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In the face of the current crisis of democracy affecting multiple Western societies, largely stemming from social discontent rooted in the inequality characterizing these so-called neoliberal market and consumer societies, this essay explores the hypothesis that such social resentment and the referenced institutional crisis stem from two mechanisms implemented by the elites. These mechanisms are not only designed to ensure and perpetuate their privileges but, more importantly, to exercise control and discipline over society through: the breaking of communal bonds through extreme individualism and consumerism (1), and the internalization of failure and the justification of inequality through meritocracy (2). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Estudios de la Gestión is the property of Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of REICE. Ibero-American Journal on Quality, Effectiveness & Change in Education / REICE. Revista Iberoamericana Sobre Calidad, Eficacia y Cambio en Educación is the property of Red Iberoamericana de Investigacion sobre Cambio y Eficacia en Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the relationship between justice, the question of who is entitled to economic rights, and the role played by the new economic order that followed the Second World War in America in shaping the structure of public institutions. It highlights that the abstract philosophical discussion around fairness and the design of political institutions emerges at the end of the 20th century as a result of the collapse of the positivist conception regarding who was entitled to enjoy economic privileges linked to citizenship, a conception that contemplated the political endowment of economic privileges on a professional class that was to conform an elite with the task to dynamize each local economy. The disappearance of this consensus has given way to today’s anarchic, and deeply unfair, “gig” economy, an economy that at times resembles very much the scenario the world saw before the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Rawls’s theory of justice constitutes one of the most significant works in political philosophy of the last century, which, due to its immense impact, has been subject to numerous analyses and critiques from various sectors of political philosophy. The purpose of this essay is to contribute to this debate by adopting a critical stance towards two mechanisms that claim to combat and remedy the profound social inequalities prevailing in our present, markedly neoliberal societies: on the one hand, the so-called affirmative actions, and on the other hand, meritocracy. It will be argued that both mechanisms can be directly deduced from the second subprinciple of Rawls’s second principle of justice (fair equality of opportunities) as instruments seemingly intended to materialize it; however, under certain special conditions, they ultimately result in exacerbating inequality and justifying an inequitable state of affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Cultura y Religión is the property of Miguel Angel Mansilla Aguero and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista Conexxión is the property of Red Univercom, S.C. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper studies the perceptions about university access, sense of effort, meritocracy, and social inequalities of students from 8 elite Chilean higher education institutions. Using 1773 responses to a questionnaire that was applied to a stratified sample of students from these universities, regression models that control for differences between socioeconomic groups, types of university and time of stay are estimated. The results show that the type of university is the main axis of differentiation in these perceptions, with traditional university students being more skeptical of meritocracy and individualistic explanations than their peers from emerging private universities. Furthermore, there is a relative homogeneity within each type of university, except in those items related to university entrance. It is concluded that the different types of elite institutions are a relevant distinction for understanding the diversity of perceptions that exist among those who transit through these highly influence spaces at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the recent resurgence of the far right in the United States, specifically the Alternative Right. It hypothesises that it is an unintended and belated consequence of some of the essential features of the liberal-democratic system since its inception, in general and at home. To this end, it is made an exposition of these premises is made, transferring them in turn to the recent history and current situation of American society, marked by growing inequality, competitiveness and a sense of meritocracy. All of this would feed into the renewed vindication of the so-called "cultural rights" championed by the Alternative Right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article starts from the proposal to modify the entrance to a traditional pre-university secondary school in Bahía Blanca, which, since its creation, has held the entrance exam. In 2014, the draw was partially incorporated and in 2021, in the context of the quarantine by Covid-19, the total access by draw was imposed for external applicants due to the inequalities of the meritocratic admission system. Which, according to the promoters of change, would promote the creation of an élite of "well-to-do classes" within the school, being for them the only reason for questioned educational segregation. So the present work inquires if the school dependent on the UNS has mechanisms of social inclusion that attract the enrollment that would be being excluded by the meritocratic system, or if, on the contrary, it reinforces segregation with different mechanisms of social exclusion. A qualitative methodology is used based on semi-structured interviews with teachers and principals of the analyzed institution and other schools from its city, complemented with an analysis of the regulations that rule the operation of the school and quantitative data about the access of its students. It is stated that these mechanisms exceed the admission system proposed by the school, and they correspond to an inclusive educational policy that is absent in the school studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes and analyzes educational policies in Argentina in the 21st century considering two government administrations (Frente para la Victoria and the Alianza Cambiemos) and focusing on the secondary level. The methodological approach consisted in the compilation and systematization of documentary sources related to the educational policies implemented between 2003 and 2019 in order to analyze each period. The article concludes that the educational period of Frente para la Victoria governments (2003-2015) was characterized by the expansion of the right to education and the rise of significant inclusion. Regarding the Alianza Cambiemos government (2015-2019), it was a period marked by budget cuts, the aspiration to a supposed depoliticization and certain inertia and emptying of the educational policy agenda, with a preponderance of meritocratic criteria and linked to entrepreneurship. However, in both periods, international trends towards privatization, evaluation and decentralization were sustained. With regard to the secondary level, two issues are common to both periods: the tendency to govern the system through the formulation of jurisdictional proposals that are framed in resolutions of the Federal Council of Education and the transformation of the school format as the axis of the agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This text is a theoretical inquiry on a topic that, despite its antiquity, remains in full force: «meritocracy», defined by the Dictionary of the Spanish Language (Real Academia Española [RAE], 2014) as: «The government system in which positions of responsibility are awarded based on personal merits». The essential objective of this approach is to show the emergence and evolution of this term, its variations throughout its conceptual development, its close connection with certain legal theories and its current social and political repercussions. Being a theoretical inquiry, the basic method assumed was the bibliographic and documentary compilation. Among the most noteworthy results, it should be noted that the concept of «meritocracy» has been the object of various and even contradictory approaches throughout its historical evolution. Regarding the main conclusions, it should be noted that meritocracy can be used to mask exclusive processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Any discussion about digital or algorithmic technologies leads us immediately into the already protracted debate about which stage of capitalism are we in right now. The current context spawns a "new race" of high-tech based entrepreneurs and firms who lead the fast-growing so-called "unicorn" locally-based multinational businesses. In the present article we use a case study about the "Free Market" in Argentina in order to study the key ideas behind the discourse sponsored by those firms. We have privileged a qualitative methodology supported by an intense previous field work based on in several sources: unstructured interviews, participant observation, secondary documents and photographic materials. The study finds that the new discourses are intertwined with the new technological advances in order to shore up novel capital-labor relationships which support new forms of workplace organization, and, furthermore, a new self- understanding of the worker. These discourses are buttressed by concepts such as "entrepreneurism" and "meritocracy", which develop into more or less explicit notions centered on terms such as "success", "future", "democracy", "gender" among others. Cognitive capitalism has sanctioned a new brand of firms and entrepreneurs who subscribe to the "Silicon Valley" model. This model has strongly spread in Latin America, and more specifically in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes the current duopoly of the companies that manage the rankings of publications and how this dynamic affects the public university, in general, as well as the system of accreditation for faculty researcher in Spain. The critical reflection on the causes and consequences of this biased assessment model evidences collision between the political and academic imaginaries which promote hegemony of science over social sciences. In the same way, it reveals a geostrategic logic over representing scientific literature in English and a propensity for quantitative aspects in the global publishing trend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper intends to contribute to the critique of Neoliberal Ideology, assuming that a new political situation claims to attend the ideological aspect in which Neoliberalism never stopped producing effects. The paper interrogates that level in which subjectivities are affected by Neoliberalism as Ideology, by identifying four central ideological cores: Justification of inequality, Meritocracy, Technocratism and Ideology of Life’s Flexibility. Through the analysis of the results of a survey and certain public discourses we propose to observe the extension and articulation of these cores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article analyzes the behavior of higher education in the context of the market economy from its economic guidelines and from the moral and ethical values taking man as the central subject and therefore philosophy receptor mercantilist model in its essence. The analysis reveals the paradox between a market-centric paradigm and the anthropocentric view of education. The discussion on poverty, inequality, social justice and equity debates on redistribution, are full of euphemisms and prejudices which put the issue in a highly subjective. Postures sociological, economic, educational and even those who attribute the distribution problem as something inherent to humans inevitably associated opportunities and merit are the theoretical framework Amid a factual events the struggle for power. It uses the methodology of the Economics of Education in the analysis of the relationship enter the economic and conceiving college education as an entry and exit system. We conclude that education lost its classical value of idealized cultural wealth in human triangle that converged between its vertices the concepts of being, knowing and doing with a human being as a mediator and is affected by the concept of the commercial market economy. Meritocracy in this context is a way to hide the failure of the welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper proposes to reassess the idea of meritocracy as central element in professional bureaucracy oriented towards citizens' needs. However, the proposal found many problems in Latin America related to the changes within public administrations, the dissimilar actors implicated and the different sectorial interests involved, etc. This is due to the fact that Latin America has not been able to follow a step-by-step process of public administration transformation from "Particracy", to rigid meritocracies, and flexible meritocracies. Latin-American institutional life is not tidy; the picture that best describe their most weak bureaucracies is nor rigid bureaucracy neither flexible one but the coexistence of the weakest elements of both worlds: clientelistic arbitrariness and rigidness. The paper explores possible solutions exemplified with reform experiences of civil service in Latin America during the last decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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