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The objective of this paper is to integrate mobility as across component of the management of specific public actions. The case of study concerns the public health services in Argentina, and mother's mobility conditions in the suburban of the Buenos Aires Metropolitan Area. In terms of methodology, the paper working on the concept of access trying to identify, measure and evaluate the relationship between mobility conditions and maternal health care. Access is weighted according to the realization of health services, and not according to the arrival at the places where they are offers. The result is innovative empirical evidence, useful as an indicator to make more relevant the role of mobility within the public agenda of transport and others specific sectors, asa basic social right behind the access that requires coordinated actions and cross-sectoral approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I propose to address the treatment of international migration by the State. In order to do so, I analyze public policies which do not focus on the subject but which impact strongly on the foreign population. Thus, I seek to shed light on logics which may obviate and/or contradict the ones established in migration laws. Such logics become evident when research is conducted from the social and symbolic margins of the State, working with a broad conceptualization of public policies. I exemplify the contributions made by this perspective with the analysis of four policies implemented by the Government of the City of Buenos Aires, Argentina, between 2004 and 2014 in the Parque Indoamericano Villa Soldati, area with one of the highest percentages of migrant population residing in this city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over a decade, social and political scientists stress the centrality of citizen security policies within the political dynamics of the province of Buenos Aires. In general, the literature emphasizes that the Buenos Aires police is an organization with a high capacity to become autonomous and carry out security policies according to their interests, often illegal and repressive. However, recent research has emphasized the dependence of the police operation of political and social terms. In this context, the aim of the paper is to analyze which actors have the ability to influence the formulation of security policies and how. The central hypothesis of this work consider that governors are the actors with capacities and interests to pursue a policy of security of left or right according to their plan of campaign, which responds to other factors which are not the alleged police interests: mainly the ideology of the national executive and the location of the median voter. The corroboration of this hypothesis instructs on the strategic game behind securities policies and the relative autonomy of the police and the penal system in Argentina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opposition between the categories of shantytown and neighborhood has been crucial in the disciplinary analyses of popular habitat in Argentina. The urbanization of a shantytown in Great Buenos Aires enables us to refresh this discussion, setting the categories into motion. The ethnographic analysis of the category of neighborhood in the urbanization of Villa Torres (La Matanza) will help to explore how this shantytown is constructed as “emblem" for public policies, receiving various resources. In fact, this paper will analyze how the urbanization is legitimized through an image of the neighborhood, of the urbanization and of the people in charge of it as “gente del barrio" [people from the neighborhood] in order to show how local knowledge is implied in this public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the construction of the political agenda in the election campaign for the Government of Buenos Aires City in 2003, interpreting this in terms of hegemonical articulation. First, it tries to describe and compare the different thoughtful candidates strategies which set a particular agenda. As a provisional hypothesis it is affirmed that this discursive strategies are constructed around the image of the corrupt like a negative identification's device, in a struggle which resolution depends on the citizenship's behaviour in the elections. On the other hand, this behaviour is analysed by assuming that it takes its form as an answers to this discursive struggle, within a framework characterized by the fluctuation of the vote, the weakening of the supporters' fidelity and the growth of an independent electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]