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Humanitarian diplomacy is a relatively recent concept that tries to characterize a long-standing process, the negotiations carried out by the different actors involved in a conflict or natural disaster to facilitate humanitarian access; ensure the protection of the civilian population and the humanitarian space itself; and advocate for the observance of international humanitarian law. This article attempts to reflect on the role of civil society organizations in humanitarian diplomacy, briefly analyzing four identified areas of action (intermediation in negotiations between humanitarian actors; political advocacy for the adoption of measures that prioritize humanitarian needs and the protection of vulnerable populations; and documentation and testimony of violations of international humanitarian law); and also addressing situations in which the organizations and their humanitarian staff become targets of attack, stigmatization and criminalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community leadership is an expression of advocacy in itself. This article proposes to recognize women's community leadership of the Juntas Somos Más Network, their achievements, and expressions of advocacy in the Urabá subregion. A qualitative approach and socio-critical paradigm was adopted, which allows us to unveil the structures of the social order on which the guarantees of rights are put at risk. Interviews, focus groups and workshops were conducted. The main findings include the characterization of the women leaders of the Network, the expressions on advocacy, the contradictory relationship with the State, the vindication for the daily life, and the search for the common. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político is the property of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico - Universidad Pablo de Olavide and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on research on the deployment of a community Internet network in 2019 and 2020 in a rural community of Córdoba, Argentina, the collaboration strategies between organizations to produce technological and political knowledge are analyzed. The compatibility between the approaches of technological sovereignty and food sovereignty; the education-action methodology in the territory, face-to-face, collective and experiential; cooperation during the maintenance and extension of the network; articulation with other community networks and incidence on politics stand out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

«When we converge, we influence», was a phrase uttered by a veteran feminist. From there, this article explores the idea of unity in feminist activism, testing it through one of the most controversial issues within social movements: political advocacy on institutions. The approach to these issues is conducted on the study of The State March Against Machist Violence, better known as 7N, considered a milestone in recent feminism. This unitary and massive demonstration, which directly challenged the State and its institutions, makes it a privileged field of research to delve into the question posed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Over the past two decades, open pit mining in Argentina has experienced a significant growth. As a response to this advance, social resistances to the activity emerged and, since 2003, nine provinces passed laws banning open pit mining. However, resistances have not always succeeded in achieving these restriction laws. So, why in certain provinces social resistances are able to influence on mining legislation while they fail to do so in others? Based on a comparative subnational study of four provinces, this paper argue that processes of influence take place within the framework of a specific Subnational Structure of Opportunity (sso), determined by the degree of plurality in the political systems and the level of development and diversification of their economic matrix. In such sense, this article shows how the characteristics of eos favored social resistances influence on mining legislation in Mendoza and Córdoba cases, as well as how eos constrained the possibility of legislative incidence in Catamarca and San Juan experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Kavilando is the property of Kavilando and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The civil society is gaining a relevant role within the framework of the European Development Aid policy. However, the emphasis granted by the EU is in contrast with the practical experience of civil society organisations in specific contexts and their difficulties to make it effective. This article shows that the civil society's political influence depends on factors that differ widely among regional contexts. The very existence of institutional mechanisms and spaces for dialogue does not guarantee civil society participation or its effective impact on the EU development aid policy. Based on a qualitative research conducted in Senegal, we will illustrate the obstacles that are hindering the political influence of Senegalese civil society organisations and the deep gap between the institutional conception of political influence and the challenges encountered by civil society organisations in their daily work dynamics at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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En un contexto de inestabilidad política, fragmentación social y desigualdad económica, el movimiento LGBT peruano enfrenta una situación de relaciones y espacios de desigualdades de poder, basados en categorías de diferenciación como la raza, el género y la clase. El rezago de las jerarquías y los privilegios coloniales han establecido relaciones orgánicas feudales al interior y por fuera de las organizaciones, hecho que ha imposibilitado, por un lado, el logro de marcos de promoción y protección de derechos humanos; y por otro, la inacción del estado a través de la negación sistemática de toda iniciativa de inclusión LGBT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Kavilando is the property of Kavilando and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)