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Copyright of e-Scripta Romanica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Diánoia is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones Filosoficas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos de Historia Moderna is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the press control practices used by the provincial political powers of Entre Ríos between 1862 and 1870. This period was characterized by an increasing political dispute and the deepening of public debate. An indication of this process is the increase in the number of newspapers and the diversity of their political positions. Most of the newspapers were Federalists and supporters of Urquiza, but they maintained a space of discursive autonomy and what was published did not always go along the lines of the caudillo's interest. Also, there were Unitary and dissident Federal newspapers which were very critical of the provincial government and the figure of Urquiza. Respect for press freedom as a legitimating principle of the exercise of power prevented the development of legislation restricting that freedom and discouraged the practice of filing law suits for libel against publishers or journalist among provincial officials. Hence, the way in which political power managed to limit opinion was dominated by informal practices of political control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ideas y Valores is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hispania Sacra is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using data from the SAHWA Youth Survey 2016 (2017), this paper presents a study of the degree and types of political and religious participation - as well as the links that connect one to the other - among the youth of five Arab Mediterranean countries (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt and Lebanon). In politics, four types of participation are distinguished: official, everyday, community and protest. Between 5% and 17% of those surveyed could be considered hyperactivists, in that they participate in three or four of these types; in around a third, there was no participation at all. On the other hand, the majority of the young people considered themselves to be highly religious and, in three of the countries, a third attended the mosque at least three times a week. But the levels of religiosity did not influence political participation, as even the majority of the highly religious supported separating politics from religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper presents a critical analysis of the last 250 years of Cuban political history, from a perspective of its integration in the Spanish Caribbean. We discuss how the traditional Cuban political and ideological intolerance has contributed to the creation of an inefficient model of regime succession that has taken the country to its current stage. We present and examine several national and international conditions that we believe are necessary to achieve a peaceful transition toward an open and pluralistic system. We analyze and compare the transitions in Brazil, Mexico and Spain. And we draw several conclusions that may be applicable to the Cuban case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of the Brazilian republic triggered political agents within the religious sphere to analyze the 1891 Constitution. The Protestant political insertion increased and one may trace the catalyzing elements of its political activities, even though most segments kept aloof from politics. They merely manifested themselves when religious issues on religious freedom were involved. The 1950 political context brought to the fore new concerns on the religious polarization. Foregrounded on the conflict theory of Lewis Coser, current paper discusses the construction of these two subjects that heralded the social and religious projects of the republican period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Humanidades (1130-5029) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Educacion a Distancia, Centro Asociado de Sevilla and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present paper aims to explore the issue of how historians have used the concept of social movements. To reach this goal, it is necessary to provide a brief review of how this concept has been utilized and a succinct comparison of its multiple usages in the area of human sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with some beliefs and attitudes produced by the victorious groups of the coup d'état that took place in October 1820. We attempt to show that after these violent political episodes, centralist sectors displayed a conciliatory rhetoric that can be traced in periodicals and in the messages announced by men with political and military power in the province. Such a rhetoric was accompanied by measures taken by the provincial executive power and they were intended to integrate some federal sectors recently defeated. This statement allows to question the idea that October winners started an intense revenge over defeated groups, which could be noticed in the new military reforms where no former revolutionary would be included. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies why the Archbishop Víctor Manuel Sanabria supported the electoral alliance between the Republicano Nacional and Comunist parties in 1943. In addition, it examines to what extend this endorsement generated a division within the Costa Rican Catholic Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyze the similarities in terms of historical conceptions between Hannah Arendt and Arthur Danto. On the basis of those similarities, and m view of the fact that the works of Arendt related to this subject were published before those of Dante- middle and late 50s- we will try to show how this authoress anticipated, m a certain way, the general approach of historical narrativism that began with Dante's publication in 1965 of his book Filosofia analítica de la historia en We also consider that, unlike Dante. Arendt deals not only with the epistemological issues of History but also with the relationship between History and Politics This particular aspect in Arendt's approach, that we will call the political dimension of History, plays a key role In the strengthening o1 the public sphere [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]