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Copyright of Historia Actual Online is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On the first pages of Voltaire's Histoire de l'empire de Russie sous Pierre le Grand, published between 1759 and 1763, he reflects upon the method which should be used when writing a historical work and the characteristics an ideal historian should have. The aim of this paper is to assess to what extent the text follows the methodology Voltaire is proposing. This article attempts to demonstrate that the author himself, occasionally, does not respect his own methodology, jeopardizing the objective of his work. On the other hand, the paper highlights some ideological and epistemological differences between Voltaire and Diderot as regards Russian history, something which may be noteworthy, since their texts are usually studied within the same historiographical categories. In a more general sense, this work sheds some light on the theory of history during the siècle des Lumières. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since 2014 and Russia's annexation of Crimea and the start of hostilities in Donbass, the West has shown unprecedented solidarity in imposing sanctions on Russia. Yet Asia-Pacific's response to the Ukraine crisis has been different. While Japan and New Zealand imposed symbolic sanctions, South Korea refrained from introducing any measures at all. The main objective of this paper is to explore the response of the Asia-Pacific region to the Ukrainian crisis and the underlying motivations behind these stances. From a perspective of sanctions coordination and alliance behaviour theory, this paper examines the interaction between domestic and international factors when states decide whether (or not) to join international sanctions coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the effects on Belarus of European Union (EU) sanctions against Russia, on the one hand, and Russian sanctions on Ukrainian and EU goods, on the other. International sanctions opened up new political and economic opportunities that the Belarusian authorities sought to capitalise on. But Minsk's attempts to swim between two waters (retaining the benefits Moscow offered while improving relations with the EU) have backfired and distrust towards Minsk has grown in Moscow, Brussels and Kiev. A theoretical approach is made to the foreign policy of small states, before this paper shows how Belarus has been harmed by its attempts to take advantage of EU and Russian sanctions regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the publications in the periodical "Zhurnal Imperatorskogo chelovekolubivogo obshchestva" and the literary almanac Podarok bednym in the light of the development of charity in Russia (motives, forms, results): 1. The publications of Alexander Sturdza (About social charity, About private charity), Pyotr Shalikov etc.; 2. The charity institutions in the capital and the provinces; 3. The charity initiatives of women and the Russian writers. "Zhurnal Imperatorskogo chelovekolubivogo obshchestva" (the monthly magazine) was published in St. Petersburg from 1817 to 1826. It contained, among other elements, information and reports about the activity of philanthropists and charity institutions, and literary works (Hymn to love for a man by Pyotr Shalikov). Podarok bednym was published in Odessa in 1834 (the motto was a quotation from the Aeneid by Vergil: "Miseris succurrere disco") by a women's benevolent society. It contained the commentaries and works of belles-lettres. The paper compares "Zhurnal Imperatorskogo chelovekolubivogo obshchestva" and Podarok bednym (the "common places", for instance the articles by Alexander Strudza About social charity published in "Zhurnal Imperatorskogo chelovekolubivogo obshchestva" in 1817 and in Podarok bednym in 1834). It presents also the discussions about charity in the Russian periodicals in the first half of the 19th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The Russian Federation (Russia) has two enormous economic challenges: to advance into transition towards a market economy and to design and maintain a trade policy that strengthens its productive apparatus. These challenges have generated political, productive and commercial tensions both with its partners in the Euro Asian Economic Union (EAEU) and with other countries. Foreign-oriented economic reforms with trade and investment liberalization, accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the entry which came into force on January 1, 2015 of the Treaty establishing the UEEA are key to the economic analysis and the results obtained. The objective of this paper is to propose the analysis of these three elements: economic reforms, WTO and UEEA commitments as the sources of economic results and the future perspectives of Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of IC: Revista Científica de Información y Comunicación is the property of Universidad de Sevilla, Departamento de Periodismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This paper intends to explain the relation between United States and Russia in the 21st. century, and to interpret the resulting configuration of an international system conditioned by that interaction. The formulation and implementation of Bush Doctrine, United States unipolar projection, the reemergence of Russia's capabilities, formation of new alliances and the evolution of Russian foreign policy under Putin put the two powers in collision course. As result, a conflict was generated that expressed itself in a number of important scenarios in the Middle East, the Caucasus and Eastern Europe. Obama's administration foreign policy represents a process of adjustment to a new context, prioritizing a pragmatic combination of instruments of both hard power and soft power, as well as a guided multipolarism. The resulting configuration has strong features of a cold war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales is the property of Facultad de Ciencias Politicas y Sociales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper the author argues that Russian policy- and opinion-makers, having borrowed the concept of multipolarity from the (neo)realist vocabulary, very often they use it in a much broader sense of narratives on Russian identity and subjectivity and, therefore, attach to it quite different non-realist meanings, which include issues of identity and non-state actorship. What hides beneath the pretended realist wording of Russian discourse is a much more complicated and variegated -though not always consistent- set of policy imageries. Against this background, the Russian discourse on multipolarity reminds a patchwork of scattered and loosely tied "cognitive maps", based upon -and sustained by- certain visions of the world in the diversity of its actors. Since multipolarity originates in the sphere of ideas, it would be quite logical to assume that at certain time there might be more than one pattern of multipolar arrangements. Each of them gives a different answer to the question of what poles, nation states, regions, civilizations, or integrative constructs like EU and CIS are. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Russian foreign policy is judged by the Western world on the basis of a series of depreciatory adjectives. The aim of this paper is to effect an historical review of the Russian (and Soviet) perception of their frontier. The Russian frontier is continually changing; and the country has been both invader as well as invaded. For historical reasons, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union kept both a close watch and a strong control over the Soviet frontier, to the point of rendering it almost impenetrable. During the early years of transition, border policies relaxed consederably, to the point of instability and placing the Russian Federation on the verge of balkanization. Both Putin and Medvedev put a stop to this process. Now, partially as a result of Western pressure and reluctance to cooperate, Russia has undertaken an aggressive border policy that threatens expansion. The enormous Russian diaspora has turned out to be a successful justification for the expansion of the Russian border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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