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At the time of the 20th anniversary of the adoption of United Nations Security Council resolution 1325, this paper conducts a critical analysis of the track record of the international Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. The text retraces the history of the WPS agenda by examining its key features, strengths, gaps and weaknesses. What are the main criticisms made of the series of measures on the WPS agenda and their implementation? Answering this question enables us to glimpse the agenda's major weaknesses, as well as the key challenges for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article deals with the training experience performed in the home and care worker syndicate (Sindihogar) in Barcelona, by means of a collective work. For this purpose, I write a reflection joining the concept of situated knowledges (Haraway, 1995/1991) and the feminist activist research (Biglia, 2005). These concepts allowed me to lay a bridge from the reflections about knowledge and the everyday circumstances where it is produced. The first part of this work is presented as an exposition about Sindihogar. Then, the methodological section that guided the process and the implementation is explained. It concludes with some reflections related to feminist activist research to be considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses women in political positions in Latin America as well as the access of women to political power in the region. Reference is made to female presidents Cristina Fernández of Argentina, Dilma Rousseff of Brazil, and Michelle Bachelet in Chile, among others. Topics discussed include statistics of women in local and regional politics in Latin America, women's access to political party roles, and details of the establishment of gender quotas in legislative elections in countries including El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Uruguay.

The author recounts her experiences in Chile during the presidency of Salvador Allende and the role of women on political and social stage.. [TRANSLATION]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Galindo Hermila feminist ideas, revolutionary who lived in the early twentieth century, the fight for women's suffrage, a brief overview of their participation in the First Feminist Congress in Mexico, held in Merida, Yucatan in January 1916 and review of its participation as the first woman to run for federal deputy in Mexico, the contents of this article. The campaign by Hermila Galindo was recovered thanks to a thorough search in the National Newspaper and the private collection of Rosario Galindo Topete and Alfonso Ballesteros, Hermila daughter and grandson, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following investigation is concerned with the Afrocolombian women's problem as a political subject. The main goal of the study is to characterize the process that Afrocolombian women (a communitarian leader, a college leader and a politic leader) in order to do it will use the political self. The principal strategy to answer the previous question is life's history using the biographic interview. The investigators created a dialectical model about the process of construction as a political being, which is constituted by the reality knowledge, the attitude in front of and the political action; in the same way manner personal, interpersonal, institutional and socio - cultural influences are include also. The results relate to the convergences and the divergences found in the participant's speech about their construction as political subject; which generate reflections about why some people practice politics actions and other person don't do that. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the career of feminist, intellectual, and social activist Mercedes Olivera Bustamente. It explains that Olivera Bustamente studied anthropology at the Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (ENAH) in Mexico City, Mexico during the 1950s. The article notes that she became disillusioned with traditional anthropological approaches to social problems when she witnessed how, in her view, a combination of Christianity and local customs in Puebla, Mexico kept women in a state of oppression. It mentions that she was appointed by Mexican secretary of culture Gonzalo Aguirre Beltrán to head the Escuela de Desarrollo in San Cristóbal de las Casas in Chiapas, Mexico, but was later dismissed for allegedly inciting resistance to the government.

The article discusses Brazil in 1968. It explains that the Brazilian student movement came to represent the head of opposition to the dictatorship that had deposed Brazilian president João Goulart in 1964. It notes that students, the sons and daughters of the upper classes, enjoyed greater influence than other opposition groups, like labor unions and peasant associations, which had been marginalized by the dictatorship. It examines publicity showing the increasing presence of women and the influence of changes in sexual behavior in the student movement.

This article illustrates how gender is an explanatory factor in the characteristics and forms of action of a social movement that is not based on gender issues: the protest against the National Hydrological Plan (year 2000) in Tarragona. It examines how gender roles and identities shape the political practices of female activists, in terms of motivation, handicaps, resistance and facilities for their political participation. With all of this, the article shows the usefulness of incorporating the gender perspective into the analysis of group action in order to achieve a more appropriate understanding of social mobilization processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores one of the most relevant current issues for women in Argentina: female heads of household and leadership in certain Socio-Economic Community Organizations (OESC). In general terms, both in Latin America and Argentina, being a Female Head of Household and a OESCs leader can be a form of employment for single women who have no regular companion, or even if they do, it is up to the women to provide for the daily sustenance and make decisions for the whole family group. This situation is in turn compounded by the analysis of women's responsibility in the activities of daily reproduction within the family in the Domestic Unit (UD). We believe a gender perspective enhances the analysis of women's participation and leadership in the neighborhoods of the popular sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the feminist ideologies encouraged by several government-backed women's organizations during the Francoist regime in Spain: the feminine sections of the Falange political party and that of the religious organization Catholic Action. The author explores the regime's official discourse on women and its ideals about feminine socialization and cites how these were communicated and implemented by the two organizations in Valladolid, Spain, in the period 1939-1959. She also considers the relationship between these feminine groups and the Francoist regime and the contradictions between their pro-regime discourse and their feminist activism.

Copyright of Journal of International Women's Studies is the property of Journal of International Women's Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Prohistoria is the property of Prohistoria Ediciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores both the aesthetic and political work of the Bolivian women's activist group Mujeres Creando, an anarcha-feminist collective formed in the 1980s that uses propaganda, street theater and direct action to combat poverty and social injustice. Attention is given to the murals painted by members of the group, as well as to poetic and political nature of graffiti attributed to the group. The rebellious, feminist nature of Mujeres Creando is analyzed and the role of the poetic aesthetic in its anarchist activism is explored.