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The essential purpose of the paper is to analyze the tendency of personalization of politics in electoral campaigns as a result of the change within party organizations, understood as institutional arrangements and adjustments that political parties have had to assume to remain present in the electoral system. Mexican parties, by maximizing the media visibility of the candidates and their personal qualities, delegating political experience to the background (Rahat, 2015) and, on the other hand, due to the personal political leadership they have developed. The case studies presented are two. The first is the 2012 presidential election, marking the return to power of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) with its candidate Enrique Peña Nieto, under a campaign scheme based on the party's structural support, but also due to high media exposure of life personality of a politician with personal charismatic qualities. The second case that is analyzed is the victory of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, it supposes the rise of a recently created political party; National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) who saw in the figure of his candidate the means to be a protagonist of national political life. Both cases represented government alternations and show two contrasting types of political leadership from their origin and in the way they developed their political careers to reach the presidency of the Republic. It is also important to note that there are exogenous factors that drive partisan change and the emergence of personal political leadership. Among them is the decrease in partisan identities (Moreno, 2009), the volatility of the vote (Díaz and Vivero, 2015) and the increase in the use of digital communication media. All this contributes to the fact that electoral campaigns are in the postmodern stage (Díaz, 2016) characterized by prioritizing the exposure of the personal image of the candidates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we posed several questions: What was the explanatory capacity of inequality and poverty at the state level in the United States presidential elections in 2012 and 2016?; what was the state balance in the presidential elections in the United States? By using the "American National Election Studies Survey", We also investigated the individual level to try to figure what variables could help us understand the vote in favor of the Republican presidential candidates in 2012 and 2016? Thus, to answer our questions, we conducted two analyzes, one at the state level and the other, based on individual voters, in order to explain the contrasting results of 2012 and 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The press in Spanish in the United States, of Hispanic observance, played a significant role in the re-election of president Obama in 2012, not as much because they campaigned for that candidate, as due to the treatment given in the months prior to the polls to Hispanic social, economic and political problems. This article crosses two parallel researches by studying these topics in four newspapers and four magazines among the most relevant over six months and the front-pages of these periodicals presenting the victory of Obama, by means of a pragmalinguistic analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]