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The aim of this paper is to analyze how citizen participation has been implemented by the autonomous public bodies in Mexico. According to the literature on autonomous public bodies, these are privileged spaces for citizen participation given that autonomy occurs outside the political parties and lobbies' sphere. Especially, when he open government mechanisms are being built. Therefore, is this true? Does open government mean a special space for citizen participation? To carry out the research, 13 in-depth interviews were conducted with people who work or worked in some autonomous bodies. The paper is structured in four sections: the first part reviews key concepts that help to lead the research. The second part goes deeper into methodology and some technical specifications of the fieldwork. The third part presents the results. Finally in the fourth section, conclusions are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After several decades with scarce information about the relationship between corruption and electoral participation, recently some literature has emerged on this subject. There are several hypotheses that try to explain this phenomenon; one of them considers corruption as a mobilizing agent and another one as a paralyzing agent in electoral activities. In this paper, we study the role played by corruption over electoral participation in the municipality of Culiacán, with information obtained through a survey on political culture and electoral behavior. The statistical results suggest that the probability of voting is negatively related to higher levels of perceived corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to make a balance of the magnitude and dimensions of the high school dropout, using some theoretical contributions and a review about the main Mexican policies. Oriented by a qualitative methodology, based on the theoretical review, the recovery of fundamental statistical information and the systematization of experiences of policies and programs oriented to the prevention of abandonment in the high school, an analytical framework was generated to organize and analyze the main government strategies, as well as the guidelines issued by the National Institute for the Evaluation of Education. The analysis finds a policy trend to address risk factors, mainly socioeconomic, but ignores fundamental issues such as the school environment and school integration. Therefore, some recommendations are proposed to strengthen public policy in the educational field, recognizing the heterogeneity of the causes of dropout. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective is to analyze the importance of governance app. roach in order to reduce the violation of human rights of migrants under the Mexican immigration and security policies. The main contribution of this paper is to promote a model of governance for results that can guide effective implementation of the current Mexican immigration policy, particularly with regard to the Special Program for Migration (PEM, 2014-2018). The paper starts the premise that there is a limited app. roach of governance for results in Mexican migration policy and therefore, has not been reduced the insecurity and violence that affect the human rights of migrants in Mexico and particularly in the northern border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of the quality of democracy has focused mainly in whole countries, paying little attention to local governments. In light of this absence, the present paper describes some of the issues and prospects related to the study of the quality of democracy at the subnational level. By looking at the inconveniences posed by the Mexican case, the paper intends to call into question the theoretical, conceptual, methodological and contextual predicaments for the study of the quality of democracy in local governments. The foregoing with the aim of promoting a research agenda that seeks to resolve such problems and build reliable evidence that allows us to obtain better explanations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the institutional design of the state of Quintana Roo and its political change during 2016 elections. In this context, it is exposed that beyond the causes that led to democratic change in the state, these are not decisive to consolidate the political change due to the original institutional design, which manifests itself in a bureaucratized society and depending on government agents, which faces a dichotomy: on the one hand, it seeks an improvement in the state government decisions, and on the other hand it resists the institutional equilibrium change on which its socio-political structure was designed. The analysis is carried out with the theoretical contributions of New Institutionalise! and Subnational Democracy, supported by open interviews with key actors of local politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to present the indicators developed to assess the planning and development of investment projects of the State of Guerrero, and responsibility in fulfilling its functions from the responsible agencies in implementing such projects. This work was developed in 2010 at the request of the Planning Committee of the State of Guerrero (COPLADEG). Projects are proposed and developed by Decentralized Public Organizations and state agencies. Intervene in project management as well as the agency responsible, COPLADEG, the Secretariat of Finance and Public Finance Indirectly. The inclusion of these indicators would be the Control Information System for State investment projects (SICI). System developed by a group of programmers COPLADEG. This paper justifies the proposal for these indicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a theoretical framework that links gender perspective-public budgets with the modernization of the public administration, taking as the starting point its parallelism with the result-oriented management and public finances. Also, it focuses in the advances in the implementation of budgets for gender in the world and it discussed its scope and limitations in the case of Mexico, based on the review of international agreements and their results in the institutionalization of the category of gender in public policies and plans in the federal and local government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at two obstacles to democratic life in Mexico, electoral crimes and abstentionism. Speaking of electoral crimes and rates of abstentionism to analyze two of the most complex obstacles that the political culture and the Mexican democratic life faces and allows action strategies that promote from the legal wing and political inculturation tangible and implementable solutions context national to strengthen the social system. Thus, the characteristics of both problems and their current status in the country are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a result of a deep research regarding the sense, practices, use, perception and public intervention in public space in Cuernavaca, Morelos, México, theoretical reflections were issued answering the call of papers of the 2nd Seminar of the red Lationamericana sobre Teoría Urbana in relation to the concept of public space and the function it has within the city. A criticism is made considering public space as a tool for the construction of citizenship and control of exclusion as fundamental parts of the questioning done to the called 'right to the city'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyze how the video surveillance puts the personal data that manage in a space of legal indeterminacy, and how generates process of social and space classification that derive, sometimes, in forms of social exclusion. The perspective that frame the capacity that individuals have to construct autonomy and control spaces against the stratification and domination logics. From this perspective, it's analyzed how the weak or inexistent regulation of video surveillance cameras in Mexico can affect the citizenship practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents some results of an ethnographic research, that during the last three years has been dedicated to record and analyse the practices of commemoration of the "dirty war" (guerra sucia) in Mexico. This involves articulating the memories of both violence and resistance. Strategies used by Mexican government during the dirty war, expressed a policy of fear -criminalization of protest, murder, forced disappearance and torture-; at the same time, resistance strategies form civil society such as marches, protests, tributes and commemorative days are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper is in reference to Hurricane Odile on the Pacific Ocean Coast, particularly in the zone of Los Cabos, Baja California Sur. It is an attempt to create a series of research questions whose answers could strengthen civil protection systems in Mexico and Latin America. First, there is a review of the Law and the National Civil Protection System, which consists of a number of federal agencies and programs in addition to the corresponding state and municipal governments. The existing information on the matter is also examined. The evidence suggests that this system operates with some institutional weaknesses. The research proposes that the public administrations associated with the three levels of government do not accurately apply the precepts underlying theories on the management of crises, emergencies and disasters, which would allow for an operation worthy of a real system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the major transformations in the Mexican party system that occurred during the protracted process of democratic transition; it is divided into three parts. The first part is a brief review of the factors that contributed to the process of political-electoral change. In the second part, we carry out an analysis of changes in a number of dimensions of the Mexican party system, based on aggregate electoral data at national and district levels, as well as on data from public opinion surveys. The third part presents an analysis of the ideological structure of political competitiveness based on data from surveys on the left-right ideological stances of Mexican federal legislators. The paper shows important changes in the structure and behaviour of the Mexican electorate, such as increasing partisan de-alignment, as well as a growing level of competitiveness and fractionalization of the party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes processes of interaction, tension, conflict and economic interests in one of the major border areas between Mexico and Guatemala. Informal transborder trade involves several actors who have been building these processes pursuant to agency initiatives. From a conceptual perspective, supported by the dialectical relationship between the notions of a border the behavior of transborder actors, it is concluded that in the study area, an informal border-trade integration process has developed and its actors transcend the border, rendering that border permissive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the events underwent by the indigenous community of Mezcala when the Mexican government decided to organize on the Isla de Mezcala one of many celebrations of the Bicentennial of Independence. It is through the narratives of comuneros and young supporters that the institutional networks of power and various governmental actions that allowed the material and symbolic appropriation of the celebrations are unmasked. Likewise, this article proposes to highlight the complexity and connection (global-national-local) of the networks of power and to show the negotiation points opened where different visions of 'development' are confronted that further outline community projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing works on the Party of Democratic Revolution usually emphasize charismatic leadership or internal groups. Little has been said about why fraudulent elections occur inside the party. This work unpacked the unit of analysis in four observations (1999, 2002, 2005 and 2008) to perform two synchronous comparisons (1999-2005 and 2002- 2008), achieving depth and explanation. If we consider the charismatic leadership or groups as independent variables, we would not be able to predict fraudulent elections, since the influence of the two is only to only shape the formulas in dispute. The paper concludes by arguing that the explanation lies in the similarity of forces and the reduced cost of violating the rules by the competitors; this will provide empirical evidence to show that in the presence of these conditions there can be fraudulent elections (1999 and 2008), whereas in their absence there can be fair elections (2002 and 2005). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Federal Labor Reform has generated lots of controversy, even since it was presented as an initiative on August 1st 2012 by the former Mexican President, Felipe Calderon, in which he assured necessity to present this labor reform. In this paper it is point out some inconsistencies of this Federal Labor Reform published in the Official Federal Diary on November 30Th of 2012, particularly in reference to the III-Bis chapter named "De la productividad, formación y capacitación de los trabajadores", and specificly expressed in the 153-A article, and its connection with 153-D, 153-E, and 153-1 articles. From the reformation, the article 153-A, which apparently the alteration in the drafting seems to be minimum, this follows a problematic that starts from the central research question: What is the point in reforming article 153-A in this way if apparently it is the same? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper scrutinizes the discourse that prevailed in Mexico and in the world in the last few decades in respect of the so-called micro, small, medium-sized and large companies "sector", insofar as it is one of the most tangible expresions of the new liberalism that has been enthroned as the dominating ideology and doctrine since the early 1980's. The view is held here that said discourse must be trascended and a new veritable industrial policy must be formulated, one that allows for the needs and problems of the industries to be addressed selectively and in a planned manner for the sake of the social and economic priorities of the different communities and regions in the country. It is argued that this policy must be nurtured from the great experience accummulated by the Mexican State during the 20th Century whose peak was reached in the policies implemented in this sense by the Luis Echeverría and the José López Portillo administrations in the 1970's. Essentially, the idea would be for the Mexican State to assume again an active role in managing the national economy, for it to resume its corresponding role planning and promoting economic activities, something the market cannot do on its own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) of revolutionary nationalism, of mandatory consensuses and of the institutional foundation of modern Mexico, is today a party of control-rooted actions. These activities forced the appearance of new leaderships that without the leading figure of the almighty president, have taken the lead. There has been a do over of order and forced authority redistribution, both inside and out the party. Undoubtedly this is another issue that adds to the multiplication of epicenters and influence platforms wherefrom power is exercised. This way, the paper has the purpose of unveiling some of the fundamental changes of PRI, focusing mainly on: 1) the institutional come-and-go, leading to the strengthening of the party as one of broader openness and transversality; 2) the promotion of local leaders and chief executives as bastions for the decision making of the party; and 3) the tactical practice in the rearrangement of parliamentary seats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the adaption of the political parties in the context of the State of Mexico between 1993 and 2006. The political parties as organizations respond to complex interests which are also expressed in diverse forms. In the last years, these political organisms have adapted to the market, leaving their ideologies behind and introducing themselves into the electoral competition, this forces their leaders to make decisions in a context of rational election. The typology they now respond to is that of the professional party, catch-all or cartel, leaving behind the answer to social cleavages or the ideology that once identified the parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper supports the idea that the ways in that the Spanish Crown developed its relationship with the indigenous Mexican groups during colonial age were apart from of the equality forms promoted by the Mexican liberalism in the XIX Century. This was because the Colony tried to respect the differences between regions (included small locations) in order to validate legal, behavioral and pluricultural frames. Regarding this, there are two aspects to highlight: the intellectual debate around of the two legislations (colonial and liberal) and the arguments according to what was considered the social organization needs of the political model prevailing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although not all trajectories and manifestations of the Mexican Left have had a close relationship with social movements, this linkage has been a constant throughout history. Such was the case of the Mexican Communist Party (PCM) in Jalisco. This Party is considered one of the most important icons in the institutionalized realm of the Left due to its long history and presence, and also for its role in the urban guerrilla through Communist League 23rd of September (Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre). This period was officially called "Dirty War" in Guadalajara. In this paper we analyze the sociopolitical situation during the seventies in Jalisco and the entailment of PCM with the most radical movement of the decade. It is assumed that the events occurred during this decade constituted a milestone for the PCM and the social and political life of the state of Jalisco. This is crucial because this region is the cradle of one of the most civil radical mobilizations of the Twentieth Century; those mobilizations are characterized for having confronted directly the modern Mexican State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a reflection on the current status of democracy in Mexico. For this purpose, it has been based on an analytical reading of interpretations to the Mexican transition. They highlight the sui generis and unfinished nature of such transition, whose completion has not entailed a clear discontinuity between the authoritarian phase and the democratic consolidation phase. Our approach consists in showing that the current limitations of Mexican democracy, which are in part identifiable as consolidation issues, leave doubts about the arrival of democracy to Mexico. This is illustrated around the supposed plurality of the party system, to which the actors and power structures have adapted, and around the weak consolidation of the constitutional state and the institutions, threatened by the dramatic escalation of organized crime. The combination of authoritarian recomposition and such new threats is not a mere authoritarian inheritance, in what is a supposed democratic context, nor does it agree with the hypothesis of an unconcluded transition. It rather implies fleeing forwards, which in itself oscillates between democracy and its denial as well as between past legacies and a badly assimilated change, thus forcing us to review the analytical model for transitions to democracy which is relevant in part, but far too linear and minimizing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]