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Copyright of Revista Telos is the property of Revista Telos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents a series of gramscian theoretical receptions that, in Argentina, were used to interpret popular nationalisms since the overthrow the Peronism in 1955. Taking as a starting point the first debates in the late fifties and early sixties, which are reflected throughout the successive decades in intellectual projects such as the magazine Pasado y Presente or the Cátedras Nacionales, we then address revisions made in Mexican exile and in the return of democracy. We also presents intersections of gramscian concepts with other theoretical perspectives such as discursive analysis, as can be seen in the work of Ernesto Laclau. In the end, we take stock of this conceptual translatability in this attempt to analyze the national-popular in a local key. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Perspectivas de Politicas Publicas is the property of Universidad Nacional de Lanus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Desacatos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropologia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article aims to understand the changes that took place in the identity of Argentina socialism in the first decades of the twentieth century from the prism of the ritual of the May Day at the juncture of the Great War. It is based on a detailed analysis of the press organ of the Socialist Party and in other publications that allow us to reconstruct the speeches and the symbols displayed regarding the annual commemorations of that date. The conclusion reached is that, despite the world conflict and the divisions of socialism at the local and international level, the situation implied the revitalization of an optimistic vision of the socialist cause. This was due both to the process of local democratization that installed the party in an expectant position and strengthened its affiliation with a national ideal, as well as to the new meanings and international scope that the idea of revolution acquired in the post-war period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amauta 'Todo lo Humano es Nuestro' is the property of Universidad del Atlantico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article proposes a renewed theoretical framework for the study of contemporary nations and nationalism. To that end, we are going to analyse firstly the dominant views among different schools in political sciences in order to overcome their divisions. Through our preliminary conclusions, we will discuss the consequences of considering the state a social relationship. After that, we are going to define the concept that will guide our research: subaltern statehood. Finally, on a more concrete plane of analysis, we will endeavour to apply it to the Basque case. Our research questions and hypotheses will be the ones that will lead us to our main conclusions. On the one hand, when considering nations with self-government powers, the category that suits best their ontological being is that of subaltern states. On the other hand, our analysis will illustrate that the matter is dominated by issues related to the defence and construction of a democracy rather than by traditional nationalist arguments, so they are as nationalist as they are democratic. Thus, the key when studying contemporary nationalism is not the defence of a millenary and essentialist nation but how and to what extent can subaltern states make their case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Hong Kong's 2019 social movement concerning the spontaneous and collective forms of expression that sparked throughout the city, known as Lennon Walls. Based on the premise that national identity is an imagined social construct, this article explores the link between the construction of a Hongkongese identity differentiated from a Chinese identity and the way this distinction is translated into more than a hundred public spaces. These sites became peaceful demonstrations of resistance around Hong Kong. This article discusses the relationship between democracy, social movements, and the search for a Hong Kong identity to further address the characteristics and ongoing demands of 2019's social protests. Moreover, Lennon Walls will be analyzed as public forms of expression of Hong Kong's identity based on the search for democracy. Lastly, the article concluded that due to this sense of national identity, Lennon Walls are just one more link in the chain that implies a complex balance for Hong Kong's citizens to be part of a broader State such as China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Political Philosophy / Las Torres de Lucca is the property of Revista Las Torres de Lucca. Facultad de Filosofia, Ciudad Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía (0034-8244) is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Norba: Revista de Historia is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Extremadura and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

National-populism has emerged into the international scene in an unexpected way. Its political representatives have obtained important positions, from which they have tried to modify the current world order. The detractors of populism find their cause in the unhealthy thoughts of their leaders, while others find it in the deficits of democracy and structural changes in economic and social affairs. Thus, this article seeks to explain the causes of the current phenomenon and its consequences in the international order, studying the case of the United States with the current president Donald Trump. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Right-winged Argentine nationalism underwent a series of transformations in the mid 20th Century. These changes were registered in the biographies of many Nationalist intellectuals. Thus, the aim of this paper is to examine the case study of Marcelo Sánchez Sorondo. The work of this well-known nationalist intellectual covers over seventy years and influenced many generations of nationalist militants. In analysing his discourse on democracy and political leadership, this paper tracks the long-term changing process of his political and ideological discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the relationship between the Umbrella Revolution demand for full democracy in Hong Kong and the construction of a post-colonial social imaginary upon which the identity of the movement has been built. In addition to the discourse of self-determination, autonomy, and sovereignty, the authors contend that these manifestations have been determined by a post-colonial mimicry that acts as a discourse of resistance in the face of the Chinese government's political hegemony. They conclude that this is part of a continuum of Hong Kong social movements that adapts the colonial past and Chinese nationalism to the political and social structures of the global situation of today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the past decades, there have been multiple debates in Latin America. The most transcendental, from our perspective, represents rethinking their political systems and their conceptualizations concerning the States-Nation. This research aims, from the theoretical and political debates and practical experience, to join the discussion on the demands that different territorialities propose as to the crystallization of their rights for the recognition of the cultural characteristics that define the diverse ethnic groups of our continent, and therefore, to influence the strengthening and development of policies with intercultural looks in our country. For the development of the research, it was vital to appeal the bibliographic and documentary review that allows a hermeneutic analysis of the liberating and transformative processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the democratic transition in Spain during the 1970s following the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, with a particular focus on its effects on Basque nationalism. The author comments on the political and social conditions in País Vasco during this period and describes the history of the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (Basque Nationalist Party, PNV), including its role during the democratization period. The disagreements between the PNV and the now-democratic federal government is also examined.

Copyright of Revista de Historia Actual is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Colección is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article presents and explores the axioms and driving ideas behind Fascist ideologies in the first third of the twentieth century. The aim is to identify the features that define the term "Classical Fascism" as a conceptual category in the study of politics and to uncover the core ideas of its political theory. I start by proposing a generic model of Classical Fascism, based on a comparison of three frequently cited definitions by R. O Paxton, R. Griffin and N. Bobbio. I test this model through an appraisal of texts written by J. A. Primo de Rivera, B. Mussolini and C. Codreanu. Classical Fascism is characterized by an anti-democratic palingenesic ultra-nationalism underpinned by a sacralized ideology; the quest for a united, indissoluble society as a political system; and third, violence as a political vehicle, exercised amorally and a-legally against internal and external enemies with the final aim of exalting the imperial fatherland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Temas de Historia Argentina y Americana is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the context of the negotiation process for Turkey's accession to the EU, the author delves into the country's current situation and its condition as a bridge. She focuses on the question of Islam and modernity, taking as her point of departure the example of Kayseri, a city and region in Central Anatolia, which is dynamic and productive without having lost its cultural and religious values for this reason. Among these values, she highlights an obstacle which distances the country from an economic rapprochement with the EU, namely the role of women in the economy, although she underscores the idea that everything indicates that this necessary change could occur soon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Might Turkey be thought of as a model of democratic Government for the rest of the Islamic world? Can Turkey be a lighthouse of democracy in the Islamic world? The objective of this work is to try, to answer these questions, and for this it focuses on two interrelated factors, which the author believes to be fundamental, in order to try to understand Turkey's domestic policy: "nationalism" and "religion", two elements that have been the object of strong debate in Turkey at the turn of the century, in the framework of the two last elections, held in April 1999 and November 2002. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By explaining the essential elements of the multinational state and proposing a typology for it, this article argues that the link between the state and society and the world favors the advance of multi-culturalism and the recognition of national minorities, which implies a loss of state sovereignty. Examples of the economic opening in Mexico in recent decades and the negotiations prior to the signing of the free trade agreement between Mexico and the European Union are used to back up this argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Punto Fijo model in Venezuela was the expression of the relationship between nationalism, modernization and democracy. Its legitimacy was based on the strategy of "planting oil" (investing oil revenues) in order to modernize society. However the failure of the model placed the country in a difficult situation in which modernization became more and more unattainable. Three sectors of society (social movements including labor movements, the management sector, including professionals and oil executives, and the military) built political projects during the final stages of the Punto Fijo model and into the collapse of this model and the party system associated with it up until 1998, when Chavism began to dominate the political apparatus of the state. However, the development of this process and recent happenings have proven that the political scenario is more difficult to manage than was thought, and the loss of presidential popularity and the upsurge of movements to eliminate Chavez indicate that the political situation is still unstable. The question is: What explains the permanence of Chavez in power even after his loss of popularity? One answer discussed in this paper is the president's ability to interpret popular resentment to- wards the previous ruling parties, and his ability to impose independent external policy which capitalizes anti-U.S. sentiment in large segments of the population, and which Is based on a cultural tension well rooted in the history of the country. The most important conclusion is that the 40 years of Punto Fijo-model have created in Venezuela a not-so-automatic and not-so-blind acceptance of leadership, wherever it comes from. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo examina el fenómeno político del populismo en México. Desde los años treinta con el gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas, los gobiernos mexicanos han sido calificados como populistas por el discurso nacionalista. El populismo tiene la característica de resurgir después de períodos con gobiernos impopulares. El artículo analiza el rol del populismo y los riesgos asociados al orden institucional democrático.