Search

Copyright of América Latina Hoy is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper explores the perceptions of the parliamentary elites in 17 Latin American countries on moral and gender issues through surveys conducted between 2012 and 2019. In particular, it analyses opinions on inequality between men and women, public policies to reduce it, the possibility of building a career within the party, and abortion and same-sex marriage. The analysis shows the differences between countries and whether gender, party ideology and age variables help explain the answers. The findings suggest that in many countries gender is a factor in explaining the differing opinions on the inequality between men and women and, to a lesser extent, same-sex marriage. Ideology is the variable that influences the perception of the other three issues. The conclusions reflect on programmatic and descriptive representation for each topic and country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analecta Política is the property of Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of América Latina Hoy is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of América Latina Hoy is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses Nicaragua's process of de-democratization focusing on three events: the gradual emergence of authoritarian elections after 2007; the constitutional reform of 2014, by means of which the political system became in legal terms once again hyper-presidential; and Ortega's capacity to establish a broad policy of alliances through a strongman logic with hegemonic intentions. The conclusions aim to identify the type of regime that has become consolidated in Nicaragua and how its authoritarian tendencies have sought to remove any uncertainty regarding the elections of 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text examines the importance that ordinary citizens, organised into activist networks, have gained in the area of international relations. To that end, the authors begin by analysing the characterisation of the new type of actors that have appeared in recent decades (transnational advocacy networks, Nimbys, Yimbys, «new-new» social movements, etc.), as well as the transformation of the State and transnational relations in the new global context. Secondly, the article highlights the existing interaction between social mobilisations and the structures of domestic and international opportunities, and points to the way in which different combinations of these elements generate different patterns of activism; on this basis, finally, the authors examine and systematise the contributions of the works of this volume. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the social conditions and equality in Central America, following the peace accords that were agreed upon in the 1980s. The author comments on the economic development in the region and describes the impact of the democratization process for many Central American countries in these subsequent decades. The influence of this political change on improved social policies is also examined.

Bolivia y Ecuador atraviesan un proceso de cambios en el sistema político y una reconfiguración de las fuerzas sociales y políticas. Frente a un nuevo escenario, las organizaciones, movimientos sociales y colectivos han cambiado sus formas de acción y relacionamiento con los actuales gobiernos. La nueva estructura de oportunidades políticas fruto de la llegada al poder del Movimiento al Socialismo y de Alianza País produjo el desplazamiento de algunas redes y activistas de los movimientos sociales hacia la administración y otros hacia la protesta. Con ello, durante los últimos años se evidencia una menor capacidad de movilización aunque también un repunte de las protestas. El presente artículo busca interpretar el fenómeno descrito. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work analyses three platforms that have emerged in different Spanish provinces (Soria, Teruel and Zamora) to report the neglect suffered from State institutions, the Regional Governments and its representatives when it comes to plan infrastructure and development policies. Firstly, the paper analyses the way these platforms emerge and the nature of these actors, who are compared and contrasted to the Nimby phenomenon. Further, the paper studies and compares -- through the tools used to analyse collective action -- their discourse, organisational structure and how they channel their demands. Finally, the paper offers a reflexion on the nature and impact of this new type of actor , present in the political arenas of some regions and it compares them to Nimby networks, social movements and pressure groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After leading a revolutionary process in Nicaragua during the 1980s and losing power in the 1990 elections, the FSLN once again gained power through the elections of November 2006. In order to achieve this, the FSLN had to shed its vanguardista, corporative image. This entailed profound changes in its organisation, symbols and strategies. This article interprets these changes and the type of party created as a result of them (in light of the literature on organisational change within political parties). It argues that the FSLN's process of «adaptation» has made the party organisation more personalised and less institutionalised. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the evolution of the political left in Guatemala from the coup d'état that ousted Guatemalan president Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán in 1954 to the 2003 Guatemalan elections. It explains that, during this time, the left split into a guerrilla faction and the communist Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo, but then united under the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteca (URNG) in the 1980s. It notes that, despite winning the right to political participation after negotiating an end to its long-standing conflict with the Government of Guatemala in 1996, the URNG and the Guatemalan left have enjoyed limited electoral success.