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Copyright of Revista MAD is the property of Revista MAD and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista CES Derecho is the property of Universidad CES and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 2016, Peru has had seven presidents and has experienced two irregular dissolutions of Congress. How to explain this high political instability? This essay identifies the weakness of the Peruvian party system as the root cause of this political instability. This essay argues that the attack on political institutions in Peruvian politics was latent and with a high probability of breaking into the political scene given the significant weakness of Peruvian parties. Another factor that kept the assault on political institutions latent is the accentuated rivalry among Peruvian political parties. The weakness of the party system, which manifests itself with high volatility, contributed to the emergence of a wide imbalance of power among them. One of these parties (Popular Force) took advantage of this power imbalance for its own benefit to vacate a president and opened the opportunity for a relatively unknown politician to come to power (former President Martín Vizcarra). Vizcarra, a politician with legal issues, found the assault on political institutions effective to weaken his critics and gain popularity. Once the institutional deterioration intensified, as a result of these attacks, political instability amplified and led to more conflict and instability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the importance of citizen participation in Venezuela's educational system, focusing on the Draft Law on the Exercise of the Teaching Profession and its relationship with popular power and new forms of citizen participation. It emphasizes the importance of reviewing and critically evaluating political actions related to education in order to guarantee a quality educational process in democracy and freedom. The draft law limits professional practice to a single school and promotes the militarization of the educational system, which distances Venezuelan children and youth from their right to education. [Extracted from the article]

The objective of this article is to carry out, from different explanatory paradigms, a comparative analysis of the impact of social movements in Mexico on the crisis and reconfiguration of the State and its derivations in the political system, both in its authoritarian facet and in its plural and democratic perspective. This is based on two types of movements: student movements and armed movements with different types of demands. We start from two types of movements: student movements and armed movements with different types of demands. For this purpose, the following are taken as subjects of study: the armed movements of Guerrero in the 1970s and the student movement of 1968, where their impact in the face of an authoritarian regime is deepened. At the same time, the self-defense movements in Michoacán are also analyzed as prototypes of social movements in a completely different framework in time and circumstance, but which have equally impacted the dynamics governing the State and the political system of our country. It is a comparative and transversal analysis of interpretative cut based on documentary sources related to the reconfiguration of the contemporary Mexican State. The resulting information was interpreted with the computer support of ATLAS ti, version 8. The findings of this research show that in the five cases transformations in the political dynamics of the State and in the way they were processed within the Mexican political system can be appreciated, which evidenced that social movements in Mexico have indeed served as a catalyst in the processes of political change that have gradually dismantled authoritarian schemes of political power, but also denote an institutional weakness to assimilate them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Derecho Constitucional is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

To address the theme of religion in the Constitutions of Santiago del Estero, it must be borne in mind that Santiago del Estero is an Argentine province with a centralized government in the form of strong governors, with deep-rooted family ties and clientelistic networks, as well as a strong Catholic tradition, often used by the governments themselves to consolidate their hold on power. However, they did not always manage to impose their religious ideas on constitutional reforms, due to opposition from secularist sectors or even the ecclesiastical hierarchy itself. In the long term, the constitutional process in Santiago del Estero shows continuities and ruptures, from the first constitution in the mid-19th century to the last one at the beginning of the 21st century, as well as variations according to the governments in power and the ecclesiastical authorities at each moment, although some of society's demands were also evident, with different positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Without any substantial constitutional change, Peru has moved during the last five years from a presidential political system, where the Executive controlled the political agenda, to one where the Peruvian Congress has considerable power. This article claims that the trigger for change was the electoral result of 2016, as it drastically shifted the balance of power between executive and legislative. This election gave a large majority to the opposition in Congress, allowing the generalization of extreme institutional weapons such as the presidential impeachment and the confidence motion. The corruption scandal known as Lava Jato accelerated the process. The proof that this is a new system is that these repertoires of interbranch conflict have remained in place even if no party has able to hold a majority in Congress during the last two electoral cycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions about populism make it clear that it is not a political phenomenon arising in one country, and that the more wellestablished democracies are not exempt from its occurrence, despite considering at an inconvenient guest. Comparisons between diverse countries, cases, and periods show that common causal elements can be pinpointed in political systems that may explain the emergence of populist leaders, parties, and manifestations. This article contrasts presidents Daniel Ortega of Nicaragua, Nayib Bukele of El Salvador, and former president Rafael Correa of Ecuador to clarify the context of their appearance in their countries’ political system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Campos en Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Co-herencia is the property of Universidad EAFIT and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper interprets the insertion of evangelical political movements, specifically pentecostal and neopentecostals into the Colombian political system, from 1991 to the present. Through a large documental analysis that includes most of the research about the matter, journalistic fonts and a short ethnographic approach, argues that such insertion is a key factor of traditional forces hegemony. The Pentecostal and Neopentecostals political movements Works by mean of a structural positioning into the sociopolitical, economic and cultural planes. Contrary to what one might think, it is suggested that their role, rather than being an alternative of power, is relegated to counteracting counter-hegemonic initiatives on the political and sociocultural level. The role of these movements is, in that sense, a hegemonical base for the production a reproduction of hegemony and a key factor to deal contra hegemonical projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Modern political systems can be analyzed at two levels: at the level of mass citizenry, and at level of the corporate groups controlling major resources within the system. Political systems vary extraordinarily in the ways the votes of mass electorates count in national decision-making. But however weighty the decisions of electoral majorities, nothing is likely to get settled without the consent and the participation of corporate groups controlling key resources. To understand what is happening in modern political systems we clearly have to analyze sequences of pressures and counter-pressures in both these channels of decision-making: the electoral-territorial and the corporate-functional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One cannot think of politics as a closed system on itself, able to give definitive and binding answers to popular demonstrations and demands, which constantly question our democracies. The democratic construction thus seems to be a contingency's formula of the political system that never gets to be over-closed; as far as being considered the exact equivalent of democracy. Probably, the democracy could be the key that reopens the political system once and again. Taking this theoretical framework as a reference, our aim is to be able to understand a phenomenon that challenges us as a society and as a systems' theory interpreter on society (based on Niklas Luhman thoughts). From this concern, one can infer that the denial of the legalization of abortion as political system's communication (the same would be its acceptance) is a good example to think about articulation of three fundamental elements in contemporary conflict society: moral system of society, protest demonstration and political system of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Inciso is the property of Universidad La Gran Colombia, Seccional Armenia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this article is to reflect on the trajectories of the political reform in Ivan Duque’s administration based on studies of political reform to determine its limits and potentialities in the context of the Colombian political system. To this end, texts on party systems and electoral systems were addressed, highlighting their components as pillars for analysis and taking the monitoring reports of the Observatory of Political Parties as comparison points. Initially, the methodology used the historical-empirical method and then scanning of political processes. Although significant progress has been made in the field of political reform since the enactment of the 1991 Constitution to date, there are still a number of crucial issues on the agenda to advance the political modernization of Colombia, for example, the validity of the preferential vote. This is not only a challenge in terms of institutional designs, but also a challenge that involves political consensus and the civil society’s participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, I review the assessments of Greek democracy by Pericles in the History of the Peloponnesian War of Thucydides, by Plato in The Republic, and by Aristotle in Politics. I intend to highlight and develop some facets of these writings. In the case of Pericles, I draw attention to the strategy of justifying the democratic regime as a necessary framework for the development of some traditional virtues, which make Athens and its inhabitants an educational model for all of Greece. Concerning Plato, he emphasized the use of Platonic psychology to criticize democracy and show the dialectical evolution of this regime. While Aristotle, emphasized the positive reception of some democratic institutions for his political thought, although he is critical of Athenian democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the influence of political systems and public health action against AIDS before to show the differences on the role of community organizations and similarities such as restriction of rights and moral approach in terms of management of the problem of HIV/AIDS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sistema is the property of Asociacion de Revistas Culturales de Espana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the diverse political strategies of "Kirchnerismo" from his presidential inauguration in 2003 until the legislative elections in 2017. The study shows how the different strategies: "transversality", "Plural Concertation", "Justicialist Party", "United and Organized", and "Citizen Unity" obey different ways of understanding the political representation, the political system and the relationship between political actors at different moments of the political cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The victory of an independent candidate who won the subnational election and excluded the traditional system of political parties is analyzed herein. As an unprecedented case in Mexico, it is analyzed considering the conditions of the political system characterized by a hegemonic political party dominating everything, where their capability to minimize the political representation has been a constant trait. Notwithstanding, the political liberalization process gradually managed to allow the political pluralism through the elections. The national election reform in 2014 provided the possibility to have independent candidates and the State of Nuevo León implemented it. fierefore, the analysis of the first independent government in Nuevo León examines the variable precedent to the wining electoral route. Thanks to a campaign basically through a social networking platform instead of a conventional election campaign, the candidate achieved an unprecedented victory both in the local and national history. Next, focused only on two variables measuring the governmental political efficacy, some empirical evidence is shown in order to analyze the results regarding the public security and corruption issues. Finally, this work addresses the context of the outgoing governor and provides the conclusions from the first governmental balance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a response toward George Tsebelis' argument (2018) concerning the incentives for constitutional replacement in Chile. It suggests that Tsebelis' model may work better to explain dynamic of constitutional reforms than dynamic of replacement. As some authors have addressed, this article suggests that there are some crucial exogenous conditions of the constitutional-institutional realm that may influence the possibility of replacing a given constitution and such conditions are not present in the case of Chile. Therefore, Tsebelis' model may help us to analytically explain the space of decision of actors who may have predefined incentives in a context of a "normal" institutional setting. To respond to the question of why some actors are willing to change the statu quo in a context of pre-fixed incentives, this articles suggest three of them: actors' perception of the future costs of maintaining the statu quo, the game of power between the Executive and the Legislative, and changes in the balance of power triggering the need for change of crucial aspects of the Constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Review of Comparative Politics / Revista Latinoamericana de Politica Comparada is the property of CELAEP (Centro Latinoamericano de Estudios Politicos) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Enfoques: Ciencia Política y Administración Pública is the property of Universidad Central de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Equidad y Desarrollo is the property of Equidad y Desarrollo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Verba Iuris is the property of Universidad Libre Bogota, Centre de Investigaciones Socio Juridicas de la Facultad de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is an exercise in the observation of politics and State in Mexico from the point of view of social systems theory. For this purpose, the model of formal and informal circle of power proposed by Luhmann in his political sociology is used, allowing us to take a look at the configuration of the twentieth century Mexican political system, whose institutionalization process presents the State as the pivot point of social order. At the same time, it is shown how the formal circle of power whose distinction is people/politics/administration/public was configured in Mexico throughout the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reviews and investigates the analysis that exists in the construction of citizenship through popular education, leading to enhance opportunities for citizen participation through mass recognition of institutions designed to control the activity of their representatives as well as the legal tools to visualize their participatory action, both through direct and face exercise as interactive media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article has as intention identify and analyze the dimensions of the politics. The politics like structure refers to the forms of political organization and to the institutions that integrate the State, that is to say, this dimension is depending on the political regime. The politics like process incorporates the individual conducts and of group that they form the political process, which means that it is in relation with the political system. The politics like result indicates the change and the situations of governance that ensue from the political activity, which in other words is the public policy, for which approaches the concept, the usefulness, the characteristics, the elements, the factors that influence the process of formation of the public policy and the cycle of the public policy integrated by the identification of the problem, the incorporation inside the political agenda, the formulation of solutions and decisions, the implementation and the evaluation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios de Derecho is the property of Estudios de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Debates is the property of Revista Debates and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, we refer to the history of the Charter of Rionegro and their contribution to setting up a political system to Colombia, in particular its contribution to the significant share of power in the territory of the former New Granada generated by it. The text includes shallow way, and just as similar background, the general characteristics of territorial political organization of the Chibcha Civilization and the political and administrative structure of the state in colonial times. However, before addressing the matter under review, it is necessary to address two important issues: a forced, which provides the conceptual framework for the development of the text, and the other referring both to the outstanding figures of the constituents eponymous 1863 as for democratic institutions more advanced in that Constitution. The Constitution of Rionegro, federal extreme, the most of their gender and, therefore, also considered as the most democratic progress throughout our constitutional history, however, was disqualified by Victor Hugo, French poet, as " constitution for angels, "but we think only in terms of the collated with materials difficult political circumstances and lived in their country at the end of his life, referring to excessive centralization Europe, particularly with French unitary authoritarian regime in force in the anti-democratic interregnum elapsed between the second and third republics, suffered by him, and abruptly imposed by Emperor Louis Napoleon, whom Marx wrote the 18 Brumaire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Criterio Jurídico Garantista is the property of Revista Criterio Juridico Garantista and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ciencia Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article studies the evolution of Georgia's participation in U.S. elections from the end of World War II to 2012. The author uses statistic and comparative methods, using information from both official and independent sources, plus field observations. He determined that the evolution of the presidential and congressional sub-processes has been diachronic and observed a tendency to readjust forces visible in the behavior of electoral indicators and that jibes with the variation in the ethnic composition of the state's inhabitants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]