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Copyright of Themis: Revista de Derecho is the property of Themis Asociacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Americanía. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos is the property of Revista Americania - Universidad Pablo de Olavide and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseño y Comunicación is the property of Cuadernos del Centro de Estudios de Diseno y Comunicacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Daena: International Journal of Good Conscience is the property of Spenta University Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Realidad Economica is the property of Realidad Economica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Perspectivas de Politicas Publicas is the property of Universidad Nacional de Lanus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The renegotiation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (nafta) carried out beginning in August 2017 is one of the most important events associated to the new US protectionist policy. The objective of this paper is to analyze the data related to some of the topics that are discussed, with the intention of separating the figures from the political arguments that have been put forward. The hypothesis is confirmed: the argument that attributes the US trade deficit to unfair exports has been imposed onto the results of the regional productive integration resulting as a result of 23 years of NAFTA operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While there is consensus that the IMF succeeded in extending globalization and the domination of finance to developing countries, the relationship between the IMF and developing countries is not a link in which invariably the former imposes and the latter complies, nor one in which the organism necessarily disagrees with countries' non-fulfilments. Understanding the historical sense of the relationship and the changing balance of power between actors requires analysing the negotiations through which conflicts between these actors emerge and are resolved. The aim of this paper is to present a contribution on the theoretical status of the relationship between the IMF and the developing countries, considering their role as main borrowers, based on the contributions of the International Political Economy (IPE) concerning the importance of interests as well as those of Sociology concerning the criticism of rational action. We propose a famework of analysis that considers the relationship between the IMF and a developing country as a complex and dynamic link whose result is not determined in advance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Ciencia y Poder Aéreo is the property of Escuela de Postgrados de la Fuerza Aerea Colombiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The agreement between Cuba and the United States in late December 2014 where the resumption of relations between the two countries was agreed, after more than fi fty years of interruption shows, a historic change and a reciprocal opportunity. This article analyzes the bilateral relations in politicalhistorical terms and then review the events leading up to the agreement given that this involved a complex negotiation and eff ort of a number of heterogeneous actors that included from the Canadian government to the Pope Francisco himself in the Vatican, among others. Then, the article refl ects on the US relationship with the region and the possible reasons why the deal happened. Finally, it presents the goals that this has achieved and the outstanding issues to resolve on the bilateral agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papeles del CEIC is the property of Centro de Estudios sobra la Identidad Colectiva, Facultas de Ciencias Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of OHM: Obradoiro de Historia Moderna is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article evaluates how the transition of power underway in the international system has changed international climate negotiations, as well as the way the EU has responded to this process. More specifically, and, in line with the introductory article of this edition, it is argued that, until 2005-2007, negotiations took place within a structure of normative congruence, characterised by climate institutions being set up in spite of the reluctance of a very powerful coalition of states. However, since mid-way through the first decade of the 2000s, the negotiations have entered a phase of institutional lag and the new coalition of key actors (made up of the United States and emerging countries) are imposing a new conceptual approach that has left the old institutions clearly lagging behind. The EU has responded to this change by adjusting its strategies and objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The area of international business requires executives and functionaries with leading competences. Among them is the mastering of communica-tion and negotiation processes. Under these requirements, negotiators of different cultures have characteristics which make them outstand among their pairs from other countries. In the case of Mexicans, they tend to be similar to their Latin American colleagues since their negotiation philosophy is that of bargaining and the perception of the other party is based on friendship and trust. Protocol, handling of emotions and meeting commitments are aspects which diffe-rentiate the national negotiation process. With the definition of the Mexican negotiation characteristics we want to visualize the Mexican style of doing business and the cultural elements that must be taken into account by those who pretend to develop more effective negotiations withgthe Mexican colleagues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Anuario de Historia Regional y de las Fronteras is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the Spanish conquest of the Kingdom of Peru during the period between 1532-1572. The author comments on the interactions between the Spanish conquistadors and the native Peruvian population of the Incas. He also describes the fragmentation and re-establishment of new territories and boundaries in the region by the Spanish without regard to ethnic, cultural, and religious boundaries created by the native peoples. The resistance to the re-drawing of borders by the Incas in the region of Vilcabamba is also examined.

Copyright of Estudios Internacionales is the property of Instituto de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Negocios Internacionales e Integración is the property of Universidad Catolica del Uruguay Damaso Antonio Larranaga and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the evolution of the political left in Guatemala from the coup d'état that ousted Guatemalan president Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán in 1954 to the 2003 Guatemalan elections. It explains that, during this time, the left split into a guerrilla faction and the communist Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo, but then united under the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (URNG) in the 1980s. It notes that, despite winning the right to political participation after negotiating an end to its long-standing conflict with the Government of Guatemala in 1996, the URNG and the Guatemalan left have enjoyed limited electoral success.

This article is a synthesis of an investigation of the characteristics of the market of the Caribbean region in relation to the cultural variables that affect the product consumption. Such variables are of important consideration in any strategy of the international positioning. The near future of Colombia is facing a challenge with exporting; it needs to reach the markets that have a demand of the Colombian's goods and services. In conclusion, the Caribbean is a zone near Colombia that has opportunities to export, especially manufacture and services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the orientation of Turkish foreign policy in its transition from the Cold War to the post-Cold War period, During the Cold War, the Turkish Government ran its foreign policy believing in the uniformity of the Western Alliance (the United States and Europe) and in close co-operation with the West, especially with the United States. After the changes which have occurred in the international arena in the last few years, this orientation has changed to the point where it can be stated that the Turkish governmental elites have other opportunities and alternatives. With regard to the EU, the article underscores the idea that if Turkey continues progressing toward accession, some day this country could play an important role in the design of EU policy in the eastern Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Without aiming to be an academic text, this article offers a journalistic "photograph" of the place which Turkey occupies in the world today. For this, it focuses firstly on this country's relations with the United States. Then it reviews the bonds which link it to Europe: to the EU, in general, as well as to Spain, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Austria and the new Member States, in particular. It also makes special mention of the Balkans, the Middle East, the Caucasus and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his conclusions on the general subject of "Turkey and the EU: Charting the Course Ahead", the author points out the main challenges that Turkey and the EU must confront on their long road to integration, and he manifests the importance of building bridges, using all of the political resources available, as well as taking advantage of one of the principal resources of European governance: networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Currently, the EU as a whole finds itself in an economic context in which growth is nor very stimulating, although the differences by country are significant, principally between the new and old Member States. From this perspective, the author offers an economic analysis of the costs, and opportunities, of Turkey's accession to the community family, both for that country and for the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this work is to emphasise the importance of strategic analysis and provide elements that facilitate the understanding of the future of the integration process. For this, it analyses the interactions between Turkey and the European Union through strategic decision-making and system-modelling concepts. It carries out "What if..." analyses, and it considers the world system from a dynamic perspective in time and space. The economic, political, scientific, technological and cultural infrastructures of the future are the object of a rigorous simulation, with the aim of creating solid strategies. The welfare of the societies of the future depends on the understanding and strategic skills of today's decision-makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the negotiation process for Turkey's accession to the EU, the author delves into the country's current situation and its condition as a bridge. She focuses on the question of Islam and modernity, taking as her point of departure the example of Kayseri, a city and region in Central Anatolia, which is dynamic and productive without having lost its cultural and religious values for this reason. Among these values, she highlights an obstacle which distances the country from an economic rapprochement with the EU, namely the role of women in the economy, although she underscores the idea that everything indicates that this necessary change could occur soon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To briefly analyse the great political, social and economic transformation Turkey has experienced in the past decade, the author highlights, in the first place, the country's international dimension, since one must not deal with Turkish politics and its dynamics only in relation with its internal trends and factors. Next, he offers a list of accomplishments, obstacles and weak points in Turkish domestic politics, to focus on the role of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the lack of opposition. Finally, he underscores the fact that, although there remains a great deal to do, the profound transformation of Turkish society, its integration into global markets and the re-structuring of Turkish capitalism are already a reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Might Turkey be thought of as a model of democratic Government for the rest of the Islamic world? Can Turkey be a lighthouse of democracy in the Islamic world? The objective of this work is to try, to answer these questions, and for this it focuses on two interrelated factors, which the author believes to be fundamental, in order to try to understand Turkey's domestic policy: "nationalism" and "religion", two elements that have been the object of strong debate in Turkey at the turn of the century, in the framework of the two last elections, held in April 1999 and November 2002. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the document of the Negotiating Framework between Turkey and the EU, a series of very important conditioning factors and cautions are introduced, which the author analyses in this article. He makes reference to the "Turkish case", to how it has been treated in the EU countries and institutions, and to the Euroscepticism existing in Turkey. After underscoring the progress and great efforts made by Turkey on its journey toward the EU, the author pauses to discuss the Cyprus conflict, one of the principal obstacles in the process. Finally, in addition to celebrating the beginning of formal negotiations on accession, he highlights Turkey's profound European vocation and appeals to European responsibility with regard to this country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The framework for carrying out negotiations on the accession of Turkey to the EU are defined in a document, the Negotiating Framework, agreed upon by the EU and Turkey on 3 October 2005. This article analyses the general lines of this document, which brings together the principles, substance and procedures of the accession negotiations, raking as its point of departure the widely accepted idea that this framework is more rigorous than those established for other countries that have previously travelled the road to accession to the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this work, the author gives her view of Turkey's accomplishments and the challenges it is facing in its process of acceding to the EU. To this end, in the first place, she offers a general overview of Turkey's position in the process and the adoption of the criteria for accession. Next she makes a brief reference to the political criteria, to focus finally on the economic criteria as well as on the EU acquis, given that these are the principle topics of the negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analisis Politico is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Sociología is the property of Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores various elements that could and (perhaps) should be included in a future peace negotiating agenda between the Colombian government and rebel groups. After analyzing the role of poverty and inequality in the reproduction of the armed conflict, it is argued that the Colombian war does not have clear-cut economic causes, or simple economic solutions. In consequence, the article establishes a series of distinct negotiating scenarios based upon changes to the political regime that might provide incentives to rebel groups to lay down their weapons and incorporate themselves into the democratic system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]