been centred towards Anglo-Saxon countries leaving a scientific gap in our understanding of other contexts. This thesis aims to contribute to filling that gap by exploring the Swedish discourse on household preparedness, a country which has received less attention despite the unique integration of crisis and conflict management into the same policy. The study also aims to contribute to a wider scientific dialog discussing the views of crisis management strategies aimed at civilians. The analysis is based on poststructuralist theory and specifically Foucault’s tools for qualitative text analysis, here used as both theory and a method. The study concludes that the central concepts for the discourse are “household preparedness”, “resistance power” and “robustness”. The discourse is shaped by ideas based on decentralization, individual responsibility, and securitization as well as recent events such as the covid-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The study identifies two main citizen roles; The first is the “ideal citizen” who has prepared their household for one week without additional aid from the government, is generous in helping others, and has an ability to collect and process information with critical reasoning. The other citizen role is the “help needing citizen” who struggles with achieving household preparedness and requires help from others. Lastly, this essay conclude that local civil society plays a traditionally larger role than earlier since it is expected to help citizens in need and share the responsibility for some of the crisis management with the government. Overall, the thesis fulfils its purpose, and acknowledges that future research could benefit from including alternative methods which capture how citizens perceive and justify household preparedness practices.

This paper aims to deepen the understanding of Transitional justice in the Spanish context. Spain has in a unique way been able to create and consolidate a democratic system in the wake of an era of war and dictatorship without installing a comprehensive strategy for dealing with past abuses. In the context of Transitional justice research, this does not align with theories on how to best deal with democratic transitions, making the Spanish case a special one - with a desirable outcome, but (according to theory) a questionable process to get there. However, since 2004 the political interest in Spain’s historical memory has sparked, and efforts to deal with the legacy of past abuses have been initiated by, first and foremost, the Spanish socialist party, Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). Against this backdrop, this paper examines and analyzes the strengths and weaknesses within the most recent Spanish efforts to deal with its past, seen through the theoretical Transitional justice-framework. This is done by analyzing two Spanish laws, passed in 2007 and 2022 respectively. The aim of the paper is to answer the following research question: How do the two laws; the law of historical memory 52/2007 and the law of democratic memory 20/2022, differ in terms of alignment with the theoretical framework and ideals of Transitional Justice? The thesis concludes in its final chapters that a significant shift can be identified when comparing the contents of the law 52/2007 and the law 20/2022 in terms of including and promoting Transitional justice-mechanisms.

The aim of the study is to gain further knowledge on the practical use of the Swedish autonomy reform concerning internal management at Swedish universities. Furthermore the study contains a detailed case study at Örebro university. The chosen case in question has proven, in previous research, to obtain a high amount of collegial values between the years of 2010 and 2020 concerning comprehensive decision-making. At the same time Örebro university has developed a new management striving more towards top-down steering. Typically, according to recent research, these management styles does not go hand in hand. What incentives drove the university to change and how can collegial values still be prominent after the change in management? The result of the study indicates the reasons of the change in organization to be many. The most prominent motives seemed to be the growth of the university and another to be a relay in the position of the vice chancellor. A raised discussion was the fact that collegial values seems to differ in attitudes. This study contains attitudes naming collegial values as positive at Örebro university but difficult at some older universities. The conclusion of the study shows that the autonomy reform enabled the decision of the change in management rather than being a prominent cause in this case.

This thesis examines the relationship between the forestry industry and indigenous Sámi peoplein northern Sweden, focusing on institutional mechanisms for resolving land-use conflictsregarding forest logging on reindeer herding lands. Sámi reindeer herding communities andforestry companies have overlapping usage rights, making Swedish forests a common poolresource. Clear-cut forestry is damaging the reindeers’ access to lichen and the long-termsurvival of traditional reindeer herding, creating a need for effective Sámi influence in localforest decision-making. This study analyzes the recently reformed institutional framework forparticipatory planning and consultations, as well as participants’ experiences of Sámi influence.Interviews were conducted with three Sámi RHCs, two Sveaskog employees and one ForestAgency official. The theoretical framework draws from literature on co-management, commonpool resources and free, prior and informed consent to analyze Sámi space for influence. Resultsshow that the changes in regulations and practices have enabled RHCs space to withdrawconsent to specific logging plans under specific conditions, but influence is still limited. TheForest Agency has not consulted RHCs despite the new law, indicating continued difficultiesfor Sámi people to influence logging decisions on a local level. The main contribution of thisstudy is showcasing remaining barriers and positive developments based on original empiricalinterview material.

The negative effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has been felt on a global scale.This makes it more relevant than it has been in a long time to understand how to achievesuccessful mediation and negotiation between Russia and post-soviet states. By examining theRusso-Georgian War of 2008 and the Russo-Ukrainian War that began in 2022, and thencomparing the two cases. This paper aims to investigate what factors contribute to successfulmediation in these two cases, and to hypothesise what obstacles exist for achieving successfulmediation in the war between Russia and Ukraine. The method used for this purpose isprocess-tracing, and the theoretical framework that has been used is Zartmans ripeness theoryand its formula for the concepts of mutually enticing opportunity, mutually hurting stalemate,ripe moment, and way out. The results of this study shows that a ripe moment existed in theconflict between Russia and Georgia despite the weak grounds for the existence of a mutuallyhurting stalemate. The study also concluded that the ceasefire agreement between the twocountries included a strong presence of one of the subcategories of the mutually enticingopportunity concept. Furthermore, the study also showed that a mutually hurting stalemate doesnot exist in the war between Russia and Ukraine, but simultaneously indicated strong grounds fora mutually hurting stalemate developing in the near future. Finally, the study identified fourdifferent obstacles for successful mediation between Russia and Ukraine. These related to theexistence of a mutually hurting stalemate, the motivations of the two conflict parties, and thechallenge of developing a mutually enticing opportunity.

Forskning visar att föräldrar till barn med funktionsnedsättningar upplever en ökad föräldrastress och ligger i riskzonen för att drabbas av utmattning och sjukskrivningar. För att minska den psykiska och fysiska belastning som föräldrar till barn med funktionsnedsättning riskerar uppleva ska kommuner aktivt erbjuda samt arbeta med informationsspridning av anhörigstöd. Syftet med anhörigstöd är att minska föräldrars psykiska och fysiska belastning. När föräldrar är i behov av anhörigstöd från samhället är det oftast anhörigkonsulenter som föräldrarna kommer i kontakt med. De är styrda av lagar och riktlinjer, men de har också ett handlingsutrymme som ger dem utrymme att ta egna beslut. Syftet med den här studien är att genom intervjuer granska detta handlingsutrymme genom att undersöka hur anhörigkonsulenter upplever möjligheterna till att ge individuellt anpassat anhörigstöd. Resultatet visar att otydliga riktlinjer gör att handlingsutrymmet blir svårt att tolka, vilket riskerar bidra till att anhörigkonsulenter utformar insatser efter eget tycke eller väljer att försumma de anhörigas behov genom att inte marknadsföra stödet. Studien visar att anhörigstödet är personberoende och beror på hur anhörigkonsulenter tolkar sitt handlingsutrymme.

This study sets out to compare the deliberative quality of two different forums of discussion, the Swedish parliament (the Riksdag) and the social media platform Twitter, during the covid- 19 pandemic. The study takes deliberative ideals as a theoretical starting point and asks how the deliberative quality of said forums differ. To compare the deliberative quality of these are- nas a qualitative content analysis on parliamentary debates and Twitter threads under the Public Health Agency of Sweden’s Twitter account (@folkhalsomynd) is conducted. An analytical framework is created based on the Discourse Quality Index (DQI) to assess this quality in rela- tion to deliberative ideals of respectfulness, level, content, and character of justifications and constructive politics. The study finds that deliberative quality tends to be higher in parliamen- tary debates than on Twitter, and that these differences are significant. However, even the de- liberative quality of the Riksdag is alarmingly low, forcing us to question whether the conver- sation overall is facing a crisis. Furthermore, the study finds differing ways in which delibera- tive ideals manifest in said forums. Finally, the study offers modest support to previous research that government parties tend to be more deliberative than oppositional parties, these conclusions are however limited.

Att erkänna och förverkliga de samiska rättigheterna är en del av Sveriges skyldigheter i att respektera mänskliga rättigheter. Trots detta har svenska staten upprepade gånger kritiserats för att inte respektera sina folkrättsliga förpliktelser gentemot urfolksrätten, inte minst i samband med gruvindustrins exploatering av mark i det samiska renskötselområdet. Mot bakgrund av denna problemställning undersöker uppsatsen hur staten har resonerat kring rennäringens rätt till mark respektive gruvnäringens intresse av mark. För att belysa statens ställningstaganden analyserar uppsatsen propositioner från år 1977 fram till regeringsskiftet 2022. Det empiriska materialet visar att staten har resonerat kring samernas rättigheter som legitima och relevanta och uttrycker en vilja att främja och skydda rennäringens rätt till mark i det samiska renskötselområdet. Dessutom har staten, i sitt resonemang, stärkt rennäringens rätt till mark över tid. Statens argumentation är däremot otydlig och bitvis motsägelsefull när rennäringens markrättigheter kommer i konflikt med gruvnäringens markintresse. Stora samhällsintressen kan vara skäl för att främja gruvnäringens intresse framför rennäringens rättigheter. Denna studie kan däremot visa, i motsats till genomgången av tidigare forskning, att staten inte enkom främjar gruvnäringens intressen.I uppsatsen har argumentationsanalys använts för att identifiera och värdera regeringars resonemang och ståndpunkter i det empiriska materialet. Uppsatsens teoretiska ramverk utgår från Will Kymlickas, PerOla Öbergs och Daniel Naurins forskning kring rättigheter och intressen.

A growing alienation of citizens from politics is a current challenge to many modern democracies. Citizen participation is vital for democracy and engaging citizens becomes a central question within political science. At the same time the use of voting advice applications (VAAs) has increased steadily, particularly popular among young voters. This increasing usage indicates that VAAs fulfil young people’s needs, but what these needs are is unknown. To analyse what functions VAAs have for young voters, this study utilises data from interviews with high school students conducted after the Swedish Elections 2022. Furthermore, research on VAAs has focused on some aspects of voting behaviour such as their impact on citizens’ likelihood to vote. Relatively under-researched remain questions concerning VAAs and other forms of latent engagement with politics, such as deliberation over politics. This thesis seeks to examine these behaviours associated with VAA-use addressing young citizens in particular. The study finds that young people use VAAs with serious intentions to find political guidance. Moreover, VAAs can trigger deliberation over politics, but mainly during the election campaign.

Since August 2022, the use of cell phones in Swedish schools is regulated by law. In this study, the implementation of the cell phone ban is studied from the perspective of upper secondary school teachers as an example of implementation within a street-level bureaucracy setting. Interviews were conducted with eight teachers to examine what factors they experience as affecting the implementation, how they act while implementing the ban, what discretion they experience in the implementation and what their opinions on discretion are. The study shows that the teachers generally understand the law and its implementation, but that knowledge-related issues concerning for example the implementation in specific situations exist. The willingness to implement varies among the teachers, which mainly seems to be connected to their views on cell phone use in the classroom and – in some cases – views on policy efficiency. Some teachers also have issues implementing the ban due to lack of time, information and support from colleagues, the number of students they must keep an eye on, and students opposing the ban. While several teachers collect the students’ phones or tell them to put them away, there are also those who do not act to implement the ban or only do it in certain cases. Finally, the teachers all experience discretion and find this positive, but some teachers see issues with other teachers having discretion and not implementing the ban.

Disaster risk reduction (DRR) is an important strategy for preventing the consequences of climate change. The Sendai Framework states that all countries need to implement national strategies for DRR, which Sweden has not yet done. The scientific problem is partly that there is a lack of research on DRR in welfare countries, and partly that Sweden's municipalities' strategies to control risk reduction are relatively unexplored. The purpose of the paper is therefore to contribute to filling these knowledge gaps, and to map and evaluate Sweden's municipalities' governance work with DRR, to examine whether the municipalities follow the same guidelines or whether the work is carried out completely differently in all municipalities. The study is conducted with a theoretical framework based on the Sendai framework, polycentric governance and disaster risk governance. The method used is qualitative thematic content analysis, where Arjeplog, Gävle, Gothenburg, Helsingborg and Ljusdal's governance documents are analysed based on the theoretical framework. The results showed that the five municipalities internally govern DRR relatively well, where the main shortcoming, however, is that no municipality uses DRR as a concept. The conclusions are therefore that municipalities need to include DRR more in their governance documents, to make beneficial and deficient factors visible. Governance between municipalities and at different levels is also in need of further development and research.

This study was conducted to examine the impact of the EU's policy on waste management in large and small municipalities. The purpose of this study is to examine if there are any differences between large and small municipalities in terms of the impact of the EU and its waste policy, and what these differences are due to. The study combines document studies and interviews, and the theories that have been used are Europeanisation and multi–level governance. One conclusion of this study is that the EU impacts both large and small municipalities mainly from a top–down perspective. Although large and small municipalities find it difficult to influence the EU from a bottom–up perspective, they can use national institutions and organizations to understand and apply EU laws and regulations. Both large and small municipalities are governed by EU regulations in their waste management, but they have different conditions for implementing the EU´s regulations. In particular, small municipalities often have a lack of resources, in the form of less money and fewer employees working with waste, compared to large municipalities.

Since the breakthrough of digitization, the political parties have moved from running a physical to an increasingly digital operation. Today, parties use digital platforms as a megaphone to listen and dialogue with their members. Digital capabilities have influenced who can participate in internal party activities in the digital era. At the same time, members face different conditions for using digital platforms based on socioeconomic background and age. This study examines whether there is a digital exclusion among the older members of the Swedish Green Party and the Christian Democrats, two parties that face different conditions in their use of digital technology. The study finds empirical evidence of digital exclusion within both parties. The cultural exclusion the study identifies prevents members from participating in the internal party debate. Members who find it difficult to communicate via the parties' digital platforms are particularly vulnerable. The study supports the theory that the individual must master the purely technical aspects of digital platforms and manage the ideas that come with digital technology to be actively engaged in party politics in the digital era.

Power as a concept has a long history of being debated in regards to foreign policy, whereforeign aid as a tool can create asymmetrical power dynamics between donor and recipient.Traditional donors' own national interests have frequently been reduced to security oreconomic motives. China, an independent and emerging donor, is thought to be among themajor donors of foreign aid today. With the growing Belt and Road Initiative, China's globaleconomic ambition is increasing. The general theme of this study is power in relation toforeign aid. The aim is to examine donor motives and how foreign aid can transitioneconomic power to political influence in accordance with Joseph Nye’s theory of power. Inaddition, could China's aid-project be regarded as a “smart power”-strategy? This was doneby examining China’s whitebook on development cooperation through a motive analysis. Inaddition, a method of process-tracing on the case of Chinese aid to Cambodia wasimplemented to examine how China’s foreign aid can manifest as a means of power.Cambodia is a top receiver of Chinese aid, and therefore interesting to explore. The resultsshowed that China’s donor motives can be summarised as security, global development andambition, cooperation, commercial and diplomatic interests. Furthermore, evidence was foundthat Chinese foreign aid can be considered a means of power in Cambodia. Largely becauseof an asymmetrical bilateral relationship as well as Cambodia’s weak state capacity.

In today's society, the term stress is a well-known phenomenon. It is something that everyone,regardless of age, encounters and is forced to deal with. Within the world of universities, thestress that occurs has increased among today's students. More than half of all students becomedepressed because of the pressures that arise around them. This study aims to investigate howstudents, specifically students who study to become teachers at Umea University, experiencestress. What are the factors that affect their level of stress and are there any special strategiesthat work to regulate the stress? The approach that the study has taken is a qualitative study, in which four students haveparticipated in an interview about how they experience the stress, and which factors andstrategies have helped to reduce the discomfort. The results from the interviews have thenbeen summarized and analyzed with the help of previous research in the subject and twotheories. These two theories are based on a socio-psychological orientation and are calledKASAM and coping. These theories aim to see what affects an individual's stress level andhow the individual can manage the stress that occurs. The qualitative interview has beenbased on a thematic analysis that has helped highlight what the students' experiences have incommon and what possible solutions are available to reduce the academic stress. The results showed that the symptoms felt by the students corresponded well with stresssymptoms. Depression, anxiety, migraines are just some of the symptoms shown.Furthermore, the results from the interviews showed that performance, ambiguity,expectation, anticipation, and motivation were all factors that affected the level of stress felt.And the strategies to avoid this stress were routines, activities, knowledge, and acceptancefrom the students.

This thesis presents a study combined of a quantitative content analysis and a discourse analysis and aims to investigate women’s representation in news articles about the 2018 wildfires. The representation is examined in two ways, to what extent and how women were represented. To structure the examination the theory symbolic annihilation is used. Symbolic annihilation includes three different aspects of women’s representation in media; absence, condemnation and trivialization. Each one of these aspects is scrutinized on whether they occur in the news articles about the 2018 wildfires. The results show that all except one of these aspects is materialized in the news articles. Women are represented to a lesser extent than men and often in gender-based roles, but contrary to the theory they are also represented in traditionally male roles without being condemned for it. Furthermore, this thesis also aims to explain the results of the representation of women in the news articles. To achieve this the theory poststructuralistic feminism is used. More specifically to analyze the results using the theoretical ideas about discourse, subjectivity and gendered power structures. The analyze show that the gendered power structures that exist in our society affects the crisis discourse and therefore also the representation of women in it. Why women were represented in traditionally male roles was explained by subjectivity and the individual’s power to change discourses.

En stark politisk självständighet på kommunal nivå i Sverige kan innebära skillnader i målsättningar och förutsättningar för integration under olika mandatperioder och koalitioner. Denna uppsats undersöker integrationspolitikens strategier och vill således undersöka och jämföra hur partiernas årsplaner förhåller sig till det som i forskning definieras som integration. vi vill exemplifiera hur kommunala politiker i den valda kommunen arbetar med sin integrationspolitik, vilka likheter och skillnader finns det mellan olika majoritetsstyren i dess årsplaner? Strävar majoriteterna efter multikulturell politik, segregerad politik eller assimilerings politik? Materialet i studien som har analyserats är Eskilstuna kommuns majoritetspartiers årsplaner som ligger till grund för studien. I dessa årsplaner har vi fokuserat på att ta ut väsentliga delar som kan kopplas till integrationspolitik. Vi har utgått från Hermansson (1984) idékomplex “varat, ”börat” och görat” Begreppens utformning utgör majoriteternas likheter, skillnader och åtgärder för problemet. I vårt fall utgår vi från hur majoriteternas idéer kring integration formuleras. Vi kommer även att utgå från tre dimensioner, där vi vill diskutera hur årsplanerna förhåller sig i verkligheten till dessa dimensioner av integrationspolitik. Grunden för dimensionerna bygger på Carl Dahlströms integrationsmodeller som delas upp i tre komponenter assimilering, mångkulturalism samt segregationEn slutsats vi har kommit fram till i studien är att alla årsplaner ser en verklighetsbild som bygger på ett samhälle som är segregerat. Alla majoriteter är överens om att det finns ojämlikheter och skillnader i samhället som gör att olika individer inte har samma rättigheter, möjligheter och skyldigheter att delta i samhället. Vi ser även att alla partimajoriteter är överens om att man vill minska på dessa skillnader och vidta åtgärder för att detta ska ske. I detta steg börjar årsplanerna skilja sig åt där de strategiska målen och åtgärderna riktar sig åt olika håll.

Leadership is an important factor in domestic and international politics, especially in issuesof high salience, such as the environmental and climate crisis. The European Union is oneof the more ambitious actors in this matter, with an aspiration to be a global leader and topromote far reaching climate and environmental policy at home. How well the EUmanages on its quest to be an international leader is a researched topic, whereas thequestion of the EU’s internal leadership on the matter is less understood. This paper aimsto investigate how leadership is exercised by the European Commission and the EuropeanParliament in environmental and climate politics, and does so by examining two largelegislative proposals made by the Commission during 2019 and 2020. The analysis showsthat both institutions exert leadership, but in different parts of the process. The commissionexercises the most leadership in its proposals, and the parliament in negotiations and inincreasing the ambition level of other institutions.

The Covid-19 pandemic affected and threatened everything and everyone. Health and everyday life are two major aspects that were negatively affected during the Covid-19 pandemic. Our everyday routines such as work and education as well as our everyday relationships such as family relationships and friendships were transformed into virtual routines and relationships. Working from home was one of the most important restrictions during the Covid-19 pandemic. This was used both to reduce the spread of the virus and to continue with everyday routines such as work. Although working from home facilitated these two factors, it was still not an advantage for us because from the advantages it also had different and strong disadvantages. Community planning is an important part of community development processes because it ensures the development and improvement of society based on human needs and wishes. Planning a society is not easy, therefore extra accuracy and quality are required. It is important for community planners to have quality-assured work and to increase the opportunity for citizens to influence plans that are presented. The quality of work and citizen participation were affected during the Covid-19 pandemic due to the work that was carried out digitally. The work situation for the community planners at Karlstad municipality was converted to remote work both to ensure health and to continue working regardless of the circumstances during the pandemic. The Covid-19 pandemic, which forced the community planners to conduct their work digitally, became a big reason why the planners experienced concrete challenges in their work. The challenges experienced by the community planners in their work later forced them to manage on their own. Keywords: Covid-19 pandemic, teleworking, job quality, public participation and community planning

Migration is not a new phenomenon, although last decades of migration and the reasons behind why people migrate might differ from previous years. This has brought a problem to light, a problem which might put the whole legitimacy aspect of representative democracy out of play. Studies have shown that immigrants in different places around have less activity in electoral participation compared to native citizens. Recently researchers and theorists with Ann Phillips being the front figure of politics of presence, have argued for descriptive representation to increase the electoral participation among immigrants. Thus, this study aims to examine the relation of electoral participation among immigrants and the descriptive representation of immigrants in municipal level by implementing a comparative case study. Furthermore, this study examines what existing literature presents as evidence which can explain the results found in the comparative case study. This study finds that although there is a correlation between descriptive representation and voter turnout among immigrants, it cannot alone explain the difference in the variation found. The results of the case study show a variety of answers that explains the variation of electoral participation. Ranging from politics, citizenship, and native country as an answer, to descriptive representation. In conclusion the results of the scoping study finds that substantial representation as an answer is rarely found in research papers, and that further studies need to take that factor in the calculation when examining which reasons might lie behind promoting immigrants’ electoral participation.

Studien syftar till att undersöka hur tidigare våldsutsatta kvinnor med skyddade personuppgifterupplever sitt medborgarskap och om det finns någon kongruens mellan idén om medborgarskap och kvinnornas egna upplevelser. Utifrån medborgarskapsteori har två dimensioner identifierats: deltagande och känslor. Materialet utgörs av sekundärdata baserad påJämställdmyndighetens rapport 86 gömda kvinnor och deras 128 barn samt berättelser publicerade på organisationen Gömda kvinnors Instagramkonto @gomda.kvinnor. Studiedesignen utgörs av en tvärsnittsstudie där fler än ett fall undersöks över tid för att avslöja mönster i verkligheten. Materialet analyseras med hjälp av en kvalitativ textanalys, mer specifikt en kritisk idéanalys. Resultaten visar att kvinnorna ställs inför många problematiska situationer till följd av skyddet och upplever att samtliga medborgerliga dimensioner i någon mån påverkas av att leva med skyddade personuppgifter. Kvinnornas upplevelser tyder därmed på att det inte finns kongruens mellan idén om medborgarskap och deras egen upplevelse.Inkongruensen tolkas däremot vara störst i en i av subdimensionerna.

What role does our consumption of television play in the trust we have in our politicians? This study examines how the theses of American political scientist Robert D. Putnam on the part played by TV viewing in a failed civic spirit from the year 2000 hold up in a changed media landscape. The relationship between TV viewing and trust in politicians over time, between the years 2002 to 2014, is tested through regression analysis. This is conducted with data from the European Social Survey, which includes 16 European countries, all of which participated in all rounds of the period. The study finds, despite a weak negative relationship, that tv consumption cannot be said to be a particularly strong predictive factor for the level of trust a consumer has in politicians. This in contrast with Putnam’s theses, which points out TV as an important explanation for what he believes is a failed civic spirit. The study also finds that the negative relationship becomes somewhat stronger over time. This aligns with Putnam’s description that individualization has led to TV viewing taking us further away from community with other people, rather than the opposite, which negatively impacts the trust. The study contributes by bringing Putnam’s theses into a new time period, and broadens the perspective by taking his ideas of media and civic spirit across the Atlantic.

The war in Ukraine has led to the displacement of millions of Ukrainians. Refugee policy hasalways been hotly debated and the Swedish political debate has been divided since Swedenhas received refugees from a lot of war-torn countries. Previous research has shown thatrefugees from different parts of the world are portrayed in different terms. Therefore thisstudy aims to compare discourses in the portrayal of Syrian refugees during the years2014-2015 and Ukrainian refugees in 2022 respectively in the Swedish political discourse.Specifically, it will be examined how the parties Sweden Democrats and the Moderates haveexpressed themselves in political statements about the Syrian refugees in the years 2014-2015compared to the Ukrainian refugees in 2022. The aim is also to critically analyze thesediscourses and how "us and them" identities are constructed. In order to carry out the study, acritical discourse analysis and Fairclough's three-dimensional model has been applied to theempirical material. The theoretical framework that has been helpful in analyzing the politicaldiscourse on refugees has been the postcolonial theory, the theory of racialization andOrientalism. The study concluded that Syrian and Ukrainian refugees are portrayeddifferently. Syrian refugees are mostly talked about in negative terms, while Ukrainianrefugees are described in positive terms. The result of the study also showed that the Syrianrefugees were mostly excluded to be described as "them" and the Ukrainian refugees wereincluded in a "us". These findings align with results from previous research in studies ofrefugee portrayal.

In line with the principle of local self-governance, Swedish municipalities have a high degree of discretion to manage the goals and execution of public management. However, in recent years, the national influence over local governments has increased, especially the use of targeted government grants. This shows a pattern of ambiguity as the state strive for national equality but the principle of local self-governance allows for local variation in the public welfare. Thus, this study is intended to provide insight into how Swedish municipalities under different conditions perceive and interpret the influence of the national government through economic instruments. In order to explore how the local governments perceive their degree of discretion to manage state grants, this study compares the implementation in four different municipalities of a targeted government grant denominated the “Elderly Care Boost”. By conducting interviews, this study shows that economic incentives make municipalities more susceptible to the national government’s investments and goals, but only if the municipalities view the grant as something supporting their own work. Furthermore, this study shows a paradox or dilemma as the municipalities view the clear instructions for the grant as favourable while, at the same time, these clear instructions also restrict the local government’s discretion. In addition, the study indicates that the municipalities use “framing” and thus attempt to reinterpret the governing of the national parliament as they deem favourable.

This study explores a previously unstudied phenomenon in Swedish crisis management in public administration by posing several exploratory questions. The objective is to map and expand our knowledge of how a bureaucracy, characterized by reorganizations, time pressure, and temporary employment, functions during a crisis. The temporary nature of bureaucrats’ employment in expanding or emerging organisations during a crisis is hypothesized to create a new profession characterized by it. By developing a theoretical framework using Lipsky's theory of frontline bureaucrats and prior research on crises and organizational adaptation, this study aims to explore this new area of administrative policy. Additionally, the study introduces the concept of "crisis bureaucrats" to examine this new profession. The study aims to answer questions regarding the dilemmas that characterize crisis bureaucrats' exercise of authority and the differences in how their exercise of authority is affected by various adaptations to crises. Consequently, the study identifies two processes of new-bureaucratization and de-bureaucratization within the same organization's crisis management. The study also develops a tool to analyze these processes, which successfully maps the origins of different challenges for crisis bureaucrats, such as bureaucratic maturity and prioritization between effectiveness and legality in the organization during these processes. The theory further identifies dilemmas unique to crisis bureaucrats, such as those related to their work, resources, steering, and leadership, as well as the short-term conditions of their employment, which align with Lipsky's theory. In conclusion, this study contributes to our understanding of crisis management in public administration by introducing the concept of crisis bureaucrats and identifying the dilemmas they face. By developing a theoretical framework, this study provides a foundation for further research on this new area of administrative policy and crisis management.

This thesis aims to examine the relationship between ideological and affective polarisation and how it is affected by block-crossing cooperation at the local political level. Ideological and affective polarisation is measured in municipalities where block-crossing cooperation prevails, as well as municipalities where traditional block cooperation rules. The method that is used to measure the polarization is a mixed method with a questionnaire survey, directed to politicians in municipalities with different cooperation patterns. Further on, the answers have been qualitatively interpreted and the levels of polarization were converted into a number that represented the mean value of polarization in each municipality. The results indicate that block-crossing cooperation leads to lower levels of polarization, both ideological and affective, with an emphasis on the latter. On the contrary, traditional block political cooperations receive a significantly higher level of affective polarisation. The results can be supported by previous research as well as the theoretical framework. For instance, theories and research fields about social identity, group polarization and political psychology can explain the phenomenon of in-groups and out-groups that can reinforce affective polarization.This research has provided deeper knowledge and understanding of polarization and incentives for cooperation in Swedish politics with a focus on the local level. The thesis contributes to the existing research field of polarization. Hence, it opens for further research about polarization and deliberation, both at the municipality level as this thesis emphasizes, but also in the broader political realm.

The European Parliament elections have since the 1980's been described as 'second-order national elections', which, among other things, means that they are less important to both political parties and to voters. Scholars have often described political parties as a weak link between the European Union and its citizens. Previous studies of the fulfillment of election promises have mainly focused on national governments, and not national political parties in the European Parliament. The purpose of this descriptive study is to investigate the level of fulfillment of election promises that Swedish parliamentary parties present in their election manifestos for the European Parliament election 2014. Based on previous research, this study tests five hypotheses on the material. By mapping and analyzing 183 election promises from 8 election manifestos, the results show a lower fulfillment level than Swedish governments usually achieve on the national arena. The result showed one possible covariation between which party groups the political parties belonged to and fulfillment, but no clear patterns between the characteristics of the election promise and fulfillment. The results of this study has shown that there is reason to further investigate and try to better understand election promises that are given ahead of European Parliament elections.

This thesis aims to investigate if state oppression towards independence movements affects their chosen strategies for achieving autonomy, as well as examine whether the state oppression results in political jiu-jitsu and/or backfire for the state. In recent years there have been more studies regarding state oppression towards non-violent movements examining in what ways this affects the non-violent movements, as this has been seen as unjust methods. Furthermore, it has been examined in relation to political jiu-jitsu and backfire, however not specifically regarding independence movements in a qualitative study. The study is based on the theoretical framework political jiu-jitsu by Gene Sharp and the backfire framework by Brian Martin. This has been done with a qualitative comparative case study through a process tracing method with the independence movements UCK and ETA as analytical units. The result from the study firstly indicates that there is a connection between the experience of state oppression and the prominence of political jiu-jitsu and backfire for states - that states experience political jiu-jitsu and backfire when choosing oppressive methods towards non-violence movements. Second, the independence movements are likely to choose violence as methods to achieve their political goals. These results are of importance to understand how violence can affect non-violent movements and how states using oppression can end up suffering from it - acknowledging it may not be the way to go.

Utopia and reality – a study on the upper secondary school´s work with ADHD and ASDIn conjunction with the increased amount of people who are diagnosed with ADHD/ASD, criticism has emerged that the school fails to meet the needs of these student. This study examines, through a multiple case study, the Swedish upper secondary schools´ work with ADHD/ASD from an organizational perspective. Interviews have been conducted to collect the empirical material. Thematic analysis has been used to analyse the empirical material. The results showed that the schools in question organized the work with ADHD/ASD in varying ways. Whether the schools are municipal or independent schools had less importance for how the work with ADHD/ASD was organized. Small schools tended to work better for students with ADHD/ASD. Bureaucratic structures, the hierarchial model of integration and conflicting institutional logics in the schools´ organizations affects students with ADHD/ASD negatively. Overall, a trend can be sensed that small schools with adhocratic features tend to be more successful in the work with ADHD/ASD.

This bachelor's thesis provides you as the reader with an insight into how ideologicalcompromises can unfold within environmental politics. It conducts an ideological analysis ofproposition 2019/20:47 concerning the tax on plastic carrier bags. The following ideologieswill be examined: socialism, liberalism, conservatism, and green ideology, and how they arelikely to influence the design and implementation of environmental policies. The purpose isto highlight how political ideologies may impact the formulation of environmental policiesand the role they play in the implementation of concrete measures to address environmentalissues. It also explores whether cooperation between political parties with differentideological backgrounds can lead to compromises or if a single ideology dominates when itcomes to shaping environmental policies.The findings of this bachelor's thesis indicate that, currently, it is difficult to pursue anenvironmental policy based on a compromise without one ideology permeating the entireagreement. Through the analysis conducted in this thesis, it is demonstrated that socialism isa strong driving ideology in proposition 2019/20:47 concerning the tax on plastic carrierbags. Furthermore, a discussion is held on the importance of having a unified environmentalpolicy that can effectively address the environmental crisis. This applies both at the nationallevel and as a good example to follow internationally. Having a unified environmental policyis considered necessary in order to have any chance of mitigating the global environmentalcrisis.

EU formas av sina kriser och utgör summan av de lösningar man funnit för kriserna. Så skrev en av EU:s pionjärer, fransmannen Jean Monnet, i sina memoarer. Historien har givit honom rätt. Den ekonomiska krisen i spåren av coronapandemin är den senaste i raden av kriser som historiskt har avlöst varandra. Hur den europeiska integrationen fördjupas i framtiden återstår att se, men vad som är uppenbart är att EU:s återhämtningsfond Next Generation EU markerar ett skifte i EU:s ekonomiska styrning. Men hur kan det gå till när den europeiska ekonomiska integrationen fördjupas? Genom en utfallsförklarande processpårning söker studien svar på hur nyinstitutionella teorier kan förklara varför Sverige röstade för Next Generation EU i juli 2020, trots tidigare motstånd mot avgörande delar av stödpaketet. Aspekter av förhandlingarna har tidigare undersökts, men forskning saknas kring Sveriges agerande som medlemsland, och inom ramen för den frugala fyran bestående av Österrike, Nederländerna, Sverige och Danmark. Studien prövar historisk institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism och sociologisk institutionalism för sig. Resultatet visar Sveriges spårberoende och att coronapandemin som ett potentiellt kritiskt moment påkallade förändring. Sverige agerande genom preferensmaximering för att tillgodose sina behov, men lämplighetslogiken påverkade vissa avgörande preferensförändringar. De nyinstitutionella teorierna förklarade förtjänstfullt olika aspekter av utfallet, men ingen enskild teori kunde ensamt förklara utfallet. Därför kombinerades teorierna och de luckor som uppstått kunde täppas till.

The purpose of this study is to examine the use of the concept utanförskap in the parliamentary debate focusing on the three largest parties socialdemokraterna, moderaterna and sverigedemokraterna. This study finds itself in the context after the refugee crisis of 2015 and in times where the values we thought where everlasting are being questioned. Where political tension in the fields of immigration and integration reach their highest level of political conflict and where immigration policy reaches its highest-level om importance during the 2018 election campaign. Immigration and integration are attached to the concept of utanförskap as the concept is used as an implication of earlier failed integration. This study uses a combination of methods where Kosselecks conceptual history and Faircloughs critical discourse analysis are applied to the empirical material of proposals in the parliament. Both rest on the theoretical foundation of constructivism. The main finding in the study is that the three parties use the concept differently. Moderaterna use the concept of economic utanförskap while socialdemokraterna use the concept of social utanförskap and lastly sverigedemokraterna use a combination of booth other uses of the concept. The analysis shows no signs of conceptual change based on the empirical material and the previous research from Davidsson (2010) between the time periods of 2003-2006 and 2016-2018. The discourses discovered in the use of the concept are the sub-class discourse and the inside/outside discourse.

The European Union has since its founding experienced criticism from both the political left and right and one of the main of the critics of the EU has been the Populist Radical Right. One among many Populist Radical Right parties that has advocated a formal withdrawal from the EU is the Swedish party the Sweden Democrats. However, in early 2019 the party announced that they, after almost 30 years, no longer want Sweden to leave the EU. Both ideological and external events have been proposed as explanations for this radical change in position. The purpose of this study though, is to try to seek strategic explanations as to why the Sweden Democrats no longer want Sweden to leave the EU. Articles, videos and speeches will be studied in order to chart which justifications the Sweden Democrats themselves give for their change of position. Interpretations of my own and from others will also be used to seek an answer as to why the Sweden Democrats has changed their policy, beyond the Sweden Democrats' own words. The findings suggest that the strategic motives behind the Sweden Democrats' decision to leave the Swedish EU-exit, is mainly to maximize the control over the government and to maximize in voter support. However, in order to find stronger evidence behind the strategic motives of the Sweden Democrats, further research on the subject is necessary.

Taligenkänning kan användas inom hälso- och sjukvård för att effektivisera och minska kostnader genom att det går snabbare att diktera och slutsignera journalanteckningar och att man inte behöver använda sig av transkriptionstjänster. I dagsläget används det särskilt vid röntgenmottagningar som helt eller delvis övergått till detta. Taligenkänningsprogram kan inom hälso- och sjukvård komma att användas av många olika användare med olika kunskaper vilket kan göra att det är svårt att implementera på bred front i en verksamhet. Små misstag i en text riskerar att få stora konsekvenser och kan innebära att mer tid går åt till att rätta misstag eftersom ett felaktigt ord riskerar att ge stora konsekvenser för vilken diagnos som ställs. Det krävs att man är noggrann vid korrekturläsning och har goda kunskaper i att ta till sig skriven text. Användarnas förkunskaper kan också påverka deras attityder till, och deras vilja, att använda taligenkänning. I denna studie undersöks implementeringen av taligenkänning på en röntgenmottagning vid ett av landets större sjukhus och personalens erfarenheter av att använda detta i arbetet. Respondenterna uttrycker förståelse för varför man använder sig av taligenkänning och är i huvudsak positiva till detta. De flesta erfar inte att det kräver några större förkunskaper även om det tycks finnas en önskan om uppföljning och mer kontinuerlig information för att kunna använda programmet optimalt.

This study intends to study how the Social Democrats' (S) migration policy changed between 2014 and 2018. Comparison is made through a text analysis of election manifestos to describe S's stance after the refugee crisis in 2015 in relation to refugees and migration. S worked up the 'problem' over the years and as solution policy changes were carried out in the economic, social and political contexts in connection with the state's situation, where ideas and beliefs were based on the previous experiences and events. The study will be carried out by describing and following up the change in S migration policy between 2014 and 2018 in Bacchi's constructivist perspective on ideas and problem formulations in what concepts represent. This approach is regarded as a process that is to some extent continuously socially constructed by the exchange of opinions of policy actors. These are ideas that help policy actors create meaning and understanding of the world around them, and thus they form a basis for which interests and action options the policy actors act for and against in the policy process (Ohlsson, et.al, 2019:259). That is, they are ideas that give policy actors a purpose of understanding what the policy problem is and what the solutions are. The idea and ideology analysis method is used in this study to be able to compare, see and understand the importance of ideas in the creation of politics, what interaction and non-interaction between ideas means and why this is important to follow up in connection with the state's situation. To understand how ideas and concepts were problematized and social formulated through time in connection with the state's situation, the three text analytical questions of Bacchi's WPR approach were chosen which enable interpretation of the background knowledge, underlying assumptions made by S all political proposals.

What is studied in this essay is how municipal self-government and the municipal planning monopoly can be affected for municipalities in Region Värmland if physical planning were to be regionalized in Värmland. There is a power shift going on in today´s situation, where the local is being moved more and more to the regional level. It is also a power struggle between who should control different thing. The purpose of the work is to find out how municipalities in Värmland will be affected if the physical planning were to be regionalized. Also how civil servants and their work regarding planning may be affected. This can be seen based on two dimensions that are applied in the study, the dimension of power and the dimension of activity, which can show differences and similarities exist between municipalities. The questions to be answered are: - What effects and perspectives (pros and cons) do you think the working method can have for the interviewed municipalities if spatial planning is regionalized? -Does it matter if it is a smaller or larger municipality? -How is planning affected by this, what would be the consequences/problems for the businesses from more regional physical planning in Värmland? Through qualitative interviews, respondents from eight municipalities in Värmland have been interviewed to answer how they think they will be affected if regional spatial planning were to be used in Värmland. The respondents work with relevant professions within community planning. The results show, based on four themes, divided unconditionally based on the respondent´s answers, how the municipalities and their respondents would be affected. Among other things, the respondents lack responsibility from the region, resources and the municipalities conditions look different and depending on whether it is a small or large municipality it can look different. The local knowledge a municipality has is also important for municipalities, and municipal self- government is also something that municipalities think is important. Politics and democracy are important parts of how things should work. The conclusion shows that different effects and perspectives with pros and cons will affect the interviewed municipalities if spatial planning is regionalized. An important perspecitve is that power between municipality and region plays a role and also that municipalities today work in different ways and are therefore affected differently depending on their size, small or large municipality. The planning and activites will have several different consequences, both good and bad, knowledge and cooperation is something that will be able to improve the planning.

Swedish school law stipulates that the work of student health teams in schools should be mainly health promoting. However, earlier scientific studies and reports from authorities show that most schools work aren’t. The aim of this study is to investigate how principals in five upper secondary schools organize and lead the health promoting work and what challenges they experience in their leadership with regards to health promoting work. The study is qualitative, based on a content analysis of semi-structured interviews with five upper secondary principals in Sweden. The results of the study show that even though the principals have access to interprofessional health teams and good organizational structures the student health work in four out of five schools mainly focus on remedial work and that more must be done in order develop their health promoting work. More focus must be appointed to developing teaching and teachers and student health team personnel must work closely together. In addition, principals must integrate their health promoting work in the systematic quality work of the school.

Inom hälso- och sjukvården råder en välkänd hierarki. Ju högre utbildningsnivå, desto högre upp befinner sig individen i hierarkin. På så vis bildar yrkeskategorierna grupper med över- och underordnade. Maktdelningen inom hälso- och sjukvården har även visat sig påverka relationer och kommunikationen mellan de medicinvetenskapliga yrkesgrupperna. Det har dock bedrivits lite forskning om den medicinska sekreterarens upplevelse av hierarkin. Syftet med studien är således att undersöka hur den medicinska sekreteraren generellt upplever hierarkin. Fokus kommer även riktas på hierarkins påverkan på relationer, samt kommunikationen med andra yrkeskategorier. Undersökningen genomfördes med hjälp av en webbenkät innehållande 11 frågor. Webbenkäten lades ut i den privata Facebookgruppen ”Medicinska sekreterare” och besvarades av 215 personer totalt. Enkätfrågorna är baserade på den tidigare forskning och de teorier som ligger till grund för uppsatsen. Vidare består enkäten till majoritet av slutna flervalsfrågor, enkätundersökningen avslutas dock med en öppen fråga. Resultatet påvisar hur majoriteten av respondenterna upplever en tydlig hierarki på arbetsplatsen, varav läkaren står högst i rang och därmed besitter störst auktoritet. Sammantaget påvisar resultatet hur hierarkin upplevs påverka relationer till andra yrkeskategorier negativt, framför allt relationen till läkare. Den relationen respondenterna anser sig ha bäst relation till är den egna yrkeskategorin. Vidare upplevs det sammantaget hur kommunikationen mellan yrkeskategorier upplevs relativt god.

New and rapid development of technology worldwide has led to the fact that mobile phones,tablets or TVs have become a necessity in our everyday lives. Every year newer models arelaunched that make the technology a little better and that we update ourselves with it. Butwhere does the e-waste go? Do we know for sure that it will be reused or recycled if we leaveor throw away the e-waste in the right place? The purpose of the essay is to investigate howthe EU's circular economy plan can contribute to managing the growing waste stream, with afocus on electronics and ICT products. To answer the purpose, I look for the challenges thatthe EU faces regarding the directives and measures given in the action plan, based on North's(1993) theory of formal and informal institutions. Previous research describes both the prosand cons of the older directives issued by the commission, and believes that formal measureswill be implemented that will ensure that all member states have the same conditions to beable to recycle and reuse in the best way. Also that stricter laws will be implemented from thebeginning in order for the informal institutions to change. The essay points out that wastemust be seen as a resource instead of waste as we live in a society where e-waste accounts for5 percent of solid waste and is the fastest growing in the world.

Syftet med studien är att förstå vilka kunskaper och kompetenser rektors närmsta chef (verksamhetschef) anser att rektor behöver i sin yrkesutövning och var, på vilka arenor, dessa kommer till användning. Syftet är även att få en djupare förståelse för hur verksamhetschefers bild av rektorers kompetens relaterar till rektorsprogrammets uttryckta förväntan på rektorers kompetens efter genomförd utbildning. Datainsamlingen består av intervjuer med fem verksamhetschefer inom kommunal grundskola från tre olika huvudmän. I resultat och analysdel ingår de båda spåren vad en rektor behöver kunna och var en rektor behöver kunna vad. I diskussionen ingår även en frågeställning som relaterar verksamhetschefernas bild till vad som skrivs i rektorsprogrammets utbildningsmål (Skolverkets måldokument och lärosätens kursplaner). Intervjuerna visar att viss kunskap och kompetens kan ses som central och viktig, och är något som alla rektorer behöver tillgång till och använder sig av i många sammanhang. Den kunskap och kompetens som verksamhetscheferna anser vara central och viktig är; förmåga att upprätta och bibehålla goda mellanmänskliga relationer, social kompetens och samarbetsförmåga samt skicklighet i kommunikation, förmåga att utöva chefs- och ledarskap, förmåga att fatta och genomföra fattade beslut, förstå och hantera både statlig och kommunal styrning, organisationsförmåga, att arbeta med skolans inre organisation inom ramen för de resurser som finns att tillgå i syfte att uppnå prioriterade mål och önskade resultat, kunskap om lärande och förankring i styrdokument samt kunskap om systematiskt kvalitetsarbete, att utveckla verksamheten utifrån behov vid behov. Gällande var rektorer använder sin kunskap och kompetens kan två grupperingar av arenor urskiljas som har inbördes likheter vad gäller behov av kunskap och kompetens. Den ena gruppen innehåller arenorna statlig styrning, kommunal styrning och lärare/skolans personal. Den andra gruppen innehåller arenorna externa aktörer, vårdnadshavare och skolmiljö/elever. Arenan rektors egen professionsutveckling kan betraktas som fristående. Undersökningen visar att det inte föreligger några avgörande eller större skillnader mellan Skolverkets och verksamhetschefers syn på vad rektorer ska kunna efter utförd utbildning respektive behöver kunna i sitt yrkesutövande. Dock framgår inom ett par områden skillnader som skulle kunna ha viss betydelse för om rektorsutbildningen fullt ut eller ensamt kan förse rektorer med all den kunskap och kompetens de behöver för att ha möjlighet att bli framgångsrika i sitt yrkesutövande. De områden som denna studie visar skiljer sig åt är rektors beslutsfattande och rektors förmåga att vilja och kunna ta ansvar för det kommunala uppdraget. Undersökningen visar också att beroende på med vilka glasögon empiri, måldokument och kursplaner tolkas finns det skillnader mellan verksamhetschefernas syn på rektorers behov av kunskap och kompetens och det som skrivs fram i rektorsprogrammets utbildningsmål. Det gäller synen på om utbildningen bidrar och ska bidra till att rektor efter utbildning själv kan lära i och av yrket.

The study investigates the discrimination of migrant workers in Singapore during the Covid-19 pandemic. The singaporian government applied different pandemic restrictions for migrant workers in contrast with other visa holders during the whole pandemic, ranging from quarantines to pass applications. By using the theories of T.H Marshall as an analytical tool, a comparison is made how different restrictions affected both migrant workers and other visa holders. The study shows that migrant workers were severely discriminated against by the singaporian government during the pandemic, and that in all analytical categories studied they were worse off than the compared group. The study also shows that Marshall’s theory of social rights appeared appropriate for the analysis, but needed slight developments to be applied correctly for the purposes of the study.