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Copyright of Humania del Sur: Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Africanos y Asiáticos is the property of Humania del Sur. Estudios Latinoamericanos Africanos y Asiaticos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents a dossier on economic elites and political power in Latin America. It emphasizes the importance of understanding the nature and dynamics of these elites in their specific spatiotemporal context. It is mentioned that Latin American elites have attempted to appropriate the wealth produced in the region, but have been conditioned by economic, political, and military relations with the major centers of accumulation. Additionally, it is noted that these elites have had a high capacity to pressure and take control of state apparatuses in their respective countries. The article also mentions the different dimensions of power exercised by these elites, such as economic, ideological, political, military, and transnational networks. Although information on elites in Latin America is limited, the growing academic interest in studying these elites in recent years is highlighted. The article presents different lines of study on economic elites and their relationship with the state, the right-wing, and the political space in Latin America. It also addresses resistance to tax payment and corporate capture of the state. Two specific articles are mentioned that analyze the trajectories of agents in the Mexican leadership elite and the connections of agents who financed the Center for Public Studies in Chile. Other articles explore the relationship between economic guilds and bureaucracies in Colombia, as well as the perceptions of the business community in Córdoba regarding taxes in Argentina. Finally, the statuary crisis of the elites in Chile is highlighted. [Extracted from the article]

Objective/Context: The economic, political and military relations between the People’s Republic of China and Latin America have grown exponentially since the beginning of the 21st century. In this context, this article questions how the perception of Latin American citizens about China varies, taking into account its commercial, military and political dimensions. To answer this question, it is proposed that according to the theory of social identity, the perception towards China will be homogeneous, while from the individualist theories of public opinion a greater heterogeneity is expected in the perception of Latin Americans towards the Asian giant. Methodology: Data from the 2020 Latinobarómetro survey were used to estimate a cluster analysis to identify the different types of political, commercial and military perception of Latin American citizens towards China and a multinomial regression analysis to identify political and sociodemographic factors. related to each profile. Conclusions: The analysis found evidence in favor of the individualistic theories of public opinion, identifying four groups, one with a favorable perception of China in the three dimensions evaluated, another with a favorable perception, less so in the military dimension, and another two groups that did not. have a favorable perception of China. This study also shows that Latin Americans who do not support democracy are more likely to belong to groups with a low perception of China. Originality: The analysis of clusters is a novel methodology in the study of the perception of Latin Americans about China, as well as analyzing the perception of China as a multidimensional phenomenon and not only analyzing the favorability towards that country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Boletín Económico de ICE is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This text represents an analysis of the controversies of the relations of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Argentine with the military regime in 1976-1983, based on the documents of the CC archive of the CPSU. In the context of the international socialist system and the international communist movement entering the crisis, its relations with the military dictatorship presented a series of political problems, which correlated and conditioned the attitudes of all parties: the Argentine communists occupied the position of support for the regime concerned with the preservation of the structures and apparatus of the party, justifying it by the interests of the USSR in economic collaboration with Argentina, and on another side, the Soviet part followed its policy of economic cooperation with the military regime having its approval by the part of the Argentine CP. These attitudes towards the Argentine military dictatorship provoked complications within the international communist movement, half-solved by the CPSU without being able to avoid a certain isolation of the Argentine CP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Frónesis is the property of Universidad del Zulia (Fronesis) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Mundo de Antes is the property of Revista Mundo de Antes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current research note addresses the experiences of the Spanish Army officers in 175 international military missions that portray the features of asymmetrical conflicts or wars occurred between 1993 and 2015. And it is based on the analysis of fifty semi-structured interviews. These experiences have been systematized in a series of variables that serve to identify such conflicts: (i) procedures; (ii) constraints, and (iii) actors. More specifically and out of these variables we have analyzed the following indicators that constitute the results of the research: in the section on procedures we have paid attention to the general training and the mission-oriented training, the autonomy in the decision making process, Units' collective training and the style of command. Within the constraints we have analyzed the rules of engagement (ROE) and logistics. As for the actors, our focus is on the relationships with local and international actors, as well as journalists. Finally, their global assessments and the impact on their daily lives have been studied. The outcomes of this work fall within the larger international comparative study "Officer and Commander in Asymmetric Warfare Operations", sponsored by the working group "The Military Profession" of the European Research Group on Armed Forces and Society (ERGOMAS)". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an analysis of unpublished foreign military sources, this article examines the conflictive relations between Peruvian civilians and members of the military during a civil government: the Oncenio of Augusto Leguía (1919-1930). The classic question about South American military forces --Why they carry out coups d'etat so often?-- is substituted by another, much broader one: How did they function politically? In the early 1920s, the Peruvian army was fragmented: some officers supported the central government and others opposed it. Those that supported the regime were rewarded, while those who took action against it did so outside of Lima, frequently hand-in-hand with civilian leaders, guided by officers of the rank of lieutenant coronel and below, and probably in reaction to measures taken by president Leguía against the army as an institution or against specific officers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article examines German military presence in Colombia between 1929 and 1940. The military cooperation between these two countries is to be understood not only as part of institutional relations and nation state interests but also as a broadening of the space of experience. On the one hand the Colombian state interest in these relationships lay in modernization perspectives, on the other hand, Germany emerged as a point of reference for the Colombian military. The role model position of Germany for Colombia was established through networks of communication and learning processes over large distances. Three German military missions visited Colombia in that decade but also journals and many articles reached the country. The exchange with the Germans was considered a great success by the Colombians, which reflects the fact, that the Germans are praised constantly. But there was a strong competition with other countries. World War II was about to start and the Americans exerted a dominant influence due to more favorable geographical conditions so that the days of the German military presence were numbered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to narrate the visit the Colombian militaries paid to the Nazi Germany. It is based on the idea that this presence was not only part of the relations between the two countries but, instead, it contributed to the formation of networks in interrelated spaces. These soldiers got into the German military world which, in turn, managed to infiltrate Colombia as well. The article inquires into what the parties involved wanted, who participated, what attitudes Colombians had towards that country, if those soldiers were nazis. It is concluded that three missions were sent and they do not only visited Germany, but they were also in other countries. Their reports are full of admiration for the host country and the journey raised their criticism, which is evidenced in the constant compasions between the two countries. However, knowledge transfer did not have much effect because American influence grew and WWII broke out shortly after. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzing the Colombian case represents a challenge for understanding power relationships in the international system. Given the limitations of a state like Colombia, classical approaches to polarity are insufficient, because they would overlook the particular characteristics that surround the participation of this agent of the Latin American regional system. If we keep in mind only the power resources recognized by Kenneth Niel Waltz (1988), most of the States in the American continent would eclipse Colombia, and it would not develop its participation recognized in practice. Therefore, treating the case of Colombia is a good reason to raise the necessary changes demanded by this polarity theory within the complex dynamics that currently surround the world order and the neorealist approach which dominated the International Relations discipline. The proposal developed here has a practical nature designed to frame the case study, based on a theoretical construct that seeks, based on the idea of power, the right way to approach the polarity. The paper is divided into five parts: (1) a description of the current state of the system; (2) an approach to the idea of power, neorealism of international relations and its application in the international system; (3) an analysis model for understanding power relationships among system agents; (4) an application of the model to the Colombian case, and to the Latin American context; and (5) conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo presenta un recuento histórico sobre la administración de las islas Okinawa, Japón, desde 1945 hasta 2012. Algunos temas discutidos son la batalla de Okinawa en 1945, la instalación de bases militares estadounidenses en Okinawa y las relaciones tanto diplomáticas como militares entre Japón y Estados Unidos con respecto a este territorio. Se discuten también diversos estudios y publicaciones sobre el tema.

The overview of the issue of South American naval competition between the late nineteenth and early twentieth century' has been hindered by a bilateral perspective. Based on a perception of the hard power, naval competition is not interpreted as an episode restricted to the case of Chile-Argentina or Argentina-Brazil, but as a regional political determination induced by the belief that naval competition would increase the chances for success in the international system. This search for prestige ended in the 1920s due to cultural reasons, Wilsonianism, the path of collective security being discredited after World War I, and the global pro-disarmament climate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Se proveen anályses y excerptos de diversos textos relacionados a la historiografía. Entre los textos se incluyen "El Affaire de Cumaná," que trata de las acciones militáres en Venezuela y un diálogo sobre la política y la dictadura del líder ruso Vladimir Lenin, transcrito por el escritor Blaise Cendrars en 1930.

This article examines the foreign policy of Spain during the reign of Charles II in the latter half of the 17th century. The author discusses Spain's foreign economic, political, and military relationship with the Holy Roman Empire and analyzes the effects of the Thirty Years' War on these relations. He also studies the financial strain undertaken by the Spanish monarchy during this time period as a result of subsidizing the Holy Roman Empire to ensure continual military collaboration. The subsequent conflict over rightful succession to the Spanish throne is also considered.

Copyright of Estudios de Historia de España is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Temas de Historia Argentina y Americana is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Memorias is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article reviews several doctoral dissertations including "Impacto socio-político de la violencia en el eestablecimiento paramilitar en el sur de Bolívar, 1996-2000" by Carolina Núñez Ciceros, "Más allá de la profesionalización: el papel de las misiones militares chilenas en la formación del ejército colombiano (1907-1914)" by Estefanía Vanegas Carrasco and "Del honor marcial al linaje colonial, la implantación imperial en la provincia de Tunja de Nuevo Reino de Granada" by Ricardo Andrés Blanco Quijano.

The forced displacement takes place within the armed conflict in country. The change in the logics of the conflict, has caused changes in the forced displacement, of such can be spoken about migrations forced in the city. La comuna 13 of Medellín suffered the exit of inhabitants as a result of the armed conflict that lived in the city, around 170 families in the massive displacement, and countless individual displacements, do of this case one of most numerous and significant of urban internal displacements in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]