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The aim of this paper is: first, to show that the relationship between Latin America and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) is a faithful reflection of a class struggle on a world scale, where the correlation of internal and external forces has been articulated over the years in favor of capital; second, to analyze the concrete possibilities that the region will face in the future if it intends to reverse this unfavorable history. The paper argues that the IMF has played a key role in the reconfiguration and extension of the dominance of international finance capital over the productive resources of Latin America by favoring the consolidation of a local capitalist class subordinated to the designs and power of transnational capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, the growing financing needs, and the consequent deterioration of public finances in many countries have created a propitious scenario for the return of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to Latin America after almost a decade and a half of their estrangement. This paper aims at analyzing the relationship between the organization and the region in the context of the coronavirus. We seek to understand to what extent their renewed relations will mirror the IMF's "old- fashioned" preferences that have characterized its interventions during the last two decades of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. For this purpose, we first examine the Fund's official position, reflected in its flagship publications. We affirm that the institution, in its discourse, is increasingly permissive with the use of fiscal stimulus and the State's leading role in crisis resolution. Second, we confront the IMF's rhetoric with its practices, reflected in conditionality and policy recommendations contained in specific agreements signed with Latin American countries in the context of the current crisis. We conclude that the orthodox approach persists in the IMF's practices, but is accompanied by growing adaptive changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research estimates the weight of surcharges that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) expects to levy on middle-income borrowing countries during the 2023-2033 period. The evidence indicates that surcharges do not achieve their alleged objective of encouraging early debt repayment; rather, they increase debt burdens for those middle-income borrowers facing the most acute balance of payment problems, while the IMF profits from these crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to discuss the contribution of autonomy theories to historical analysis in order to identify the different stages that Argentina's relationship with the IMF went through between 1983 and 2007. To carry out this analysis, the prevailing interpretation of autonomy in each stage is used as the organizing criterion, with particular attention paid to "autonomy transitions". These are understood as particular dynamics that are unique to history and may go beyond the mere end and beginning of a presidential term or a change in the political party in power, and may even manifest themselves within the same term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neoliberal recommendations of the Washington Consensus were taken into account in the Political Constitution of 1991, however, in reality they had repercussions in the increase of the external public debt since the political and social conflict, as well as the backwardness of the national industry and dependence on coffee yields impeded long-term economic growth, increasing public spending and the need to resort to external credits [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Ensayos de Economia is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Colección is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this work we analize the form and the content in which was presented the information in argentine newspaper La Nación about the economic agreements between argentine state and International Monetary Fund during Frondizi's government, in a context of increased american interference in the whole region. We believe that this object of study has been little adressed in its specificity, beyond great quantity of works that adress related topics, like those refered to the history of La Nación (Sidicaro, 1993; Zimmermann, 1988) as well as authors and institutions which from diverse methodological and theoretical positionings undertake the study of economic policy from the period and relations between IMF and argentine state (Azpiazu and Kosacoff, 1985; Basualdo, 2013; Brenta, 2013; CEPAL, 1959; Dubat, 1959, IMF, 1958; Rapoport, 2001, Rock, 2006, etc.). From analizing existing ideologemas in reports elaborated by IMF and in Frondizi 's speech, We hypothesize that editorial line of La Nación, particulary in december 1958, started to delineate determinated ideological basis of the conservative economic program in argentine mass media from the second part of twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The economic and financial supervision that the IMF performs on its member countries is disseminated as part of its public information. The Consultations of Article IV, on the economy of Mexico and The Republic of Korea (South Korea), are an example of the arguments and financial analysis by the IMF. In this document, some of the topics of the respective reports are analyzed, considering the opportunity brought about by the change in government in Mexico and the three years of President Moon's rule in Korea. The IMF is making recommendations which are contrary to the political priorities of the governments of Mexico and Korea. The response of the governments, with technical discussions and discrete comments, are part of the communication mechanisms which proceed between the IMF and its associates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Question (1669-6581) is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The ability to provide financial assistance along with its role as auditor and guarantor of economic programs provides the International Monetary Fund (imf) with an important power resource when intervening countries that face external imbalances. Regardless, the mere imposition of policies of the imf over the borrowing governments does not characterize their relationship, neither that the imf invariably shows dissatisfaction with the countries' non-compliance. This paper proposes a theoretical contribution for analyzing the relationship between the imf and the borrowing governments based on the International Political Economy's (ipe) contributions about the incidence of the interests of world power countries and the financial sector, bureaucracies, and domestic actors of the country. The framework of analysis also considers the contributions of the constructivist sociological theory about the characterization of the imf and the borrowing governments as social actors, the restrictive and enabling character that structures have over the agency, and their implications for autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Razón Crítica is the property of La Fundacion Universidad de Bogota Jorge Tadeo Lozano and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While there is consensus that the IMF succeeded in extending globalization and the domination of finance to developing countries, the relationship between the IMF and developing countries is not a link in which invariably the former imposes and the latter complies, nor one in which the organism necessarily disagrees with countries' non-fulfilments. Understanding the historical sense of the relationship and the changing balance of power between actors requires analysing the negotiations through which conflicts between these actors emerge and are resolved. The aim of this paper is to present a contribution on the theoretical status of the relationship between the IMF and the developing countries, considering their role as main borrowers, based on the contributions of the International Political Economy (IPE) concerning the importance of interests as well as those of Sociology concerning the criticism of rational action. We propose a famework of analysis that considers the relationship between the IMF and a developing country as a complex and dynamic link whose result is not determined in advance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Putnam's theory of the two-level games has been recognized for its merit of making explicit the linkages between the domestic level and the systemic level, while it allows to order negotiations with multiple vectors. However, its usefulness for the analysis of specific negotiation processes may be limited by being too schematic and by sustaining some assumptions inconsistent with reality. For that reason this work aims to identify what are the most common methodological difficulties of implementing the framework of two-level games, analyzing multilateral negotiations in the realm of the WTO and bilateral negotiations in which one of the negotiators is a non-State actor (IMF), both with Argentina's participation. Based on the research experience derived from our ph.d dissertations, and on a review of the literature of the area, three alternatives are proposed to address these difficulties: the incorporation of negotiator's bounded rationality, the possibility of randomness and the consideration of the negotiation as a dynamic process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American Sociologist Joseph Kahl (1988) used to say that in Latin America, scholars and researchers of sociology were seduced by the revolutionary spirit of the students and started using wide theories which allowed them to understand the reasons for Latin America's backwards progress instead of studying accessible cases in detail to reach a wider reality. From this (now old) tradition, two trends (Bryant, 2003) have taken place which seem to have a wide acceptance at a regional level: the trend of defending free trade as if it were some sort of unquestionable truth and the trend of attacking it as if it were some sort of illness we have to live with. This has become notorious at the academic level. Even certain authors of both academic trends (Mendoza, 2012; Trentmann, 1998) have taken advantage of the inherent conceptual scarcity of these speeches in political economy in order to reinforce their ideological arguments. Consequently, the speech that aims to attack free market by any means possible, has led scholars and politicians to group within some sort of theoretical bag concepts such as state reduction, the neoliberal philosophy and institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, under the assumption that they are all in complete agreement and work harmoniously. This kind of thinking is supported by the concept of internal colonization by Mexican sociologist Pablo Gonzalez Casanova (Kahl, 1988). This enormous and unintelligible conceptual potpourri is commonly known by the name of Washington Consensus. However, a careful analysis of the each element which supposedly comprises the Washington Consensus will easily show that there are some of these elements which have a very weak conceptual relation amongst them and some others are plain contradictory. This article intended to give some clarity on this issue through the historical and theoretical review of three concepts which have been widely controversial within Latin America. With such purpose, this work will first state some conceptual thoughts. Then the history of the IMF will be shortly narrated, then I will proceed to talk about the concept of state reduction and the neoliberal philosophy in overall -through the thoughts of its greatest advocate, Milton Friedman- and its original idea about non intervention. Then the history of the Washington Consensus will be mentioned and all three elements will be compared through a comparative chart. Finally, some conclusions will be stated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2010, the IMF Board of Governors approved the Fourteenth General Review of Quotas, which proposes significant redistribution of voting power, displacing it from the «over-represented» European states towards the «under-represented» emerging market countries. The results, once the changes are applied, will put the four BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India and China) among the ten largest contributors to the IMF. Using the analytical framework proposed by Barbé et al. (2014), this article considers the recent changes in the light of the collapse of the Bretton Woods system in 1971, the transition to soft loans and the restructuring of sovereign debt. Given that the enormous loans to bailout Greece, Ireland and Portugal recommend continuing to use the IMF to promote the interests of the EU, it is argued that it is too early to speak of European decline at the heart of the Fund. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article outlines and interprets the discourse which representatives of the Argentine government instigated during the process of negotiating external debt from 2003 to 2005 in inverting the argumentative logic employed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to justify the strengthening of Neoliberalism in Argentina after the "2001 crisis". It considers a corpus of data composed by a pertinent sample of 59 articles published in Clarín newspaper analysed according to methodological tools for analysing discourse. It is expected that this task shall facilitate a reflection - with a greater degree of abstraction - on the characteristics of an emerging "anti-neoliberal" discourse as a legitimising axis for the political agenda of officialism in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research article the study of cultural institutionalism between 1982 and 1992 through Radio Nacional de Colombia is dealt with. During that period, institutionalism defined by the cultural organization and the national identity representation as the faculties belonging to the Colombian State, which generated a series of struggles and competences for its control and monopoly, is questioned. The study of cultural institutionalism conceived as a field of cultural production, and its relationship with public broadcasting, was made from a genetic analysis of cultural institutionalism, an analysis of its structure in the 1980's decade. In the reorganization of cultural institutionalism, the role of public media in the State cultural and educational activities, in which commercial media took on most of its functions, was redefined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Temas de Historia Argentina y Americana is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In March, 2009, the IMF reformed its financing and conditionality policy, seeking to encourage counter-cyclical policies and to reduce interference in local policy for borrowing countries. This study seeks to analyze to what extent the reform made concrete changes in practice, as a function of the established target. The agreements approved during the year are studied from the outbreak of the crisis, and the magnitude of the disbursements and a calendar for them, plus the conditionalities by area, type and grade of demand are considered. After that, the results before and after the reform are compared. It is proposed that although the reform achieved the objective of promoting counter-cyclical policies related to financial policy, the scope of the conditionality policy was more limited. This is verified by the greater demand for conditions oriented to the adjustment of spending and a continued lack of limitations on capital movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Semestre Económico is the property of Sello Editorial de la Universidad de Medellin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, the authors make a critical analysis a bout the detonated factors of the financial crisis which affected some of the main economies belonging to the Asia Pacific region. They do this by rejecting the traditional explications that they see in the monetary and financial factors as the direct responsible, they consider that these explications are only the phenomenon expressions which do not consider the structural ca uses. Also they discuss that the crisis explosion was owned to some lack of the capital accumulation process in an international scale, which has as reference the hegemonic dispute among the main central countries of the global accumulation model and that, up to now, has affected more to the Japanese model. At the same time, the authors consider that the new international reconfiguration allows to observe a new balance inside the Asiatic bloc with China as the backing figure of the Asiatic bloc project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]