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In the national strike of June 2022 in Ecuador, the media was the scene of confrontational discourses regarding the mobilization. The community media, unlike the private media, allied themselves with the demonstrators' positions. This theoretical-analytical reflection addresses two particularities that were evidenced in the practices of community media, the media-space relationship and the configuration of discourses, in order to evaluate the power of these media to sustain different and more responsible communication proposals, especially in contexts of high social conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research explored school coexistence from the students' perception of conflict, and was developed under a mixed descriptive approach. The conceptual foundation included information associated with the construction of reality, conflict and violence, as seen from Galtung's theory. The fieldwork was based on a non-probabilistic sampling, corresponding to 24 students of the Francisco José Caldas School of Cúcuta in Norte de Santander, Colombia. The diagnosis showed that perceptions of conflict correspond to the notion of direct violence, are based on negative implicit appraisals, and are difficult to modify. In addition, students have a low capacity to develop explicitly grounded conceptions, since the cultural and social environment repeatedly presents conflict in a negative way. The results can contribute to the formulation of strategies for the construction of a healthy school coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When human relationships are affected by conflict, tensions between norms arise, fragmentation occurs, and social cohesion weakens. In this context, the impacts of affirmative action on ethnic fragmentation in the Department of Cauca are examined, with a particular focus on Afro-descendant and indigenous communities in the north of the region. To analyze it, a fractionation index was used that evaluates the dispersion of non-governmental organizations. The results showed an increase in fragmentation among indigenous communities; Furthermore, the number of Afro-descendant associations exceeded that of indigenous ones, with no evidence of a demonstration effect. It is concluded that the trend towards fragmentation has weakened large organizations that defend common causes, predicting conflicts both within and between different groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last ten years, the city of Mazatlán has undergone a process of neoliberalization of space with the boom of the second home sector centered in the area adjacent to the coastal boardwalk and in areas near it, stimulating real estate speculation. The objective of this study is to analyze the social problems generated by the vertical construction boom in the coastal zone of the tourist city. Qualitative methodology is used based on field observation, semi-structured interviews with neighbors of two neighborhoods with vertical construction projects, and consultation of the local press that gives testimony of the social conflicts derived from this type of construction. It is concluded that the construction of vertical projects in the coastal zone has triggered social tension through alterations to the tranquility of the intervened areas, as well as the collapse of the infrastructure of public services such as drinking water and drainage, which was not introduced to meet the demand of a high population density. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deepening of the mining model in the province of San Juan (Argentina) in the last two decades produced high levels of social conflict. Coinciding with a collection of socio-environmental conflicts in Latin America, the case of San Juan shows the increase of a collective conscience in the defense of nature's assets, in particular water resources. In this framework, this work problematizes the dimension of water as the axis of social claims and resistance based on the contributions of Political Ecology and the Hydrosocial Cycle as theoretical approaches. In order to reflect the hydrosocial dynamics of the conflict, a documentary analysis is carried out that allows identifying the narratives and constructions of meaning of the actors in dispute over water and that highlights the political-normative weaknesses, the economic interests and the increasingly more growing social power. Given this case analysis, it can be stated that mining extractivism in the province of San Juan places the water issue as a central issue of disputes and continues to reproduce socio-environmental conflicts centered on the alterations of the hydrosocial cycles produced by the extractivist model through big scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current rise of new right-wing groups with a particular combination of intransigent economic liberalism and conservative nationalist fascism, a kind of liberfascism, advocates for both a strict apology for the capitalist market and the exclusion of anything that challenges its model in the political and cultural spheres. Based on the populist discourse that exploits the discontent caused by neoliberal democracy, they gain followers for nationalist, cultural, and racist reasons that in the end are nothing more than right-wing deception to protect the rule of capital. Faced with the restoration of an already exhausted neoliberal model, an intersectionality appears between the Left and the Right which, far from confirming the diagnosis of the end of ideologies and the deactivation of the class struggle, rekindles conflicts over capital. This article deals with such a situation. It argues how intersectionality is not a privilege of the Left, but is also used by the extreme populist Right to channel discontent and propagate its particular brand of oppression. It is concluded, based on examples of struggles in Latin America and Europe, that an intersectional and transversal politics must be developed in the face of the hegemony of the new populist and nationalist Right; the political tactic must not be local, but must pursue a new international strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is concluded that the existence of young people in Riosucio, department of the Colombian Pacific Chocó, is configured between the pressure of a State-centric discourse on being a citizen, the risks of the armed conflict, and the agencies of the Youth Platform itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze metaphors about the social outbreak in editorials, from Diario El Sur and Diario Concepción, two of Concepción's local newspapers. The corpus was composed of 23 editorials from these newspapers. Metaphor identification was done through Discourse Dynamics Approach to Metaphor. A total of 653 metaphors was found, which was then grouped, resulting in a total sum of 268 metaphors for the analysis. In this research, the editorial perspective about the social outbreak of two local newspapers was studied through metaphor. In both media outlets, similar metaphor vehicles were used. While Diario El Sur prioritizes the need for normalization, Diario Concepción legitimates the demonstrations as an expression of social discontent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article raises the hypothesis that in the twenty-first century in the city of Lima, the processes of commodification have generated changes in space production, urban expansion, and modalities of access to urban land for the lower-income sectors. Informal market auctions are replacing non-commercial mechanisms such as invasions and public land distribution programs. The methodology used was based on case studies and used quantitative and qualitative techniques. Among its conclusions, the city of Lima, between 2001 and 2018, has expanded by 91 % by illegal mechanisms, in which commercial transactions have greater weight than noncommercial ones. Growth occurs on non-productive nature public or communally owned land and the submarkets have a political character that without the participation of the authorities could not exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extractivist practices have created environmental and health risks in Mexico. This research addressed the socio-environmental conflict generated by the mega-infrastructure of the Morelos Integral Project (mip). The research carried out an exploratory, genetic-structural, and historical territorial study supported by primary and secondary sources of information. The results obtained are a historical and chronological reconstruction of the social production of the water conflict in Morelos generated by hydro extractivist practices linked to the mip, identification of the current and latent socio-environmental effects of socio-economic and political-administrative activities and processes due to intensive water extraction in Morelos. In addition, the actors and the power relations intertwined within the framework of the mip were identified. In conclusion, the study demonstrated how the intensive extraction and contamination of the water resources of Morelos characterize the mip. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we do a review of two case studies that shows the continuity in the construction of hydro-social conflicts that were triggered by the promotion of hydroelectric dam projects as generators of development in Mexico. Without prior consultation processes, socio-environmental impact studies and with the presence of water-power discourses, they affected several indigenous communities in the Northern, Central and Costa Chica regions of Guerrero. Through a table of analysis, the categories used in the review of these cases such as: scale, region, community organizations, civil society, state authorities, the private sector and the methodologies used in the reviewed studies are shown. All this in order to highlight these iconic cases of the State of Guerrero at the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century as hydro-social conflicts where the water-power relationship was present and were antecedents of other later socio-environmental conflicts in this state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the theoretical and methodological design for the issues of socio-ecological systems in conflict (SESC). The model arises from the growing socio-environmental devastation whose production worsened with neoliberalism causing ecological and health implications. Designed from the onto)epistemological perspective of Marx's critical discourse, the model allows studying the genesis, structure, development, and trends of a SESC. The preliminary results obtained in this research confirm that the epistemological and conceptual elements of Marx's critical discourse are functional for the design of an analysis model that allows accounting for the conditions of economic and legal possibility that make the configuration of a SESC possible. In conclusion, the relevance of characterizing SESCs as biosocial spaces in they are a metabolic dislocation of the natural conditions of world geography and human breeding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Situated within the field of social conflict studies and focused on the local scale, this paper provides an overview of social conflict in the city of Mar del Plata (Buenos Aires, Argentina) between January 1997 and February 2002. It centres on two analytical dimensions: firstly, the paper delineates the topics of conflict; and secondly, it identifies what type of organisations participated, with particular emphasis on the ways state agencies were involved. The methodological approach is quantitative, based on the development of a database on conflict taking a local newspaper as its historical source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to historicize the ongoing struggle process carried out by the Union of Popular Economy Workers concerning the demand for recognition of Popular Neighborhoods (settlements, slums, etc.). It represents a strategic effort that succeeded in institutionalizing itself within the Ministry of Social Development of the Nation through the creation and management of the Secretariat for Socio-Urban Integration, born and conceived within the productive units of popular economy and territorial organizations. This trajectory is interesting as an emblematic case of political, economic, and cultural innovation led by workers. Therefore, an analysis is proposed to assess its scope as an alternative economic experience and its relationship of co-construction, co-government, cooption, and/or tension with the State. To do so, a brief overview is provided of the state of the art of studies on Popular Economy in the Latin American region and its tensions with Social and Solidarity Economy. Subsequently, a study of documents and discursive records is carried out, focusing on: the semantic shifts from slums/settlements to popular neighborhoods, and from squatters/occupants to popular economy workers; the uses of urban space; and the institutional arrangements that were activated in the process, as dimensions of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyze the problem of social conflicts from a critical-reflexive perspective. To achieve this end, the article focuses on the following aspects: 1. The theoretical dimension of social conflicts, taking into account that these can be defined as existing contradictions at the family, interpersonal, couple or cultural level, which generally lead to in episodes of violence, moved by clashes of interests, negatively modifying social structures. 2. The issue of social conflict in Latin America, a scenario that, given its high levels of inequalities, has specific connotations, producing permanent tensions and constant demands for improvements in living conditions, given the failures of the democratic State. 3. The need for dialogue, education and other strategies required as instruments for conflict resolution, for denouncing contexts of marginalization and exclusion of identities, which can be achieved through an educational, formal and informal praxis, which guide to the resolution of social problems. The method used for the elaboration of the investigation is the hermeneutic-documentary. It is concluded in the possibility of moving from conflictive scenarios towards a culture of peace, respect and tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increase in socio-environmental conflicts in Peru generates the perception, at the level of the population, of a lack of State intervention in the management of these conflicts and that this contributes to their reaching levels of violence. The objective of this study is to determine whether the scarce and untimely intervention of the State contributed to socioenvironmental conflicts in Peru becoming violent, during the periods 2004 - 2020, through the methodology of the case study, with the review of 189 monthly reports of the Defensoría del Pueblo, published between October 2004 and July 2020, which evaluated the behavior of state entities in 99 socioenvironmental conflicts reported as active in the Defensoría del Pueblo report of July 2020. On the basis of the information analyzed, it was possible to determine the participation of State entities in all the socio-environmental conflicts studied, fulfilling different roles and through institutions at its three levels (national, regional and local). The high percentage of conflicts that reach the level of violence and other evidence, allow us to conclude that the state intervention is characterized by being reactive, inefficient and with little coordination between its different instances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opposition driven by social movements rooted in native or peasant communities against mining projects, such as the Conga's ones (Peru), shows a special difficulty for the analysis due to the importance of ceremonies in which entheogens are used to contact with spirits and to enable the production of information, diagnoses and plans. This kind of social movements require a cultural analysis that underlines the cultural gaps between the collective actors that also affects the ideological frameworks and the theoretical models that are used by the activists and the researchers. At the end, the article concludes that the four-ontology map proposed by Descola, which establishes four relationships between the human and the non-human, is very useful in order to analyze conflicts in terms of ontological gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essential proposal of this research article is based on the analysis, from the point of view of Marxism, of the political impact that this form of thought and social analysis generated to understand the intellectual and political transformations to the extent that the conditions of oppression arising from class antagonisms have remained in force; Marxism continues to be a source of interpretation and analysis to understand the idea of human emancipation. Concepts such as class struggle and the capital-labor contradiction are irrefutable when we analyze society, its structure and its profoundly unequal composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neoliberal recommendations of the Washington Consensus were taken into account in the Political Constitution of 1991, however, in reality they had repercussions in the increase of the external public debt since the political and social conflict, as well as the backwardness of the national industry and dependence on coffee yields impeded long-term economic growth, increasing public spending and the need to resort to external credits [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on socio-territorial conflicts and social movements has focused on «accumulative» and «joint» effects. The case of the Chiloé archipelago shows a process of diachronic accumulation since the beginning of the 21st century. That accumulation is combined with external factors associated with the salmon industry cycle, the dominant productive activity, and the political and institutional process. Theoretically, the case might respond to transformative consequences since the territorial accumulation here is not different from what happened in similar territorial conflicts. However, this paper proposes that contextual factors -such as the political alliances and the state and private support of the salmon industry-limit both the articulation of diverse actors and the scope of socio-political transformations to address the conflicts' roots. In this regard, the paper concludes that the political consequences tend to be limited or circumscribed to minor changes while also offering new theoretical elements to enrich the original model of political consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El presente artículo busca señalar la existencia de dos conflictos, al menos, que se presentan en Colombia. El primero es un conflicto directo mayoritariamente sufrido en zonas rurales. El segundo es un tele-conflicto. De su raíz griega es un conflicto que se vive desde lejos (tele). Este último, si bien es virtual, produce efectos reales en los sujetos con un alto poder de decisión, especialmente en zonas urbanas. Con ello se busca señalar el rol de los medios como condición de posibilidad para la existencia del conflicto, pero no sólo debido al uso (abuso) que se pueda dar de ellos para la continuación del conflicto, sino por la misma manera en que es medializado. Para ello se analiza como caso empírico la refrendación de los acuerdos de paz de La Habana entre el estado colombiano y la guerrilla de las FARC-EP. Para ello se hará un análisis fenomenológico de la manera en que los medios interactúan con el sujeto. Con ello se busca observar el rol constitutivo de los medios de la experiencia humana. Con este punto como pivote, se señala la existencia de los dos conflictos previamente nombrados. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Con el objetivo de evidenciar la forma en que la diversidad sociodemográfica ha resignificado el proceso de desarrollo territorial y origina líneas de fuga que trascienden la hegemonía de los poderes económicos-políticos-ambientales en los Llanos-Orientales, se realiza una metodología experimental que combina análisis situacionales, la genealogía, y la reconstrucción histórica de fenómenos sociales a través de 87 entrevistas a líderes sociales entre el 2019-2021. Los resultados muestran un territorio de activa conexión cultural que favorecen la lucha contra hegemónica dentro de las metáforas de "el mito del Estado nación" y "la imposibilidad de generar alternativas". El análisis expone la existencia de rebeliones de conducta a través de resistencias cotidianas creativas, políticas y culturales, que favorecen el poder de la confianza, la solidaridad, la cooperación, el afecto, así como los liderazgos colectivos. Se concluye que el poder central no tiene la capacidad de capturar estas resistencias ya que no tiene la potencia analítica para percibir la reconfiguración del espíritu humano ni las variaciones del tejido social. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the socio-cultural dynamics present in the village of Puerto Claver, municipality of El Bagre, Antioquia, as a result of the mining economic context. The phenomenological approach allowed an approach to the social realities from the daily life of the people, their life experiences and stories. One result is that the practice of gold mining, rooted in the township as the main economic alternative, generates uprooting compared to other forms of survival, such as harvesting and planting food and medicinal plants, fishing and beekeeping. As economic and productive practices are transformed, as well as the relationship with the environment, social relations, pre-existing socio-cultural dynamics and the social and community fabric also change. In this context, women's associations have a significant role to play in re-signifying and energizing alternative economic processes to mining practices, through which they can transform social and community relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ability of historical materialism to articulate a history of democracy that focuses on social conflict as the main engine for the emergence and consolidation of representati- ve democratic institutions. The article begins by reflecting on the withdrawal and rise of Marxism in the academic world. It continues to define democracy as an object of study and investigates the capacity of political Marxism as a tool for the construction of this historical interpretation. Historiographical background in this field continues to be exposed to end with an exposition of the hypotheses of our targeted research plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The value profiles of public sector workers and the value conflicts they face are dependent on organizational characteristics, it has been suggested. However, little is known about the influence of administrative traditions on these profiles and conflicts in professional settings. Whereas some suggest administrative traditions might be influential, others maintain that professional characteristics determine which values are considered important and which value conflicts are experienced. This exploratory study compares Dutch and Spanish academic teachers in order to empirically assess the extent of any variation in the value profiles and value conflicts of professionals working in the same sector but in countries with different state traditions. The analysis of Q methodological data and interview data (N = 63) reveals similarities as well as differences and suggests that it is an interplay between professional characteristics and a country's administrative tradition that determines which values are considered to be important and which conflicts are experienced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoclassical theories of migration are limited to analyze the contemporary migration crisis because in their framework, forced migration has a conceptual treatment unrelated to the economic structure. This issue is discussed by expanding the concept of social vulnerability, through an analysis of state power from a class struggle perspective, to understand the particular context in which, instead of promoting, it hinders the processes of social reproduction. In this way, it seeks to show that the conditions of vulnerability of migrants are produced within the framework of the capital accumulation model and its economic policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores in detail the concept of ideology in Žižek's work, showing its affiliation with Lacan's notion of phantasm. Considering ideology in the light of its relations with the divided subject and with the objet a, the essay shows how ideology intervenes on two levels that must be distinguished: the fantasy and the symptom. What I will propose is that ideology looks on one side towards fantasy, whose function is to hide the difference between political reality and the real, and on the other it evokes the symptom, which is the return of the real, of what was excluded from reality and which, nevertheless, appears to reintroduce the lack in the social field. This premise will lead me to argue that if the symptom is what makes the unification of reality impossible, the danger of the realization of fantasy lies in the search for a fully reconciled political reality. Where the project of fantasy becomes the destruction of the symptom, the elimination of social conflict, violence becomes unlimited, it never ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the role of the Peruvian State in the management of social conflicts in Peru, during the last ten years (2010-2021), through a bibliographic review of articles from indexed journals and documents from institutions linked to conflict management in Peru, coming to the conclusion that the Peruvian State only ten years ago institutionalized an instance of intersectoral coordination for conflict management and this has undergone changes, for its part, of the 24 regional governments, only four have created a specialized instance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes popular empowerment and its Latin American understanding of the concept. Based on a casuistic and discursive analysis of Hugo Chávez and Chavismo, it examines the epistemological and empirical errors in the use of this concept since the dawn of the Bolivarian or Chavista revolution to understand how the transition towards a model of participatory democracy and, therefore, of popular empowerment results in criminal governance. This result derives from the classist nature of Chavez's discourse, in which the bourgeois condition of middle and upper sectors of Venezuelan society is criminalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory of socio-cognitive conflict emerges in European Psychology in the 1970s, particularly from the research of the social psychology school of Geneve, that had a strong diffusion in the following years. This theory represents a neo-piagetian critical view of Piaget's theory of cognitive development, in the sense that the attention is focused on the role of peer socio-cognitive interaction (specifically in the social confrontations of different points of view) enhancing cognitive growth. The value of the socio-cognitive conflict promoting cognitive development lies in the decentration effect that it produces. According to this view, disturbance resulting from socio-cognitive conflicts gives way to a superior state of equilibrium. The first part of the article focuses on the theoretical and methodological analysis of the concept. In that way, two periods are distinguished in the evolution of the paradigm attending the inclusion of the communicational analysis of the verbal exchange between subjects. Also, this analysis refers to many confusions and misunderstandings in the larger application of the paradigm to psychology and education. The aim of the second part is to present some experimental illustrations produced by the IRICE (CONICET) research team's work. These illustrations concern three conceptual axes: the application of the paradigm to the development of the formal-logical intelligence, the microanalysis of modalities and types of socio-cognitive conflict, and the extended application of the paradigm to the knowledge learning and conceptual change. The research reported in the first axis concerns the comparison of two experimental conditions: collaborative (dyads) and individual problem solving task (problems of Raven's test), in a sample of 12-13 year old students. The comparison concerns to the performances both in the experimental treatment and in the individual post-test of equivalent problems applied to all participants. Results show, in both cases, the superiority of the collective condition. The second axis focuses on some studies concerning the modalities and types of socio-cognitive conflicts. Particularly, a system of categories for the analysis of the social behavior of children of different ages (4, 8 and 12 years old) in a block construction task (to build a house) is reported. This system differentiates many kinds of interactional behavior: dissociation, dominance-submission (both lower social coordination), cooperation (implicit and explicit) and collaboration (these three are modalities of higher social coordination). The third axis examines some illustrations referring to the extension of paradigm to the epistemic learning. After some references to the difficulty of this extension to the educational settings, two studies are reported. The first one concerns an experimental comparison between a collaborative learning condition (dyads) and an individual learning condition in university students of Psychology and Physics. Also, two kinds of collaborative learning are considered, one that assures alternating of participation, the incentive of argumentation and the reciprocal evaluation (in other words, the promotion of the socio-cognitive conflict), and one that is carried out without any intervention (spontaneous collaborative learning). Results show the superiority of the promoting socio-cognitive conflict condition upon the others, both in a written production and in individual learning post-tests. In a second research the comparison is between three instructional modalities to teach an epistemic topic: expositive, participative (with teacher's scaffolding) and collaborative (only peers), in students of the first grade of secondary education (13 years old), in samples taken from two schools. Results for individual learning show that there are not great differences between the three modalities when the initial level (pre-test) of cognitive competence is high, but not if the cognitive level is low; here the collaborative condition (without scaffolding) has many difficulties. Finally, the article presents some general conclusions specifically concerning the socio-cognitive conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amazonian indigenous peoples demand the integral delimitation of their territory, which includes hunting and fishing areas, in response to territorial invasion by extractive activities. These peoples have developed management and territorial planning proposals as concrete local alternatives. After reviewing the extractivist moment in which Peru finds itself, the proposals for alternatives registered in the Atlas of Environmental Justice based on the parameter "Result of the conflict" are analyzed. Common features of stalled conflicts that led to successful resistance, albeit temporary, are identified. We delve into the most elaborate and advanced concrete proposals made by the Amazonian indigenous peoples in agreement with local state agencies in charge of the Amazon Forest, and the legal or illegal activities that threaten even their existence with murders of environmental defenders. It is concluded that local self-government is an important response to extractivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this article is to analyze the characteristics of the political and social development of the dominant sectors that led the civil war that occurred during the Independence of Chile in the Aconcagua region. The results reflect that the independence process in the territorial space studied was led by the middle sectors, a heterogeneous group in economic and social terms, who allied themselves passively and ambivalently, both to the insurgent and to the royalist side. This conflict is shown to be rooted in the complex political culture rather than "social class". This dominant sector will be replaced, once independence is proclaimed, by the group of large landowners, related to the elite of Santiago. The sources used are the municipal archives of San Felipe, the Sesiones de los Cuerpos Legislativos, the Archivo de Don Bernardo O'Higgins, the collection of José Ignacio Víctor Eyzaguirre, and the newspapers El Monitor Araucano and La Gazeta del Gobierno de Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a look at the social conflicts that have taken place in Costa Rica during the Covid-19 pandemic (January 2020 and December 2021). This study comes from the registered collective actions and the experiences of the "Community Observatory of Collective Actions." Based on this data, four axes of conflict were identified during this period: a) The demand for rights and defense of indigenous territories, b) Communities in defense of water and the environment, c) Draft laws that threaten common goods, d) Labor conflicts and pollution in the production of monocultives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work is framed within the Project Reinventions of schooling in public schools. Institutions, subjects and experiences in times of demands for equality and aims at the institutionalization of obligatory secondary school in socially complex contexts. The time that has elapsed, the complex sequence of programs and projects and the daily work of teachers, allow for a broad panorama of questions to be reviewed. Among these issues, in this paper we address the ways in which adults position themselves vis-à-vis young people in a school located in a neighborhood crossed by strong tensions and growing inequalities. We recovered the categories elaborated in the framework of the research to focus on views and practices in which young people are considered in their context and inscribed in the terrain of a possible inclusion. The aim is to problematize the way in which adults deal with different situations and link them to the recognition of adolescent otherness within the framework of the processes of institutionalization of extended compulsory education. In this sense, and from the analyzed accounts, we propose - from the institutional perspective - to think of the democratization of the school as a work of pluralization of symbolic places and subjective anchors, facing the obstacles arising from the erasure of the subject in the neoliberal public and educational policies since 2015 and the social conflict unleashed as a result of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Located in the northern extreme of South America, Colombia is one of the most mercury contaminated countries in the world, a situation that threatens its natural wealth and highly endemic neotropical biodiversity and adds to its multiple environmental and social conflicts. Internationally designated as a Ramsar site, the Ayapel wetland complex registers the catching of 23 % of the fish production of the Magdalena-Cauca macro-basin, while at the same time is under intense alluvial mining pressure. Exposure to two endocrine disruptors [mercury (Hg) and arsenic (As)] was traced in fish for human consumption, water and sediments collected in the central marshes of Ayapel, Escobillas and Paticos. Previously unreported concentrations of arsenic were found in sediments and water. This is quite a relevant finding, since it is a carcinogen and because local rice crops are supplied by the water of the marsh system, which may increase toxicological risk for the people of the region. In addition, 96 % of the fish registered statistically significant contents of both Hg and As. The fish blanquillo (Sorubim cuspicaudus) was found to contain the highest levels of both pollutants, while the bocachico (Prochilodus magdalenae) registered the highest level of Hg in the last 15 years for the studied area. Framed in mercury variation in the macro-basin's ichthyofauna (1993-2020), a warning is issued about unmonitored impacts on food webs and the urgency of intersectoral actions to protect biodiversity and human health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both the ontology of sexual difference, as elaborated by feminism of sexual difference, and the de-ontologization of sexual (in-)difference, as deconstructed by queer transfeminism, appeal to a concept of difference that is non-dualist, non-hierarchical, and non-exclusive as the core of their theoretical-political argument. However, both theories are elaborated in incompatible ways that lead to opposing political projects. The current article aims to elaborate the reasons for this divergence within the framework of a realistic and material ontology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to discuss the temporal dimension of social conflicts through the lens of the deliberative approach to democracy. In this sense, it seeks to fill a gap in this approach, challenging an implicit premise in several studies, namely that more time for discussion implies democratic inclusion. In dialogue with the concepts of slow violence, durational time, and event, we seek to discuss how overlapping temporalities, attempts to control the pace of political processes by the actors involved, and the duration of these processes impact both the presence and positioning of these actors and the configuration of public debates. Using an interpretative methodological approach, we discuss these issues based on two cases of environmental conflicts over mining in the state of Minas Gerais in recent decades, in the region of Serra do Gandarela and in the municipality of Brumadinho. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El articulo discute sobre la obra teatral "El mercader de Venecia" de William Shakespeare desde perspectivas históricas, ideológicas y dramáticas. El articulo tambien se centrae en la el conflicto entre cristianos y judíos en la Europa medieval,la confrontación económica e ideológica entre Shylock y Antonio y El artículo contextualiza el conflicto religioso y social en el que se desarrolla la trama y examina cómo Shakespeare aborda estos temas en su obra.

Objective/Context: This study starts by asking what the main determinants of trust in the police are in Latin America. Based on conflict theory, it argues that class divisions and ethnic diversity founded on European colonization have left a legacy of social control conflicts, in which some groups find themselves in a privileged position in their dealings with the police, while others remain in a position of exclusion and vulnerability. Methodology: This research examines data from Latinobarómetro 2018. It uses ordinal logistic regression (OLR) models to evaluate the effects of the subject's sociodemographic and attitudinal characteristics, as well as a mixed-effects model to observe contextual level indicators (country characteristics). Conclusions: The confidence of Latin Americans in the police is affected by their class position, their opinion on who governs the country, and their perception of corruption in the members of the institution. Although there is evidence of a lower level of trust among indigenous people, the racial identification of the subjects does not show significant effects. At the contextual level, ethnic fractionalization and the country's homicide rate decrease trust in the police, although inequality (Gini coefficient) shows a positive effect, contrary to what was expected. Originality: The article explores diverse factors that can produce differential treatment between the police and citizens, in a region marked by high levels of inequality and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The diversity of language has represented a real challenge when trying to decipher it, understand its codes, signs, signifiers and meanings, it is today the clear representation of a social conflict. It is clear that audiences are increasingly demanding in terms of directing communication towards a system of responses and social and personal affirmations, but what happens with communication in community spaces? Has progress been made in these areas? Or he just thinks he has. Much has been said about these remote sectors and their communication models, but a shallow introspection only recognizes primary aspects that have sought to generalize characteristics, methods, audiences, leaving aside an internal observation of the phenomenon under study, pretending to quickly solve a problem latent and evident social that has not yet been determined. This article proposes a critique of communicative processes, the real situation of minority peoples and sectors, which seeks to provide possible answers to the questions raised, an inquiry from various perspectives that converge in ways of communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political-economic process that Argentina went through between 2002 and 2015 can be called neodevelopmentalist. It was characterized by a change in macroeconomic policies that, until 2008, promoted an economic recovery, with emphasis on industry and job creation. This article sustains the argument that neodevelopmentalism was the program of the industrial fraction of the power bloc, which sought to reproduce itself based on its own characteristics of dependence. Thus, its scope was determined by its capacity to appropriate value flows that would guarantee its expanded reproduction, which was in tension with other social classes-centrally, the popular classes and the agro-exporting fractions of the bloc in power. The article offers a periodization of neo-developmentalism based on the dynamics of accumulation and disputes over legitimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the results of a research focused on identifying, describing and analyzing the social representations on the conflict of the Colombian teachers and its effects on the didactic decisions, from three analysis nuclei: the social representations, the design of the classes of Social Sciences and the practices of teaching. From a qualitative research of descriptive scope, framed in the grounded theory, we worked with a sample at convenience of ten teachers located in rural and urban geographical areas of Colombia. The social representations mapped were diverse, as a result of the variety of social conflicts in which the country's school scene is immersed. The conclusions propose some possible didactic models for the teaching of conflict, which articulate historical memory, knowledge of the environment, context issues and a contribution to the development of creative critical thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to provide an interpretation of social inequality and violence related to armed Mexican social activity, by analyzing a narrative formed in relation to motives that are linked to convictions that are expressed in media reports, considered to provide the means for expressing a diversity of opinions from protagonists of the events being studied. Therefore, we decided to make a general investigation concerning the motives of the main participants in the regional armed conflict in Michoacan. The conclusion was that social inequality and Mexican violence have influenced punitive armed social actions, which share the governmental point of view in terms of the causes of public insecurity; namely criminal organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last decades, mexican mining registered an unusual geographic expansion. This situation led to the simultaneous outbreak of dozens of social conflicts. In this context, this article analyzes the relationship between the financialization of precious metal mining and the origin of the social conflictivity around this activity. The approach to this dimension is carried out from the case of the Cerro Jumil gold project, located in the state of Morelos, Mexico, whose distinctive feature is its eventual location in the vicinity of the Archaeological Zone of Xochicalco, included in the list of Unesco World Heritage List. Archive work was done in repositories with financial information and different field trips. It is shown that in the study area, the area concessioned to mining increased 3,181 % during the period 2002-2009, motivated by financial speculation and the permissiveness of the State, that led to the outbreak of a strong social conflict in 2012. It is concluded that the case study shows the need to modify mining legislation, with the understanding that only in this way the possibility to regain control of their territory will be opened for local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationships between rock art and regional social processes are discussed on the basis of new research conducted at Cerro Cueva Pintadas (CCP). After proposing a five-period sequence for local rock art (initial, early, late, inca and indigenous-Hispanic), the results of survey and excavations at CCP and the analyses of the materials obtained are presented. The presence of initial and early motifs in all the sectors of CCP indicate that it was an important place since the beginning of the sequence, but most of the paintings date to the late period, when it became a public space where many activities were held and a trail connecting the main activity loci was constructed. This intervention reveals the definition of a hegemonic interpretation of the site which can be related to the formation of a new political order in a time of conflict and social instability. The addition of inca-related motifs is interpreted as a symbolic subordination strategy of local communities to Tawantinsuyu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The complexity of the social scenario marked by challenges in demographic matters constitutes one of the research topics in which several scientific disciplines converge. The study of the representation of reproductive behavior from the incidence of media consumption contributes to a theoretical conception between Sociology and Communication, locating the analysis of consumption as a tool in understanding demographic challenges and their impacts in society, based on the knowledge of the public and the various mediations of culture. This essay proposes to elucidate the main sources of epistemological and social conflicts in the approach to the object of study. The ideas presented expose social determinations and impacts of decision-making concerning scientific knowledge, and in turn, allow a social projection of research activity in accordance with the realities of the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crime in Mexico City has risen in recent years. In fact, according to both decision-makers and the accumulated evidence, we can say that criminal organizations exist in the city. Among the possible explanations one is the dispute over the corner-level drug sales. Until today, no research has considered the factors explaining why this practice is distributed non-randomly and is so concentrated at certain points in the region. To answer this question, the author uses specific theories that deal with the distribution of smallscale crime in urban contexts to make his argument. Methodologically, his research utilizes regression model adjustments and different statistical and spatial analytical techniques. He discusses the results in the light of theory and the Mexico City criminal context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is an analysis and interpretation of the erotic element in the novel Daimón. Based on this theoretical premise, it proposes a counter-discursive approach in which America is transfigured in an erotic space in which pagan time overlaps accepted temporality, unleashing a continuous critique that challenges the official truth of historical events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]