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Objective/Context: This article identifies political and cultural practices and spaces that benefited the international cinematographic diffusion associated with the Unidad Popular (up), determined by the diplomacy of Allende's government and by transnational activities in the general context of the Cold War. I attempt to understand these instances of cooperation and exchange in a connected way, observing the agents that promoted them. Methodology: From a transnational perspective, the article discusses written and visual sources from different latitudes (especially Chile, Cuba, France, and Germany) and from various kinds of documentary resources (diplomatic, cinematographic, and periodical press). Originality: The article pursues to place the study of the up cinema in a double sense: first, shifting the national perspective towards an approach that recognizes dynamics and connections at different scales, and then, connecting the study of audio-visuals with practices such as cultural diplomacy. Conclusions: The networks of human cooperation and film exchange developed during the up government were possible thanks to nationally and internationally oriented initiatives, which helped the progressive collection of film materials in institutions outside Chile, whose role was fundamental in the solidarity campaigns started after 1973. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article analyses South Korea's diplomatic response to Salvador Allende's electoral victory. It focuses on how the "Chilean road to socialism," with its respect for democratic institutions on the one hand and its decision to establish relations with socialist countries on the other, called into question one of the basic tenets of South Korean foreign policy at the time, namely the immediate severance of diplomatic relations with those countries that recognised North Korea. Methodology: The historiographical analysis is based primarily on the documentary holdings of the South Korean Diplomatic Archives. Originality: To date, there is no publication on South Korea's position vis-à-vis the Unidad Popular government. With the addition of South Korea as a new "peripheral" actor, this article presents an innovative look at the challenges that the "Chilean way" posed to the divided nations, and it illustrates the global impact of Salvador Allende's triumph in the 1970 presidential elections. Conclusions: South Korea closely followed the responses of other divided nations and faced the dilemma of breaking or maintaining relations with the Unidad Popular government, opting to soften its ideological stance not to lose ground in Chile to North Korea. The exceptional nature of the Chilean project, which sought to promote change within a democratic framework, played an important role in this decision, as it was impossible to question its legitimacy. Ultimately, South Korea eventually discarded its own foreign policy doctrine. While other elements contributed to this change, it is possible to argue that the South Korean experience in Chile had an impact on the way in which that country related to the world. Moreover, the sources consulted raise new questions about Unidad Popular's foreign policy and its handling of the "Korean question". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on explaining the Chilean participation in the Inter-American Cold War, deepening in the international links during the Popular Unity Government and its end, after the coup d'état of September 11, 1973. The different moments of Chilean international policy in the Inter-American Cold War scenario are analyzed, showing the interaction between domestic policy decisions in the light of the external tensions and influences involved in the political polarization and subsequent breakdown of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of Salvador Allende as president of Chile in 1970 baffled much of the Western world. An avowed Marxist was coming to power by democratic means, offering an alternative to Castro's Cuba. The fear was linked to the possibility of a domino effect, which was notorious in Buenos Aires and in Madrid. Paradoxical as it may seem, the relations established between Allende's Chile and the Argentine and Spanish dictatorships were excellent, because an unexpected coincidence of interests and people facilitated a highly pragmatic approach. A secondary "Détente" that connected with Ibero-American "deep forces". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict between Israel and Palestine seems stagnant since 1948. In reality, it has experienced a profound territorial, strategic and political evolution. Israel's close alliance with the United States was forged in 1956, at the same time as with Saudi Arabia, as part of the American strategy for the region within the framework of the Cold War. In 1982, after the war in Lebanon, Israel's territorial expansion reached its limit and from then on it concentrated exclusively on the colonization of the territories occupied in 1967. The Oslo Accords attempted to provide a way out of the occupation by negotiating it with the Palestinians, but Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu rejected this solution. The Abraham Accords have attempted a different way out of the occupation, ignoring the Palestinians. The attacks carried out by Hamas on October 7 have also closed this route. Prime Minister Netanyahu has now opted for a military solution that will achieve no results and will lead to greater internal division and greater international loneliness for Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of the cultural Cold War in Latin America has experienced a growing interest from disciplinary fields such as cultural history or literary studies. In this line of work, and with the aim of contributing to a transatlantic approach to the problem, the special issue "Cultural ties of socialist and transatlantic friendship: Latin American writers and the Eastern Bloc during the Cold War" emphasizes the study of the interrelationships between Latin American literature and various European socialist countries. For this, it attends to a corpus of a plural nature: from fictional texts or analysis of periodicals to, above all, non-fiction texts that authors of diverse origins (Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Cuba or Mexico) produced after passing through nations located beyond the Iron Curtain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main trip of the Salvadoran writer Roque Dalton to Eastern Europe took place in 1966 and was destined for Prague. That experience was captured in the collection of poems Taberna y otros lugares (1969). The volume analyzed as constitutes a testimony of imagination about Prague and about the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in the socio-political context of the Cold War. The book is part of the so-called "world communist literature", but it nevertheless adopts a critical and desacralizing perspective within this literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1962, a cultural delegation made up of the painter Servando Cabrera Moreno, the architect Raúl Oliva and the critic and essayist Graziella Pogolotti toured the countries of the Eastern Bloc accompanying an exhibition of contemporary Cuban painting at a critical moment in the Cold War. In the autobiography titled Dinosauria soy: Memorias (2011) and in other shorter writings, Pogolotti gives an account of the ins and outs of this travel in which the artistic proposal of the selected Cuban painters contrasts with the institutional socialist realism of the Soviet sphere. The experience of the Cuban delegation is a practical result of the cultural collaboration agreements and their corresponding annual, biannual or five-year application plans that the Government of Cuba signed with the Eastern Bloc countries starting in 1960, with the aim of establishing and consolidate the bonds of friendship and solidarity of socialism on both sides of the Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the concept of "global civil society" - which played a major role in the symbolic construction of the post-Cold War social reality - and reflects on its initial purpose as a critique of the conventional perceptions of statecentric politics and as a change of approach, towards non-party politics and cross-border activism. While it opened new horizons for the empirical analysis of "globalisation from below", this concept failed to prompt a radical epistemological change; it did not succeed in generating knowledge that transcended "methodological nationalism". The paper maintains that what once constituted the concept's disruptive potential - its conceptual enmeshment with the idea of globalisation, reflected in the adjective global - ultimately tamed it. Drawing on this premise, the aim is to rekindle the spirit of the notion of "global civil society" by introducing a concept that takes up and pushes forward this unachieved goal: "planetary politics". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the events leading to the overthrow of Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz in 1954, examining its significance within the context of the Cold War in Latin America. Topics include the involvement of the CIA in the coup, the subsequent exile of Guatemalan revolutionaries to Mexico, and the challenges they faced while in exile, shedding light on a forgotten chapter of Guatemalan revolutionary history.

This article undertakes a comparative analysis by contrasting the national development strategies followed by most countries in Latin America with those of South Korea and Taiwan during the Cold War period. It seeks to find out why these two South-East Asian countries, though starting at a much lower level of development than most Latin American countries at the beginning of the Cold War, were able to achieve much higher and equitable standards of living at the end of it. Its argument is that the remarkable difference in the performance between both regions is mainly explained by the ability of these Asian countries to pursue a synergetic development strategy, whereas the Latin American countries failed to do so. The extent, scope, and timing of a redistributive land reform were key ingredients of such a strategy, as well as the linkages established between the economic sectors. It is concluded that a synergistic development strategy offers the best chances of promoting a more dynamic, sustainable, and equitable development process for Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the analysis of the historian Stephen F. Cohen (1928-2020) on what he called the "New Cold War", i.e., the confrontation between the United States and Russia caused by the expansion, promoted by the United States, of NATO to Eastern Europe. The theoretical framework is the theory of imperialism, and the methodology consists in the analysis of primary sources, academic works and journalistic articles. The conclusion is that Cohen's analysis was vindicated by the outbreak of the current war in the Ukraine, but that his "Russo-centric" view is too narrow, and that his analysis must be placed in the larger global context within which the war in Ukraine takes place: US's two-pronged aggression against both Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article focuses on the life of Rudolf Sudek, a Czech migrant who resided in Mexico between 1905 and 1960. It examines his experiences and evolving opinions over more than fifty years of living abroad, including his response to major historical events such as the Mexican Revolution, the global economic crisis, World War II, and the Cold War. The study delves into Sudek's identity and the enduring importance of his Czech national identity in shaping his thoughts.

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Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

With the end of the Cold War, emerging powers such as Brazil, China, India, Russia and Turkey have struggled to assert a voice in so-called global governance. As a result, the international system, although still marked by US hegemony, seems to be changing. In fact, since the early 2000s, Brazil and Turkey have increased their participation in global governance, to the point of achieving some legitimacy as middle or regional powers. In order to establish the regional and global scope of these two emerging powers, this article addresses the questions about what factors account for the projection of Brazil and Turkey as middle powers and how their foreign policy trajectories differ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relations between Iran and Israel from their initial strategic alliance as non-Arab countries, thanks to cooperation on common interests, through the deterioration of this alliance and the emergence of rivalry in the context of the Cold War, to the Lebanon War in 2006. It aims to understand the background of this conflict, its strategic impacts and implications regarding the hybrid threat posed by the strengthening of Hezbollah as a quasi-state army with the backing of Iran. Despite not sharing common borders and, consequently, having no territorial disputes, the 2006 Lebanon War was the first war between Israel and Iran, and has been a determining factor in the evolution of hybrid threats in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: The article describes the role of Colombia inthe Korean War between 1951-1954, proposing an analysis that links the context of the Cold War in Latin America, the violence in Colombia, and the features of the Korean conflict. Methodology: Based on new historiography of the Cold War and the concept of global history, the text exposes an analysis of primary and secondary sources to identify synchronicities between Internal Policies, the international context and the practices of military and political Colombian elites to participatein the Korean conflict. Conclusion: The text describes how political and military elites in the middle of the twenty century in Colombia understood the context of global polarization in the postwar and how in the middle of an economic, military and diplomatic dependency, justified the presence of more than 5 thousand people in the field of combat in Korea. Originality: The approach from this perspective let us understand some global and local interdependencies in the country in the fifty´ decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes a barely studied phenomenon: the international relations of the Latin American guerrilla groups that emerged during the Cold War. Thus, this work observes the circularity of resources and relationships experienced by the Uruguayan guerrilla of the National Liberation Movement-Tupamaros (MLN-T), from its embryonic stage until its final defeat. Throughout these pages the influences of other guerrilla experiences of the moment are studied. Some experiences that led to the bet, novel up to now, of proposing the armed struggle from an urban character. In this regard, it is presented how, at the beginning of the sixties, Montevideo is a meeting point for revolutionary ideas and actors, given its incomparable democratic quality in the region. The work also presents the difficult relations with Cuba and the strong national imprint that determined the scope of the foreign relations of the MLN-T. This will be related to the few scenarios of material collaboration with other armed groups, especially while the Uruguayan guerrillas experienced a cycle of growing activism. Although a plane of collaboration and camaraderie underlies, a logic of dispute always prevailed in a state dimension. The foregoing only changes when the attempt to create the Revolutionary Coordination Board arises, which championed a project of guerrilla internationalism in the Southern Cone, but whose impulse comes when dictatorships in the region are an inevitable reality. This exercise is developed from an approach to oral history, thanks to several in-depth interviews with renowned members of the MLN-T. This is completed with various documents from the «David Cámpora» Archive of Armed Struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fieldwork, set in the ethnographic present that invariably interrogates the past and its uses to envision the future, often provokes moments of astonishment. In the anthropology that looks at the time that is to come as a kaleidoscope of possibilities, these occasions suggest connections between intersecting worlds, which sometimes diverge and can meet again, always tracing unexpected paths for the projected investigation. In communities that seek in the complexity of the present the simplicity of desired forms of life, which create utopias in the ways of producing, exchanging, educating or deciding among themselves, which transform precariousness into a continued possibility, some of these moments emerged with a bang. In the Pyrenees of the Upper Aragon there are people who live that since the 1970s, who have decisively influenced the anti-military movement in Portugal in the late 1980s. This movement contested compulsory military service, the belonging to NATO and the logic of the Cold War that spread missiles across Europe in a tug-of-war that no one could win, involved an urban generation that lived through the 1974 revolution in a time of normalization and the discourse that repudiated the "excesses of the revolution". For the youth that orbited around the Portuguese antimilitary "Movimento Tropa Não", the Spanish example of disobedience to military service, of the conscientious objection that made thousands of arrests in the neighbouring state, mobilizing wide sectors, was both inspiration and complicity, as well as the kick-starter and field of political consciousness. More than thirty years later, these meetings make the memories of those who investigate fundamental material to accompany what one seeks to understand throughout live or in that of social movements that gain other causes. The melancholy that Enzo Traverso (2019) points out as a characteristic for the Left of the 21st century for not having new collective hopes on the horizon, may be being contradicted in the examples of struggles that are inscribed in the history of each specific territory. The historical time thought in the plural along the multiplicity of times that overlap in interactions, which constantly refer to its dimensions between past and future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the appearance of insurgency and counter-insurgency in Medellin during the decade of the sixties of the 20th century. In the study, the city is observed in the framework of its irregular demographic growth, a result of the arrival of people coming from the countryside due to its industrialization and the armed conflict that had existed since 1948. It also takes into account the context of the Cold War, in which the theory of modernization was developed, which contained social development and security measures with which it was sought to contain socialism. Documents were revised that gave an account of the Colombian context and the defense policies, the security measures implemented by local security forces and the appearance in the press of deeds related to the insurgency. It is concluded that although there was panic that was exacerbated by the governments due to the supposed presence of powerful insurgent groups, which «obliged them» to unleash harsh security measures, the operative power of these, analyzed in the light of the actions manifested in the period studied, was weak. This is why more than being a real threat to the establishment, it was a strategy to maintain social order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of EURE is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper analyzes the evolution of the European security system and its evolution since the end of the Cold War. Also, the consequences that the Ukraine crisis of 2014 and currently the invasion of Russia have had. This system has three fundamental actors: NATO, the EU and Russia, the first being the nuclear piece of the system. Since 1990, the main characteristic of the security system has been an imbalance of power and different processes of inclusion and exclusion concerning Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After briefly exposing the conceptual framework on peace and security, this article distinguishes between the concepts of doctrine and strategy, to review the development of both since the cold war. It is argued that the two main doctrines remain in force, the one based on deterrence and the so-called shared security. An examination of the evolution of strategies according to the main actors in Europe (USA, Russia, NATO, EU, UN and OSCE) shows that these depend both on their doctrinal matrix and on the relations between said actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine is the first violent crisis of the new cold war. In the short and medium term, the biggest challenge is how to stop the confrontation and on what terms to negotiate between NATO, kyiv and Russia. But until you get there, the positions are divergent about the delivery of weapons to Ukraine, the conceptions of "victory" and "defeat", and the strategic objectives of Moscow and NATO. All against the backdrop of the danger of the use of nuclear weapons. Europe's progress and peace will not be possible without Russia and even less so against Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On July 24, 1959, a day before the public opening of the American National Exhibition in Moscow, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and US Vice President Richard Nixon had a heated discussion about the achievements of their respective nations. The argument became known as the Kitchen Debate because it took place in the kitchen of a prefabricated single-family home, popularly known as Splitnik, assembled by the American government in the Russian capital for the exhibition. The incident was a highlight of the Cold War and yet very little graphic information about the physical space of Splitnik has been published. This article presents photographs, plans, and drawings -including previously unpublished works as well as original graphic documentation- of the house which became a symbol of the American and Soviet race for scientific, technological, and cultural hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analytical approach to the Cultura Soviética magazine, published by the Mexican-Russian Cultural Exchange Institute between 1944-1954. This paper analyzes the ideological aspect of the content and the sections that constituted it, the Mexican left intellectuals who participated in it, the graphic relevance of the covers of the publication, the socialist ideological basis with which it approached the two central themes shown on its pages: the fight for peace and the vindication of national cultures; as well as its relations with the Soviet Union through the Society for Foreign Cultural Relations (voks). Likewise, the magazine stands out as an instrument of the ideological struggle in the context of the Cultural Cold War in Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a review of the studies about the National Security Doctrine (DSN) by means of approaching pioneering studies that describe it as a Latin American phenomenon. This literature is analyzed based on two objectives: to account for the DSN and how is it characterized, and to show how these studies explain the process of development or incorporation of the DSN in the region. The literature is classified into two tendencies, "classical" and "critical". The first conceives the DSN as a corpus of ideas originating abroad --mainly in the United States- and absorbed by the Latin American armed forces. The second one has a critically stance regarding the latter, it denies the systematic nature of the DSN and its homogeneous penetration in the region; emphasizes the different origins and temporalities of its components, and the internal processes that enabled it. It is established that the differences between them derive from their way of conceiving the Cold War, the determinations that it entails, and the link between center and periphery, and that those differences are understood when situating the respective currents in the Latin American intellectual field in which they emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This article analyzes several factors that in the first half of the 1960s helped establish the link between Vivian Trías, the outstanding Uruguayan intellectual and politician, who defined himself as a Latin-Americanist and tercerista, and who would get explicitly distant from the communist world and the StB, the Czechoslovak secret service subordinated to the interests of the kgb. Methodology: The analysis is mainly based on sources from the Czechoslovak intelligence archive which are supplemented with texts published by Trías. Originality: Analyzing the specific case of Uruguayan tercerismo, represented by Trías, this research study presents a new look on the challenges brought by the Cuban-Soviet approach within the non-communist Latin-American left. Furthermore, it gives a new value to the role played by the communist secret services in the Latin-American Cold War. Conclusions: While before 1961, terceristas saw in the Soviet Union a way of imperialism, Castro’s declaration on the Marxist-Leninist nature of the Cuban Revolution helped to redefine this view. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (ussr) started to be seen by some sectors of the tercerismo, Trías included, as a power that could defend the third world peoples against the US aggression. Although the Soviet-Cuban relationship was marked by great tensions, the Czechoslovaks were an important ally of the Castro government, and the StB operated as a mediator between the Soviets and the ideologically heterogeneous actors, who, in turn, showed some sympathy for the Cuban Revolution. Under these circumstances, the fact that Trías had been recruited by the StB as its agent in 1964 turned out to be a great coincidence of mutual interests aimed at curbing the influence of the US on Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chilean diplomat Carlos Morla Lynch was an exceptional witness to a troubled Europe as an official, first, at the Chilean Embassy in Madrid before and during the Spanish Civil War; second, in Germany and Switzerland during World War II; and, finally, in Sweden at the beginning of the Cold War. Throughout this journey Morla Lynch underwent an ideological evolution that we try to understand and explain in this work.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia is the property of Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Anuario de la Sociedad Argentina de Historia de la Educación is the property of Argentinean Society of History of Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Arctic was a relevant hotspot during the Cold War. Years later, the global warming derived from climate change is producing transformations that reveal different possibilities to exploit the Arctic's wealth: natural resources, new trade routes, and tourist activities. This range of opportunities has raised tensions among Russia and United States and European countries. Since 2008, the European Union has been developing its own policy for the Arctic space, being security one of the main challenges that it has to tackle as an international organization. This paper, examines this European Arctic policy through the Conventions Theory to identify the evolution of security issues in the European Union's discourse on the Arctic territory. In order to analyze the situation, we use N-Vivo software to encode the content of fundamental documents published by the EU up to 2021 concerning the Arctic region. The results reflect how security and defense issues have gone from being of secondary importance to being one of the fundamental axes of the current European Arctic policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until 1973 Spain refused to have political relations with the GDR because of the Franco regime's anti-communism and its support for the West German Hallstein Doctrine. The GDR did not want relations with Spain either, as the former struggle of the International Brigades legitimised the East German regime and its ruling party (SED) supported the PCE's anti-Franco struggle. However, in 1973 the GDR became the first socialist country to exchange embassies with Spain, which - with the exception of China - did not happen again until 1977. This article attempts to explain why through documentary, newspaper and bibliographical sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new US administration has four difficult years ahead. However, none of the White House's predecessors had an easy task: there are always several drawbacks. Now the problems to be faced are no longer opportunistic but systemic. In this context, the legacy of former President Trump in this area remains ominous and it is worrying that not only did bilateral relations end in the deepest crisis in recent decades, but under Trump almost all negotiating mechanisms which previously allowed solving problems or preventing their uncontrolled development were destroyed. Therefore, in this regard, this article seeks to analyze the situation from Biden's first foreign policy speech, through the evaluation of a possible cold war and the isolationist tendency of the United States, to finally offer proposals for Russia, with the aim of preserving "good" relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various changes have affected the international system since the end of the Cold War. One of them has been the diversification of the elements providing states or groups of states with structural power over the global order. Now, a greater diversification of sources of power does not necessarily imply that power in itself is less concentrated and more distributed today than it was before. This article proposes an empirical analysis of the evolution of structural power in the international system since the end of the bipolar order through a neoclassical realist lens, combined with Susan Strange's structural power analytical model. Its main arguments are that the "liberal bloc" formed by the G7 and the European Union countries still holds the most part of power in the contemporary international system, and that the rise of China provokes its relative decline but not the strengthening of the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wesley Swift was an American religious minister with a key role in the formation of Christian Identity, an anti-Semitic Christian theo-political paradigm at the service of the post-war far right. This article traces the influences that inspired Swift and his resignifications according to the needs of the extreme right in the specific context of general paranoia during the first decades of the Cold War. Analyzing Swift's theo-politics from his anthropology, soteriology, demonology, and eschatology allows us to understand the process of genesis of a cult like Christian Identity, which seems marginal and exotic, but has a lot to do with the context in which it appeared. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interactions between religion and politics are analyzed at two crucial moments during the development of the Cold War in Guatemala. The first one is that of the October Revolution 1944-1954 and the Counterrevolution, and the second one refers to the years when violence reached its peak during the civil war, specifically 1982-1983, when Efraín Ríos Montt ruled Guatemala. The way in which religion and politics intertwined at both moments had a significant impact on the ongoing disputes around state formation. The arrangements forged between religious elites and the State facilitated processes that established the presence and sociocultural influence of the Catholic Church from the first moment on and of the evangelical churches after the second. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the consideration of the foreign policy of the axis of "socialism of the XXI century" through the prism of the historical anti-imperialist traditions of the Comintern. The author clarifies the meaning of the anti-imperialist struggle in the tradition of Marxism, the Second International and the teachings of V. I. Lenin. The article shows that both the ideology and the practical activities of the III International in 1919-1943 were built on the basis of the principles of anti-imperialism, which was one of the essential features of the Comintern. Specific examples, including those related to Latin America, show the significance of the anti-imperialist strategy before the functioning of the Third International. Also in the scientific article, the author refers to the historical experience of the anti-imperialist foreign policy of the leftist regimes in Latin America during the Cold War, considering the cases of Cuba, Chile and Nicaragua as examples. The article concludes about the fundamental importance of the anti-imperialist line and solidarity in the activities of the Latin American left movement in the 21st century, as evidenced, in particular, by the factor of the São Paulo Forum. The author comes to the conclusion that, in general, the countries of the axis of "socialism of the 21st century" are implementing a left-wing foreign policy with a very powerful anti-imperialist component in modern geopolitical conditions. At the current stage, Cuba and Venezuela are the most influential and authoritative representatives of this course. In the article, the author refers to the cases of modern foreign policy of Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and Nicaragua, considering anti-imperialism in their foreign policy primarily as a policy against US actions. In conclusion, the author shows which traditions of the Third International are de facto present in today's policy of the leftist Latin American regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the initially successful development of Trinidad and Tobago's left-wing movement and the reasons for the failure of this movement on the eve of the country's proclamation of independence. The history of the West Indies Independence Party is investigated as an example of political disorganization under external pressure during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the foundations and features of the development discourse coined by the Inter-American Development Bank at the end of the 1960s in Latin America. The historical perspective that it addressed, allowed to understand how since the celebration of the Governors' meeting in Bogota in 1969, the Bank advanced a strategic action in the region based on institutional reforms and linked to governmental agendas aligned with the security policies coming from Washington during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The time of the Popular Unity is closed for our present; The political partisanship and the ideologies that led the social conflict and the institutional crisis with bloody denouement belong to a world that ended up being extinguished with the end of the Cold War, more than 30 years ago. However, in Chile, from the Pinochet dictatorship to the current democracy, events do not cease to refer us to the 1973 catastrophe. In this article I propose to understand the historical course that politics has followed in Chile in the last half century, through starting with the collapse of democracy in September 1973. My hypothesis is precisely that the event of this latest catastrophe defines the past-present of Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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