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The digital transformation is associated with a series of emerging and, at the same time, novel risks such as computer fatigue and digital disconnection, which are becoming increasingly relevant in different regulatory frameworks. These regulations also include the part corresponding to the plan and implementation by companies, either through consultation with workers' representatives and/or through collective bargaining, of policies for the appropriate use of digital devices in the workplace, with the aim of guaranteeing rest at the end of the working day and preventing computer fatigue. This study aims to analyse what computer fatigue in the workplace consists of, contributing with the proposal of a series of guidelines and good practices for the development of its management protocols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista del Instituto Colombiano de Derecho Procesal is the property of Instituto Colombiano de Derecho Procesal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the journey of a Turkish herbalist named Federico Saúl from Constantinople to Mexico, Guatemala, and Nicaragua in the late 18th century. Topics include the challenges faced by colonial authorities in identifying and understanding the motives of travelers like Saúl, the tensions between global mobility and local identification, and the strategies employed by both the traveler and authorities in negotiating identity and purpose.

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Copyright of Histórica (02528894) is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica del Peru and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Acciones e Investigaciones Sociales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y del Trabajo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acciones e Investigaciones Sociales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Sociales y del Trabajo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The objective of this text is to understand social beliefs about peace and political negotiation in the context of the Colombian armed conflict in 304 citizens of 12 municipalities in the country, in order to determine how some of them constitute psychosocial barriers to peace building and reconciliation in Colombia. It was possible to conclude that the participants have a core of social beliefs about peace, referred to as tranquility, harmony, order, security, absence of conflict, and inner serenity, which is linked to concepts of 'liberal peace' insofar as the State is the one who would maintain this order and security. They deny, in turn, the possibility of dissent, contradiction, opposition, protest, and rebellion, even when this established order produces situations of injustice and exclusion, since the maintenance of this 'peace' would take precedence. In this context, those who oppose the State or the established power are considered enemies, and they are legitimized to be singled out, stigmatized, excluded, and eliminated. Furthermore, the doors are closed to political negotiation with armed stakeholders who contradict these social systems, since they are considered 'criminals' and bearers of evil, by altering tranquility, security, and harmony; thus creating psychosocial barriers to peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: More than twenty years after the adoption of the Security Council Resolution 1325, which highlights the importance of women’s participation in peacebuilding, they continue to be excluded systematically from the negotiating table. This article examines how women manage access points to negotiations in intractable contexts and fragile peace processes that have not resulted in a peace agreement and how this affects their ability to articulate demands and influence such processes. Methodology: The case of the UN peace process for Syria is examined. Data used for the analysis comes from sixteen semi-structured interviews conducted between January 2019 and August 2022. Conclusions: The results demonstrate how the combination of bottom-up womenled activism processes with top-down institutional efforts facilitates breaking the boundaries operating at different levels (macro, meso, and micro) to masculinize peace negotiations and hinder women’s access. Although the fragility of the process compromises their participation, Syrian women circumvent these obstacles through strategies and attitudes of resilience that allow them to value their actions in the future. Originality: The article reviews the literature on women’s participation and contributes to situating it in the increasingly common framework of fragile negotiations and contexts of intractability through a barely explored case with unique data drawn from interviews with the political actors involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the problem of power asymmetries in contexts of socio-environmental conflicts through the case study of the El Quimbo hydroelectric project (Colombia). Such asymmetries are an initial condition of negotiation processes involving state, social, and business actors (specifically, multinational companies). Asymmetries are reconfigured by transforming complex normative resources produced internationally (by the convergence between human rights and the environment) which, when institutionalized nationally, become resources of political capital, and serve agents in the most disadvantaged positions by integrating them into the management of their practical action strategies. The transformation of regulations into a resource of political capital and their use result in the reconfiguration of the distribution of power and an increase in the advocacy capacity of those who use these resources in the regulation of these environmental problems. This case study empirically supports this argument based on a qualitative methodological design of longitudinal process modeling, which integrates a multiscale and multiagent systems approach and uses a large textual database related to the El Quimbo hydroelectric project. This data is analyzed using text mining and natural language processing techniques. The case study yields important practical lessons on the possibility of mobilizing normative resources, which come from the long process of convergence between human rights and the environment, as forms of political capital that have the potential to alter the initial distribution of power in these conflict scenarios and advance the protection of environmental rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work aims to know the evolution of purchase prices of advertising slots in conventional media in the last decade and discover the conditioning factors that facilitate a good advertising negotiation. A double methodology is used: quantitative by analyzing secondary sources and qualitative through a panel of experts. The results show a decreasing amount for the purchase of advertising slots, despite the increase in official rates and the scope of the medium or support. Profitability and management time are the determining factors of a good advertising negotiation. We also noted a change toward a more flexible purchase focused on results beyond brand visibility. The research shows the shift from all-media marketing toward a purchase similar to the programming used online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Based on the distinction drawn by R. A. Duff between attacks and endangerments as two different kind of wrongs, this paper advocates a view of the crime of conflict of interest in the public sector as implicit endangerment against government decisions. This view is supported by different empirical studies, which demonstrate that, in scenarios of conflict of interest, although agents do not act with a deliberate purpose of benefiting themselves, their decisions tend to privilege their private interests. In addition, it is argued that, according to the perspective defended, the scope of the offense should include interests and acts of a non-economic nature. It should be clarified that the purpose of this paper is to contribute to the development of a normative theory of negotiations incompatible with public office which determines how this crime should be regulated, regardless of the specific way in which each legislation defines such behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the legal and political theories of Habermas and Honneth facing the challenge of implementing an inclusive policy to overcome both the conflict and the structural violence generated by the Colombian State’s failure to recognize the Nasa people. With these theoretical assumptions, ways are sought to achieve the implementation of the precautionary measures with which the IACHR has ordered the Colombian State to reestablish and guarantee the human rights violated to the Nasa people. With a qualitative methodology of documentary review, it is concluded that any attempt to overcome structural violence and implement the precautionary measures issued by the IACHR requires the development of a deliberative, legal process of political negotiation, redistribution and recognition of the socio-historical conditions of these communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 28th July 1977, the Spanish Government submitted its membership application for the European Communities. The negotiations were long, they were conditioned both by Spanish domestic policy and by the evolution of the Communities. Until the accession of Spain in 1986, the Spanish governments had to carry out a broad reform of the administration, both external and internal, to adapt to the demands of the European Communities. A broad and diverse group of officials contributed to successfully fulfill the process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The main objective of this article is to analyse the specificity and background behind the relationship between the subaltern sectors of the Norte Grande, as voluntary recruits, and the congressional elites during the Chilean civil war of 1891. As a hypothesis, we maintain that the specific context of the Norte Grande, would allow a relationship of relative horizontality, based on consensus and rapprochement between the subordinate sectors and the elites, enabling the formation of a cohesive army under high morale. For this, the speeches and rhetoric will be analysed from primary and secondary sources, identifying relationships of consensus and negotiation between the elites and the nitrate people, through “hidden speeches” that allow us to glimpse the relationships that would make up said army, using the approaches of New social history and the relationship between public and hidden discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Draft Law on Procedural Efficiency Measures for the Public Service of Justice has placed Appropriate Dispute Resolution Methods and negotiation in particular at the center of the procedural debate. A reflection of the lack of negotiation culture in the Spanish legal system, doctrine and the legal agents are unaware of its triple nature: besides the axis of any extrajudicial mechanism, it is an autonomous mechanism that has its own technique. This paper aims to delve into this triple condition, bringing a little light to the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objectives of the present article are to reconstruct the circumstances that gave life to the labour reform in Mexico in 2019 and to analyse how this modification to the law boosts the reconfigurations of labour relations. Based on the theoretical-methodological approach of the Latin American Configurationism, the structural pressures that influenced the negotiation of the law are presented, as well as taking into account how the agents, who had particular perspectives and differentiated positions of power, influenced the definition of its contents. In order to carry out this research, the agreements and treaties that drove the reform were analysed, as well as a historical revision of the most relevant modifications to the labour law was made. This investigation permitted to conclude that even though the reform allows for new counterbalancing forces in the capital-work relation, it does not nullify the shaping of control strategies by the Estate and the employers which are intended to limit the workers' organization abilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sets out to make a socio-critical analysis of how authenticity is construed and negotiated in the discourse of tourism, assuming the unstoppable rapprochement that has taken place towards the figure of the customer (Austin 2009) through an essential communicative phenomenon such as dialogicity. This discourse has progressively embodied a negotiated authenticity (Cohen 1988) that adjusts to social variables, as is the case with the COVID-19 pandemic, but which also includes cultural variables. We use 100 samples of dialogic oralisation in Spanish and English from various cybergenres (tourism websites and social networks) to support our argument. We aim to offer a contrastive view on the negotiation of discursive authenticity and of emotions as a central element in digital tourism, according to the tourism-society-language trinomial, which allows for a better understanding of the current social communicative trend with marketing purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The decision of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and the government of that country to apply for membership NATO came about through a forced and unthinking process, motivated by the change in the public opinion and the need to face in favor of the current the upcoming national elections. But the consequences of that decision are serious: Sweden will be part of a nuclear alliance. In addition to the fact that it is contrary to the principles defended by the social democrat creator of the doctrine of shared security, Olof Palme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting thesis of the article is that there is no mistake: the only way out of the war in Ukraine is a negotiated settlement. Attempting to resolve war on the battlefield is not only useless, it prolongs the suffering of those who suffer from the conflict. Based on personal experience, regarding the war that devastated Central America, the conclusion is that negotiating directly with the leaders involved is the only possible way out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine is the first violent crisis of the new cold war. In the short and medium term, the biggest challenge is how to stop the confrontation and on what terms to negotiate between NATO, kyiv and Russia. But until you get there, the positions are divergent about the delivery of weapons to Ukraine, the conceptions of "victory" and "defeat", and the strategic objectives of Moscow and NATO. All against the backdrop of the danger of the use of nuclear weapons. Europe's progress and peace will not be possible without Russia and even less so against Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]