Search

This paper presents the idea that Walter Eucken's ordoliberalism was directly linked both to the continuity of a line of conservative German economic thought and to the search for a political-economic order where the State was able to regulate the economy and the crisis of capitalism. This crisis, in the opinion of many contemporaries, led to the world wars, the Nazi dictatorship and the expansion of Soviet influence. In this framework the political order was intended to prevent a return to the past marked by war, the crisis, dictatorship, and political polarization and to reducing the influence of the Soviet anti-capitalist ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper shows the progress of the research project that investigates the ideas that sustained the pedagogic thinking developed by liberal Protestants in Argentina, in the beginning of the 20th century. These groups allied to liberalism, led by Wiliam Case Morris; and developed an educational project in collaboration with the State, in the most marginalized zones of Buenos Aires. In the magazine LA REFORMA ("The Reform") in collaboration with the mentioned project, it is possible to find a wide range of discourses around the idea of citizens' construction. In this regard epistemological and political matters complemented each other, by establishing definitions in themes that revolved around this conceptual nucleus. Among them we find discourses referred to childhood that confronted with the catholic imaginary that disputed the hegemony in the social field. However, often these discourses contradicted each other: they expressed the conflict of interests that were a product of the struggle, not only with antagonistic groups but within liberalism itself. We believe that in the construction of a particular identity that combined elements of Protestantism, liberalism and modern pedagogy, these groups contributed to the repositioning of child as an educational, social and political subject, in the process of secularization and democratization of the Argentinean State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper addresses the discourse conflicts concerning development and the social issue, between the government elites and the power groups during post-Peronist developmentalism era in Argentina. Because of space limitations emphasis will be made on the Onganía's government. Governmentality crisis faced during that period can be explained on the grounds of the difficulty elites in power had to come to an agreement on a hegemonic discourse concerning those issues, as it is argued here. The empirical analysis will show a constant: permanence in time of a liberal narrative against any effort of state regulation and the failed attempt to create an alternative narrative through the development significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In September, 1880, Juan A. Mateos, Congressman and poet, presented a law initiative to close and to sell at auction several temples and chapel precincts used by the Compania de Jesus. This initiative was largely rejected by intellectuals related with positivism, who used La Libertad newspaper to present Mateos' behavior as intolerant and reactionary and as a defender of outdated principles such as those emanated from the Ayutla and Reforma movements. With these actions, Ignacio Manuel Altamirano was motivated to defend the liberal doctrine through La Republica newspaper. For the next two weeks, these newspapers presented different aspects related to the viability of these philosophical models in the Mexican context: Order and progress vs. democracy and individual rights. This paper will address the general circumstances for the development of this situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho UNED is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During the Spanish «three-year liberal period» (1820-1823), reforms that also affected the Church were introduced. This paper studies the point of view of the Roman Curia regarding those reforms. We will examine the attitudes of the Curia cardinals involved in Spanish affairs and of the members of the «Particular Congregation for Ecclesiastical Affairs in Spain». In the Spain of this period the Holy See faced a very distant political world, towards which it adopted not a rigid policy, but instead followed moderation and searched for appeasement. The same policy can be found at the beginning of the pontificate of Pius VII towards revolutionary France. A theological reading of political events emerges and dominates in both cases. Once again, Rome takes political decisions based on theological, especially ecclesiological, paradigms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historía da Sociedade e da Cultura is the property of Revista de Historia da Sociedade e da Cultura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After a short reflection on the concept of ideology, this paper considers the concept of education and the contributions of two outstanding ideologies today: socialism and liberalism. It is then pointed out that the 21st century requires a different education accordingly, since phenomena like globalization, new technologies or emigration are modifying our world and our own existential context. So, educational policy measures in modern democratic countries, beyond consensus or lack of political agreement, should be planned and carried out stressing the four main issues which in turn characterized various educational approaches: efficiency and quality within liberalism, equity and participation in left wing trends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper discusses justice in terms of political problem as viewed by John Rawls' philosophy. It claims that the Kantian politic constructivism has some implications on the base of the Rawlsian liberalism. It argues about how the connection between these two different types of constructivism provides a construction procedure in which rational autonomous agents, submitted to reasonable conditions, make agreements concerning public principles about justice in order to reach a fair system of cooperation that goes beyond the generations. It concludes showing the limitations and achievements of the proposal in contemporary political philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the normative relationship between (a) communitarian, (b) liberal nationalist, (c) libertarian and (d) liberal egalitarian theoretical argumentative structures, and the issue of immigration. According to the defended argument, the limits on immigration that these theories stand up for as beeing reasonable are difficult to sustain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analisis Politico is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Interuniversitaria de Formación del Profesorado is the property of Asociacion Universitaria de Formacion del Profesorado (AUFOP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Científica is the property of Editorial Universidad Don Bosco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this work is to contribute to a critical analysis of what has been called 21st century socialism. Socialist regimes of the 20th century distorted the theoretical Marxian economic model partly because of the impossibility of socialist economic calculation. Allin Cottrell and Paul Cockshott argue that in 21st century socialism, supported by several political parties, social movements and some Latin-American governments, the impossibility of economic calculation can be overcome by the use of computers and the Internet. In this paper we offer criticism of economic and political aspects of Cottrell and Cockshott's theoretical design. Our discussion of the economic aspects is inspired by market socialism, while our discussion of political aspects draws on debates surrounding political or egalitarian liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we shall analyze two Kantian definitions of political freedom which have been considered mutually exclusive: one of them would allow us to consider Kant as an exponent of the liberal tradition; the other would lead to a republican interpretation of Kant's political thought. The analysis of both definitions will show that they are not necessarily incompatible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Karl Popper is one of the great defenders of liberalism and open society, but he is also one of the main critics of liberalism itself, as he considers that it has many week points that are in need of analysis and solutions. Therefore his attack is directed not only to his enemies, but also to those liberal thinkers who do not defend open society with enough intellectual solidity. Popper proposes to abandon some naive ideas of the very liberal tradition and to replace them with more solid and sophisticated viewpoints. In this paper we review these topics and the changes of frame posed by Popper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elías Díaz's most significant debate was maintained with the leftist critics. His disagreement with economic liberalism and totalitarianisms has been elaborated chiefly in political terms. When Díaz debates with Marxist thinkers, he elucidates an adequate interpretation of Marx's papers on the role of the State in the removal of social inequalities. Instead of considering the State only as an apparatus of domination, he holds that the State plays a regulatory function of the market that radical conceptions from the Left elude when they support its eradication. Offe, one of the main sociologists of this school of thought has qualified his previous most radical positions to adopt a more plural vision of the functions of the State as held by Elías Díaz. Far from the "end of History" held by the liberal and Marxist millenarianism, Elías Díaz places the Law and the State in a never-ending historical dialectic, in a social and political process always open towards real equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Temas de Historia Argentina y Americana is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The concept of social citizenship, as formulated by Marshall in the middle of the 20th century, is in crisis. Its most evident sign is the impact of the privatization policies iniciated by neoliberal governments in 1980. This paper attempts to open a debate about its future, which is linked to the examination of what we understand as welfare. In Amartya Sen's work, it is possible to find patterns that allow us to go in this direction and ask if it is time to move from welfare focused on covering needs to another whose aim would be the creation of capacities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to present some of the points made over citizenship and political participation by Juan Bautista Alberdi and Vicente Fidel Lopez, two of the most important XIXth. century Argentinean intellectuals. This interventions were partly influenced by what Pierre Rosanvallon cal]ed "utopist liberalism". One of the effects of these is the emphasis put on the importance of the construction of a new kind of citizenship that differs from the equalitarian citizen that can be found in the text of the first Latin American constitutions. This new subjectivity is centered in economical and individual interests, and it develops its actions in either private or local spaces. The possibility of thinking this figure is going to be one of the conditions for the further emergence of the neighbor as a political subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a closer examination of the possibility to justify cultural rights in (a) a liberal egalitarian theoretical framework that defines the egalitarian metric according to a conception of primary goods and in (b) a framework regarding the access to individual welfare. As a result we can see that this justification is not possible in the first framework but it is in the second. Nevertheless this justification is object of criticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Sociología is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Elías Díaz's most significant debate was maintained with the leftist critics. His disagreement with economic liberalism and totalitarianisms has been elaborated chiefly in political terms. When Díaz debates with Marxist thinkers, he elucidates an adequate interpretation of Marx's papers on the role of the State in the removal of social inequalities. Instead of considering the State only as an apparatus of domination, he holds that the State plays a regulatory function of the market that radical conceptions from the Left elude when they support its eradication. Offe, one of the main sociologists of this school of thought has qualified his previous most radical positions to adopt a more plural vision of the functions of the State as held by Elías Díaz. Far from the "end of History" held by the liberal and Marxist millenarianism, Elías Díaz places the Law and the State in a never-ending historical dialectic, in a social and political process always open towards real equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the effects of the liberalization and/or exclusion of the agricultural sector in the integration processes in which are immersed the Latin American Countries from the comparison of four different ways from liberalization. The central objective consists of determining if it is necessary that this sector receives a special treatment in comparison with the rest of economic sectors, or if the complete liberalization is more/less favorable than the exclusion of the agriculture in the integration processes. We used a static CGE model, multisectorial, multicountry of short and long term that has a predominantly agricultural aggregation. Between the main results we found that although the four types of liberalization generate positive results in the Latin American economies; for Peru, Venezuela, Ecuador-Bolivia, Argentina and Uruguay the multilateral strategy that excludes the agricultural sector generates greater benefits than the net tariff liberalization. Despite if we compare the tariff liberalization versus the total liberalization (one that includes export subsidies elimination and band of prices), all the countries with exception of Peru and Venezuela register greater benefits with the total liberalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The republican political project has been the occasion of a renewed interest in contemporary political theory as a preferred alternative to the undesired consequences of some applications of liberalism. In this paper I explore the contrasts between the two traditions as a jumping-off point to analyze Charles Taylor's and Quentin Skinner's understanding of republicanism. Moving beyond their differences, I show that both thinkers share the idea that republican citizenship does not conflict with those liberal values that are still worthy of being defended. Finally, I provide some thoughts on the desirability of rehabilitating the republican narrative in the Latin American context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes some of the notions that infuse governmentality studies. By these I refer to a set of works originally derived from Foucault's 1977-1978 lectures at the Collège de France, which originated a relevant literature both in France and in the English-speaking world on the topic. This article focuses particularly on the production of the authors grouped in the "History of the Present" Network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Sociológicos is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Desacatos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The political parties play the most influential role in our political society. An important trend in public opinion regrets this situation. But are really political parties always noxious? If they are, have not they been unavoidable for two centuries of liberal régime? Machiavelli developed for the first time a political theory that upholds that society could receive a great profit from political conflict through the maintenance of liberty. This paper deals with the peculiar meaning of this gain of liberty due to political conflict in Machiavelli's "Discorsi" and "Istorie Fiorentine". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Telos (11320877) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers theoretical guidelines for the current national security concept research focused on realism and its critics--liberalism and critical theory. Due to the usual understanding of the national security on a military basis with respect to the international political situation, an axiological discussion is required to analyze the wide range of the different aspects of this matter. If not considered both academic and political activities will be deeply darkened particularly in those countries where the military doctrine spirit has been hegemonic. In this regard, the first part of this paper explores the premises of the realistic school and their view on the national security model. The second part examines the liberal approach and, in particular, its proposed change of level of the national realism analysis. The third part explores the Critical Security Studies and the relation they keep with the critical theory with the purpose to outline its epistemic criticism to the realism as a rationalistic theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies one aspect of the career of Ernesto Nelson (1873-1959) covering moreover the years in which he belonged to the National University in La Plata, and evaluates his university career which is quite different both in relation to the policies implemented in the same by its founder and president Joaquin V. Gonzalez (who governed during three consecutive periods: 1908-1918), and from the new policies that were part of the university reform (1918). Nelson affirms, from a liberal point of view, that the state is the principal cause of the decadence in the Argentine university system, and adopted in this manner a position which separated him from both the Liberal Conservatives and from the 1918 Reformists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at a revision of the main approaches to the historical production surrounding the Russian Revolution. It highlights not only the influence exerted upon them by the political events of the twentieth century but also the impact that these conceptual paradigms have had upon philosophical, social and cultural trends since 1917 onwards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales is the property of Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper claims that John Locke does not support an individualistic conception of society; that if he did (which is false), this would not bring him into conflict with a modern organic conception; that based on this, Bobbio's position lacks epistemic or heuristic value; and that, politically, individualism is not a progressive category of modern social formations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The function of occupational courses aimed at young people leaving the educational system at an early stage is in fact developing towards goals in public assistance. This change occurs within a post-Keynesian model in labor relations, which the present paper will submit to critical scrutiny, as well as under new forms of social inequality that relate to new formulations of neoliberalism as a dominant discourse, in ways that will be illustrated through samples taken from group discussions and interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For the sake of philosophical search firm on the issue of democracy in complex societies of today, this paper addresses some central themes of the tradition of liberal thought, with special emphasis in the process of institutionalization of fundamental rights of individuals, defined as "hard core" of liberal political project. [TRANSLATION]

This essay analyzes liberal explanations of social order. Throughout exposition, Ovejero suggests the convenience of reviewing two central insights of liberalism, related with the way that the "problem" of social order is stated and its "solution" through the market. The "problem" is based on the unsustainable idea of presocial individuals inherent to liberalism. The article develops some arguments that shows why it has no sense to ask for the foundation of social order in that way. It supports that sociability can not be chosen, as the language can no be chosen either, in other words sociability can not be explained as a result of exchange or bargaining among individuals. The paper analyzes too the alternatives to explain the existence of social cement: passions, in terms of emotions and instincts, as the central basis that explains the way in which personal interests and the market would guarantee the social order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)