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This paper presents an interpretation of the work of Odo Marquard, exponent of skeptical hermeneutics, based on the idea of discipline that is implicit in a strong consideration of historical truth and the claim to meaning. It is therefore a study of political philosophy focused on the problems that the philosophy of history has raised in contemporary hermeneutics. After addressing the question of truthfulness in the historical field, I argue that, for political coexistence, it is fundamental to de-imperialize history and to offer a historical practice detached from a notion of "Truth" that sweeps away political discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Agora (0211-6642) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Derecho Penal y Criminologia is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia, Departamento de Derecho Penal y Criminologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ideas y Valores is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some characteristics of the Colombian political culture are traced, through the categories of myth, authoritarianism, alienation, and elitism, from an approach to the urban narrative of Álvaro Salom Becerra. The concept of political culture is addressed and its reception and development in Latin America, especially in Colombia, is exposed. Then the reflective potential of the confluences between philosophy and literature is discussed to study political culture, through an interpretive approach to his novels. It is concluded that literature allows exploring new ways of understanding the tensions between power and culture, also promotes a disruptive nature that dislocates the naturalization of the social order and favors the establishment of instituting actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intention of this article is twofold. On one hand it exposes the problems that fits the political theory of Hannah Arendt. To perform this first work, we discuss the concept of action which we consider the touchstone of all their theoretical proposal. On the order hand, this article analyses, in the third section, the critique of western political philosophy, in particular the concept of freedom and authority, made by this autor of the previously considered category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of International Journal of Political Philosophy / Las Torres de Lucca is the property of Revista Las Torres de Lucca. Facultad de Filosofia, Ciudad Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Precedente is the property of Universidad ICESI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Andares: Revista de Derechos Humanos y de la Naturaleza is the property of Quito Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The professional practice of the graduate in philosophy must not only fulfill a social and academic task, there is also the facet of the graduate. In this very important area of knowledge, it allows those who exercise political power to be advised from a holistic interpretation of reality, so it is vital that the figure of the philosophy graduate also acquires advisory skills in the praxis of political philosophy. By virtue of the above, this work aims to determine the historical-theoretical foundations of the practice of philosophical analysis of politics and philosophical advice in the political field. An expository-argumentative methodology is used, the product of a hermeutic-phenomenological analysis of various texts and publications referring to contemporary philosophical praxis and philosophical advice in the political field. At different moments of the research, the historical-theoretical elements of philosophical advice in the political field are developed. Therefore, it is concluded that philosophical analysis and advice in the political field brings closer to philosophical praxis and knowledge of political philosophy, as it is conceived as an improved process for decision-making and rational choice of political priorities; This is framed in the context of the development of a new professional profile, whose skills and knowledge are integrated into the work of the graduate in philosophy, leading to a better exercise of government at all levels of State administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Políticos is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article addresses the relationship between the concepts of freedom and order at the beginning of the Peruvian constitutional experience, based on the recognition of a liberal canon that made its way into the field of ideas during the independence process, marked by the external influence and the gestation of his own thought, and in this way he questions the visions that absolutize the lack of originality of the ideas at the dawn of the republic. The text reflects on the specificities of the game between political and constitutional processes and the interaction of languages and symbols, noting the decisive result of this process that gave way to a textual liberalism that generally differed from political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antonio Rosmini and Alexis de Tocqueville contributed, on the horizon of nineteenth-century political thought, to the configuration of a new model of political philosophy that we believe still retains insights of great relevance today. This article takes as its purpose to describe the ideal dialogue between the two authors in such a way as to let emerge what we may call a third way that arose before the social problems of political discussion in the 1800s, that is, a third way between the earlier solutions of Catholic restoration on the one hand and the French revolutionary spirit on the other. The ideal path arose from the rediscovery of a common anthropology from which a definition of society founded from the end that most distinguishes it, the good of the individual, would be arrived at. The urgency and topicality of the themes that permeate the writings of Rosmini and Tocqueville we believe lie in the highlighting of dangers and distortions, which dominate our societies today, but which our authors were able to identify in the bud, as they were being formed in 19th century Western society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política is the property of Instituto de Ciencia Politica (Universidad de la Republica de Uruguay) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hipogrifo: revista de literatura y cultura del siglo de oro is the property of Hipogrifo: revista de literatura y cultura del siglo de oro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the present paper Martha Nussbaum’s capability approach is described, and some criticisms against it are analysed with some level of depth. The main argument is that Martha Nussbaum’s capability approach remains influential and authoritative, among other reasons, because the most vigorous criticisms against it have not been uncontested, and because it draws important lessons as to how to understand philosophical work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the analysis that I propose for Borderlands / La frontera. The New Mestiza I undertake a reading of Gloria Anzaldúa’s philosophical thought mediated by Hannah Arendt’s question in The Promise of Politics as to whether politics still makes sense. The categories that I recover from Arendt’s political theory to demonstrate that Anzaldúa’s writing is also ontological are thought, action, freedom, and necessity. With these four categories, I draw a symbolic and territorial space to defer the allegory of aporia in the Chicana writer border thinking. Analysis in which I deploy the political ontology of the woman who claims to be a frontier woman. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spread of various kinds of paranoid theories seems to have a growing influence on public opinion in contemporary democracies. An attempt is made here to review some classical sources that could explain the origins and scope of these ways of thinking about politics. From the review of various contributions, such as those of historians or theorists like Freud, Popper and Canetti, an attempt will be made to unravel some characteristics of conspiracy thinking about society. In order to update the theme, reflections by thinkers such as Eco and Bobbio are also considered. The legitimacy crisis of our political systems, it is argued, provides a background for the proliferation of paranoid explanations, also fueled by depoliticization and the predominance of subjective demands in the public arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second half of the 20th century in Colombia a conception of human rights emerged that was critical of the sociopolitical context and promoted modern theories of rights as grammars of political conflict. Guillermo Hoyos-Vásquez deployed his philosophical education, especially through authors such as Marx, Marcuse and Ricoeur, to criticize the human rights situation in the context of the National Security Statute, in the midst of the state of siege, systematic torture and state and parastatal repression (1978-1982). Based on the reconstruction of the philosophical sources that the author put into play, this research aims to analyze Hoyos-Vásquez's conception, for which the reference to the concrete world, the political struggle and the ideological nature of the rights was unavoidable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we propose a reading of Smith's political philosophy, based on his theory of political obligation, as a critique of contractarianism. The author will reject the hypothesis of the state of nature and the consent of individuals, proposing, instead, a theory based on opinion, but, above all, on the illusion that commercial society will lead us to happiness. We will trace these ideas in three of his most important texts: The Theory of Moral Sentiments, The Wealth of Nations, and the Lectures on Jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the bloody devastation inflicted by the West on subalternity, there is the colonial tattoo that no one wants; since, the rejection of this mark makes suppose the degree of resistance and counterhegemonic action defined by the Amuyawi in the face of the global atmosphere of epistemological totalization. The pivotal proposal carefully exposes the origin of the Amuyawi of Frontier for the America of Colors and the philosophical parallelism with Slavoj Žižek. For this event, the elementary principles of the Amuyawi of Frontera and its respective methodology are analyzed; the role of the counter-system thinker against the philosophy that contemplates universal epistemology is also evaluated; likewise, the meeting of two abyssal worlds in their intentionality regarding the endotransterritorial dynamics of their inhabitants enters the debate and, on the other hand, the parallelism of slovenian with emerging thinking is verified; later, making use of the conspiracy theory, enters the topic widely commented by the inhabitants of the Muchedad, called: the danger under suspicion. Arrived at the final section, the principle of distrust towards the closest being arises under the premise of: "protect them, but do not trust them", thus causing the return of totalitarian powers without counterpower on the verge of a highly lethal virus. Within this line, the study is obstructed, opening a way to reflect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will argue that Bernard Manin's book The Principles of Representative Government is a central reference for understanding the current debates on the recovery of formulas for greater popular self-government, fundamentally those in which the introduction of sortition as a tool for the selection of political offices is proposed. To this end, I will examine the sources of ancient democracy recovered by Manin and argue in favor of the different possibilities of appropriation of his work. The work will thus appear open to different readings, thus showing that its reception has been conditioned by singular events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía UIS is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Gramsci Journal is the property of International Gramsci Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arte y Políticas de Identidad is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although Political Science and political thought tend to assume a neutral tone or an aseptic style (if not an oversight) regarding how to present a text, the importance of style in writing is not a minor issue or a decorative matter. On the contrary, it corresponds rather to a sample of the interests and indifferences of political science, of what it wants to highlight in line with the ideas that its members profess. Why then would it be important to reflect on style in Political Science and Theory? It is significant because in it we find a sample of the tensions, paradoxes and interests of the discipline, because there are implications in the flat style and lack of amazement and against this a more receptive, broad and imaginative conception would lead to a more complete understanding of political phenomena. In accordance with the above stated, the first section of these notes will approach the problem of style in Political Theory and Science, their tensions and what they profess, and the way they do it, thus distinguishing their writing from that of other disciplines. In the second section, we will briefly reflect on the importance of style and the repercussions that follow from becoming aware of it or not. Finally, according to the philosophical perspective of Martha Nussbaum, in the last section it will be argued that a different style of Political Theory (one receptive to the humanities) would have a profound impact on Political Science, allowing an approach to the plurality and complexity of the world we inhabit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following as a global parameter epistemic methodology originated outside the limits of the Latin American context, result dangerous for the autonomy of any civilization that presents the Amuyawi as a near destination in research. The purpose of the manuscript, is to make the imprecative-counterpower method ostensible under the need to forge a dissimilar thinking from the Muchedad and consequently raise a counter replication to the universal epistemology. In that endorsement, it is argued that the method under development obeys notoriously original patterns that discover and examine bias in strict science; so that, the curious of research is conditioned by the socio-political-economic stratum that leads to the non-existence of the impartiality in science. In short, when scientific research is done, the resulting order is the revalidation of objectivity that nullifies the thinking heart of the silenceds, leading to the nullity of the Amuyawi, to the monocultural imposition and to the unrestricted fulfillment of the standards of the Monoepisteme as a hegemonic crystal bubble. Under that axiom, result imperative to erect an Amuyawi from the pain of the Muchedad that moves in all civilizations of the America of Colors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text examines from the hermeneutic method the lack of protection and exclusion of a certain part of the population by the modern State as a response to the mechanisms of preservation and satisfaction of another part of this human existence, manifesting itself as the reverse and the obverse of the management of organic life by political power, a situation that some authors have called biopolitics. The objective is to distinguish the mechanisms that lead to considering a certain part of the population expendable and therefore excusable, as well as the devices tending to their rejection, lack of protection, and elimination. The conclusions of these reflections will be approached from the migratory phenomenon, as a population group that personifies these expendable lives in modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thinking about the problems of governance in Latin America implies approaching the reality of a society victim of expansionist processes of neoliberal globalization, which in its wake has left victims, excluded, marginalized and disorders in the democratic forms of government in the region. In addition to this, a dismemberment of the institutions, a break between the sense of what is public and what is private, and public policies that are not in accordance with the demands of the citizens who demand social justice. For this reason, to refer to governance is to approach a concept typical of political philosophy, which goes beyond the administrative or economic definitions that abound in theoretical scenarios; it means assuming forms of social coexistence, order, rationality and internal political organization. To achieve this, it is necessary to put an end to the existing social disorders and pathologies, while the construction of stable, democratic societies legitimized by citizen power is aspired to. It is about doing politics, but from a human, rational perspective, which evaluates the problems, while concentrating on responding, efficiently and adequately, to the petitions of the population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study allowed to analyze if evolutionary rationalism is the philosophical foundation that explains the source of knowledge of true liberalism. The approach was qualitative because it was based on the description and understanding of the political philosophy of liberalism, for which the grounded theory of the two aspects in political philosophies that explain liberalism was used: English liberalism, based on spontaneous order (rationalism-evolutionist) and French liberalism, based on the built order (rationalism-constructivist). However, classical liberalism arises from the discovery of a spontaneous order of social reality, product of actions of individuals and not as a result of human design; It appears spontaneously through the progressive limitations imposed on public power caused by people's distrust, the desire to protect life, liberty and property from the arbitrariness of political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anales del Seminario de Historia de la Filosofía is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: The main purpose of this article is to explore contributions of some theories from political that are relevant to the study of inequality. Central part of the discussion focuses on economic inequality because it is one of the more commons forms for studying inequality; however, various reasons for moving to a multidimensional study of inequality are also presented. Analytical approach: In order to address this theme, the manuscript is organized in two main sections. First, to analyse why material inequality is important, some of its main characteristics are outlined and statistical data is described. Second, four contributions from contemporary political philosophy are examined; these are: (1) ideas on justice and the political principles for a just distribution of goods; (2) ideologies that accompany inequality; (3) strategies to mitigate economic inequality and (4) the importance of moving to a multidimensional analysis of inequality. Conclusion: This article concludes that some theories from political philosophy contribute to address the study of inequality in its multiple dimensions, but such contributions are often disregarded from mainstream analysis of this theme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Precedente is the property of Universidad ICESI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Guillermo de Ockham is the property of Revista Cientifica Guillermo de Ockham, Universidad de San Buenaventura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Carlos Astrada's early thought (1916-1927) is characterized by a fundamental concern: the possibility, for human beings, of establishing new "ideals" and "values" capable of supplanting the old, capitalist ones. The aim of this article is to identify the different scopes of Astrada's concept of ideal. In the first section, some bases to consider the philosophy of life underlying the Astradian theoretical proposals are established. The article will thereafter be divided into three other sections, which follow the chronology of Astrada's works. In the first part, the "ideal" is conceptually treated as an operative element in history, for which it is considered to what extent Jean-Marie Guyau would have influenced Astrada's thought, something neglected by the existing literature. The second part deals with the relationship between the concepts of "ideal" and "life". It will be shown how Astrada aimed to challenge the "idealist" and "empiricist" positions, which he considers equally unilateral to elaborate an ethics according to "the new times". Astrada would have looked for an "intermediate position" between both perspectives, i.e., what he called "vital synthesis". This could have been possible thanks to a philosophical dialogue with Georg Simmel, Manuel García Morente, José Ortega y Gasset, and Oswald Spengler. In the third part, the ideal is analyzed as an element capable of giving a guiding sense to the growing accumulation of human activities, marked by specialization, in an operation that can be interpreted under the romantic key of "recovering" the Totality (which it is taken as lost in modern times). For this, the philosophical dialogue that Astrada had with both Georg Simmel and Rudolf Eucken is analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this essay is to underline the existing argumentation of new approaches to the complex issue of democratic deliberation and political participation of citizens, especially with regard to the choice of political representation as an alternative to that offered by the traditional hegemonic democratic-liberal predominant in our days. I will focus on some of the most relevant thesis put forward by Hannah Arendt which I consider paradigmatic of alternative theories, as it emphasizes the education of public values as a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for citizens to fight for their rights and to assume their duties, in order to reach the relevant agreements that denote their willingness to belong to, and to identify with, one political community and not with another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of eHumanista is the property of Professor Antonio Cortijo-Ocana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Ciencia Jurídica is the property of Universidad de Guanajuato and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)