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Human mobility is not a conjunctural element, it is part of the construction of a society and it will go through different phases throughout its history. Faced with this social reality, the narratives that are constructed and that seem to be imposed tend, ignoring data, to criminalise migrants, supporting restrictive regulations and policies based on security and the externalisation of borders. The challenge lies in dismantling these narratives and favouring discourses and policies based on human rights that emphasise the dignity of the person. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine has generated the largest crisis of displaced persons since the Second World War. In order to respond to the protection needs of these people, the EU activated the application of Temporary Protection, which has made it possible to guarantee rights such as access to work, education, health, shelter and maintenance to these people in a short period of time. Spain has been one of the main receiving countries and has implemented temporary protection in a more effective way. Parallel to the temporary application, the EU has been updating its common migration and asylum policy with the approval of the European Pact on Migration and Asylum. This pact has not included the good practices developed during the implementation of temporary protection, focusing on border control. Spain should maintain the positive aspects that have been developed in the application of temporary protection in the elaboration of the national plan for the implementation of the Pact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of the so-called "migrant crisis" which reached its peak in 2015, the external borders of the EU seem to be in an unprecedented, or at least historical, situation. The migration flows resulting from the various conflicts and politically unstable situations in the Near and Middle East have made the issue of migrant smuggling particularly salient. Since 2016, this has manifested itself in the creation of new dedicated institutions, such as the European Migrant Smuggling Centre (emsc), but also in the intensification of the role and involvement of Europol and Frontex in this area. Thus, beyond the lack of elements that finally allow us to objectify the impact of these public policies on the control of irregular migration, we lay the groundwork for an analysis of the political effects of migration control on public action and the model of governance that the latter conveys and supports. In this proposal, we argue that this "crisis" highlights in an unprecedented way the links that exist between immigration and security policies, thus explaining the non-existence of emergency mechanisms for the management of irregular migration. Indeed, by focusing on the case of Greece--a country emblematically affected by this "crisis"--we will show that, while they succeed in reducing irregular migratory flows, they are ineffective in eliminating the smuggling networks, and that EU policies on smuggling reveal the constant reconfiguration of the exercise of political sovereignty, deepening the logics and dynamics of the externalisation of border control. The proposal is based on semistructured interviews conducted in 2022 and early 2023 with Greek and European high-profile actors from the National Police, the Coast Guard, Europol and Frontex. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (13159518) is the property of Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Zulia Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the perspectives of the Venezuelan population on border technologies and highlights the increasing use of digital technologies in the border management of forced displacements. It mentions the risk that the digitization of these processes contributes to perpetuating the vulnerability of the refugee population. Additionally, it presents the experience of 15 refugees from Venezuela who were subjected to a process of collecting biometric data at the border between Brazil and Venezuela. The article analyzes the strategies adopted by Venezuelan migrants in Brazil to achieve their objectives, highlighting the importance of critically evaluating data collection processes and designing collaborative public policies to address this issue. It also emphasizes the need to inform refugee communities about the use of their data and ensure their access and control over them. [Extracted from the article]

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Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 2010, the Chilean State has designed various strategies to contain irregular flows and attempt to seal the borders of northern Chile with border control regulations and actions on profiles of people considered at “risk”; as well as with the reinforcement of border control under the assumption of protecting the most vulnerable migrants. This article analyzes the reorganization of border control in Chile and its effects on the production of migratory irregularity based on the analysis of official national reports on border rejections and data on expulsions of foreigners and entries through unauthorized crossings until 2022. It is concluded that, beyond the State narrative on the fight against organized crime and its humanitarian version of mobility, selective strategies were implemented to contain flows that reorganized the border control with a securitarian emphasis, which increased migratory irregularity and criminalized transnational mobilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-border cooperation has emerged as one of the key elements of de-bordering. The conventional role of borders as the insurmountable boundaries of the state has been diluted, among other reasons, by the territorial cooperation policies promoted by the European Union since the 1990s. However, regarding spatial planning, the state-national logic prevails, despite many initiatives in the opposite direction. For this reason, creating planning figures adapted to this new framework remains a challenge. In this sense, the present research seeks to settle the treatment of the (cross)border aspect in the spatial planning documents of the Basque territorial area, both on a regional and local scale. The study results show that state logics continue to prevail when it comes to the planning and management of a border territorial context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to develop the notion of water and borderscape in Puerto Quijarro and Guayaramerín, Bolivian cities located at the international border with Brazil. The study is supported by a fieldwork conducted in 2018, with the review of historical, geographical, population and field income background mainly in the Bolivian international border. Semi-structured interviews were applied to officials associated with border control and transportation, in addition to registering observations, photographs and informal conversations. Three interpretative approaches are proposed as a research result: the first is distant and historical for both cases; the second is proposed on an urban scale for Puerto Quijarro, analyzing its morphology and a mural; and the third approach is proposed with an intersubjective perspective for Guayaramerín. In conclusion, border and waterscapes allow to identify metaphors such as: isolation, wall, wall and island, which problematize the relationship between society and nature in this water border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to explain the mingling of two opposing processes, debordering and rebordering, and their territorial implications. Field theory, specifically external relations between fields (intersection and interaction), is used to explain this. In order to test it, a qualitative methodology is applied to the analysis of a case related to the configuration of the US-Mexico border perimeter: the planning of a binational park in the twin cities of Nuevo Laredo and Laredo (2021-2022). As it is shown, the park is both a space that is jointly managed by and for both cities and a space for border surveillance. It is concluded that mingling is the result of the intersection of three fields (the environmental movement, the twin cities, and border security) on the basis of several elements common to all three (a geographical location, a plant species, and a narrative). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article analyzes the construction of a key foundation of the movement (or ideology) known as "Trumpism" (or "Trumpist"), which is linked to the United States' drug policy and its relationship with Mexico. Firstly, it describes the origins of an anti-narcotics and border security strategy proposed by former President Donald Trump in 2017 and amplified by sympathetic politicians and supporters who consider a possible military intervention in Mexico as an electoral strategy in 2024. This analysis highlights the elements of misinformation and propaganda of the Trumpist strategy and revisits the use of psychological operations--outlined from the perspective of the U.S. Army manuals and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)--as a tool for persuasion and electoral marketing. The text serves as an analytical framework to explain part of the political discourse of Trumpism within the context of the 2024 elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Trumpism and Mexico-United States Relations" analyzes the impact of Trumpism on the relations between Mexico and the United States. It highlights Donald J. Trump's "America First" agenda, which includes protectionist policies and the construction of a wall with Mexico. The Trumpist discourse is based on fear and the perception of insecurity at the border, generating a movement that proposes extreme policies. Although Trump is no longer in power, his agenda has left a mark on American politics and bilateral relations with Mexico. The article focuses on areas such as migration, border security, and drug policy, and analyzes the causes and effects of Trump's foreign policy. It concludes that Trumpism will continue to define the future of the relations between both countries. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Novedades en Población is the property of Universidad de La Habana, Centro de Estudios Demograficos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy is the property of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article, based on interviews with 212 migrant smugglers, examines the changes in the human smuggling business on the southwest border of the United States during the period 2008-2022. We concluded that, to counteract the economic losses produced by an increase in border security, a diversification of the activities of Mexican drug cartels and a decrease in Mexican migration, the migrant smuggling business has used two strategies. On the one hand, Central American migrants have become the main clients of these networks. On the other hand, smuggling in women for prostitution has increased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the logics of how racist discourse and anti-racist discourse function on Twitter, based on statements made by the leader of the extreme rightwing Vox party on border security. With a "migration crisis" as a backdrop, which took place on the border between Spain and Morocco in May 2021, and through the systematic observation of the conversations produced on the network, we delve into the analysis of the discursive strategies of support for the racist politician, on the one hand, and of confrontation and rejection of the same, on the other. The work, a case study carried out on a sample of 766 publications, concludes with a diagnosis of the different forms of citizen reaction in this respect, as examples of social/civil participation, while at the same time highlighting the worrying normalisation of racist discourse on social networks in the context studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the increase in studies on border security since the terrorist attacks of September 11th in the United States. It highlights that the literature on border security covers the entire world and that there are numerous conferences and workshops dedicated to this topic. Additionally, it is mentioned that border security is a complex phenomenon and that the control measures implemented by states often generate more insecurity. The militarization of Mexico's migration deterrence policy is discussed and it is shown that not all states respond in the same way to threats on their borders. The symbolic and material deployment of technology on the border between the United States and Mexico is also explored, resulting in processes of hyper-surveillance and loss of privacy. The resistance and activism against the actions of the state to achieve border security are emphasized. It is concluded that border security is a dynamic concept that presents challenges to freedom, individual rights, and democracy. [Extracted from the article]

This article aims to reconstruct the transformations of the securitization process in the Paraná Tri-Border Area from the late 1970s to 2023. Based on critical security studies and with the use of the securitization category, a historical journey is carried out to show the construction of the Argentine border security policy from the return of democracy to the security practice of closing borders due to the pandemic. By adopting an ethnographic perspective, findings from three fieldwork stays, documentary analysis of Argentine and regional border regulations, and media news tracking are incorporated to show that the process of border securitization has been transforming and reconfiguring according to the historical moment because the fear of threats changes over the decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to critically analyse how national education policies have contributed to the production of everyday borders in the educational experiences of children and adolescents in migratory contexts, with a special focus on the Norte Grande of Chile. The article is based on a qualitative study in which interviews with key informants and a systematization of public policies were carried out. For the theoretical-empirical work, two theoretical currents are articulated: border studies and critical interculturality. From the analysis of policies and regulations between 1990 and 2021, it is observed that the increase in the migratory phenomenon has reproduced a bordering of educational policies in terms of their operation and language, influencing the racialization of borders, the exclusion of migrant children, and the extension of border control towards schools. The article concluded that the field of education is a form of bordering beyond geo-political boundaries and border zones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyze the duality that exists in how the States approach the current Venezuelan migration in the region between the humanitarian perspective and the securitist perspective. From the definition of Venezuelan migration as a "crisis" and forced displacement the result is the increase in more restrictive border control measures, the increase in irregular entry and humanitarian aid to those who are in extremely precarious and vulnerable conditions, unresolving irregularity or the consequences that this situation has on people who arrive to Chile. The article takes the case of the border between Chile and Bolivia and the increase of unauthorized crossings at the Colchane border and is based on the results of two investigations carried out during 2021, the first based on qualitative interviews and field observations, and the second based on survey results and field observation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to identify and interpret mediated representations of the US-Mexico digital border, performing a qualitative content analysis on a systematized corpus of 171 communication products, published between 2011-2022. The results show that the symbolic construction of the irregular migrant as a threat-enemy, as well as the representations of technology as a powerful entity to hyper-surveillance and datafication, justifies the establishment of securitization policies to fortify the digital border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the paradox of a globalized cooperative world that appears conducive to openness, yet simultaneously witnesses the proliferation of closed borders, physical barriers, and increased border militarization. The objective is to research, analyze, and categorize the various types of border militarization, offering both theoretical and practical perspectives. We propose new definitions for border militarization to encompass its diverse expressions, ranging from overt to subtle forms. This study focuses on border militarization within Europe, specifically in peripheral countries on the outer fringes of the European Union's Schengen regime, employing a comparative case study methodology. It provides in-depth insights into two similar cases and practical militarization following the 2015-2016 European migration crisis in Croatia and Poland. While the research has limitations, including its eurocentric focus and limited generalizability, the conclusions shed light on post-migration crisis long-term effects in Europe and the growing phenomenon of subtle and covert border militarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyze how the immigration deterrence policy in the government of Andres Manuel López Obrador in Mexico (2018-2024) has been characterized by its militarization. The article is based on a qualitative analysis, including the review of secondary sources such as literature, laws, regulations, as well as reports of the Executive Power of the Mexican Federal Government, other government institutions and civil society organizations. It is observed that the militarization in the deterrence policy is presented in three of the four parameters from which the analysis was raised: appointment of soldiers in some of the positions of a civil institution such as the inm; de facto operation with military practices and under the mandate of the Sedena itself, in some institutions such as the gn, in charge of implementing the deterrence policy; the transfer of civilian activities, such as the surveillance and insurance of migrants, to the armed forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International coordination of global confinement during the pandemic is the event that made evident a paradigm shift in global border security, a paradigm that forged from the beginning of the 21st century and which consists of the reterritorialization of public space through the borderization of security in the global space cartography. I use cartography as a methodology for comparative studies to identify the dynamics of the borderization of security by mapping and representing two regions (United States-Mexico and external borders of the Schengen area). For this purpose, I utilize the geolocator of the mobile phone. The originality of the text consists in establishing the analytical category borders of securitization as an epistemological watershed that brings together a series of events, phenomena, institutions, and policies (in general global border governance) that are translated, differed and displaced to invert the concept of border security by that of borderization of security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the disintegration of the ussr, Russia confronted the task of reforming its border security policy, which had previously emphasized stringent control over both inbound and outbound cross-border movements. This challenge was further compounded by the unprecedented management of 13 thousand kilometers of newly established borders with other states of the former Soviet Union. This article examines the evolving trends in Russian border security policy, encompassing the management of these new borders, endeavors to integrate Russia's border security spaces with those of its post-Soviet allies, and the impacts of geopolitical expansionism. The transformation of Russian border security policy has yielded mixed results. On one hand, Russia has effectively embraced modern approaches to cross-border flow management. On the other hand, the scope of issues covered by Russia's border security agenda remains extensive, encompassing geopolitical fears and other issued that cannot be managed effectively by the agencies tasked with routine border management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the strategies of cross-border cooperation that the Yoeme community (also called "Yaquis") in Sonora, Mexico, carries out with the support of the Pascua Yaqui Tribe in Tucson, Arizona, United States, for the strengthening of their autonomous rights. This paper employs an interdisciplinary methodology, using observation, interviews, and documentary analysis techniques. The results reveal a cross-border collaboration of the Yoeme group in the form of legal, cultural, and economic alliances that have allowed them to create new international spaces to demand justice and strengthen their collective ties. It is concluded that such collaboration must be based on their traditional and cultural normative framework supported by international human rights instruments to strengthen their autonomous rights of territory and water. The main limitation was the restricted access to Yaqui groups due to the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the term "transborder" and its evolution in border studies. Its application in different disciplines is highlighted, as well as its importance in understanding the complex interdependence between border regions and cities. The concept has been used in studies on transborder cooperation and borders in general, and has evolved as border studies have become more interdisciplinary. The relationship between transborder and development in border contexts is mentioned, as well as the importance of transborder cooperation and the elimination of barriers for individual development. The concept of transborderism as a form of appropriation of border spaces based on the production of collective meanings is also addressed. The document compiles bibliographic references related to the topic of borders and transborder cooperation. [Extracted from the article]

This article addresses Central American climate migration from a human, gender, and environmental (HUGE security) approach. It examines documents, government reports, press publications, international and national statistical data, and interviews to establish complex interrelationships between migration, disasters, poverty, pandemic, and survival dilemma. Militarized borders, pressure from the U.S. government, and transnational organized crime have increased the dangers and costs of undocumented migration. Could a U.S. immigration reform overcome this maelstrom of illegal migration and generate development in Northern Central America by sending remittances to their families? The article explores multiculturalism, ecosystem restoration, climate change adaptation, gender recognition, and a culture of care that would offer vulnerable people in Central America an alternative livelihood agenda in their country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Title 42 is an old U.S. health policy implemented in the service of immigration control in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. This article aims to discuss the argument about the logic behind the migratory containment strategies involved in this provision. From a documentary and bibliographic review of official data and testimonies of migrants expelled under this policy, the effects of this rule are reviewed, especially towards the populations seeking international protection, who were expelled to territories where their lives were in danger. Three ways of understanding are proposed to critically reflect on how a health policy has been implemented as a migratory restriction: the bionecropolitical governance of migrations, the global regime of security and health immunization, and the securitization of borders through constructing external threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the role of emotions in migratory experiences and in the political management of borders. It compares the border between Spain and Morocco and the border between Mexico and the United States, highlighting the emotions that migrants experience in both cases. Testimonies reveal feelings of fear, determination, frustration, and hopelessness. Despite the difficulties, migrants maintain hope of reaching their destination and fight against the labels and structures imposed by receiving states. Borders are perceived as scenarios of uncertainty and suffering, but also as places of satisfaction for having successfully arrived. [Extracted from the article]

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Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Most women smuggled for the sex trade across the southwestern US border come from Mexico and Central America. This research, based on a qualitative methodology that includes in-depth interviews with fifty-two smugglers of women and eighty-six owners of prostitution businesses in Mexico, aims to analyze the links between the different actors involved in smuggling women from Mexico and Central America for the sex trade in the United States. It concludes that the different actors involved in networks smuggling women for sex work occupy strategic positions within a chain of command that aims to provide US sex business owners a continuous supply of women. Smugglers recruit and transport women, while US sex business owners benefit from the exploitation of prostitution. In addition, this activity depends on the participation of Mexican owners of prostitution businesses, who recruit and harbor women in transit to the north. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mexico and Central America are the main source of foreign labor, both permanent and temporary, for the United States and Canada, and, with very similar characteristics, together they conform the Mesoamerican migration system. However, their historical processes are very different. In Mexico, the vicinity, recruitment and articulation of labor supply and demand were the main drivers of the migration that originated at the end of the 19th century. In Central America, the detonator was the violence unleashed in the last three decades of the 20th century, in its different modalities: political, armed, social and systemic, which gave rise to different types of migrants: exiles, refugees, economic migrants, forced and uprooted migrants. This article analyzes the main contemporary causes of migration in the Mesoamerican migration system, which are currently the so-called structural causes, but renamed as systemic violence, neoliberal poverty, and institutional impunity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how one of the most important changes in the Donald Trump administration was the restriction of family-based entry in all dimensions of immigration policy: permanent, temporary, undocumented and humanitarian. Based on the Fitzgerald and Cook-Martin (2014) model, the targeting of the migrant population was carried out through the implementation of various executive orders and administrative changes. Specifically, the costs (economic and humanitarian) for migrants and their families were raised in order to discourage them from continuing with their migratory project (arrival, stay and/or for the eventual reunification of more family members) as the case may be. The aforementioned in order to fulfill one of the ideals of this administration, which was to stop the growth of the non-white population in the United States. The application of this policy had a particularly negative impact on Mexicans and Central Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]