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There has been a change in international politics since the 2008 financial crisis, thanks to a greater spread of economic resources and military capabilities. For many, it is a radical transformation that could spell the end of US hegemony in Latin America. This paper examines the proposition, beginning with a review of the concept of hegemony, which rather than being viewed as a structural characteristic is conceived of here as a "nuanced hegemony", in other words a network of asymmetric and hierarchical relations. We can observe not just one transformation then, but the emergence of a hemispheric context that could be described as "differentiated hegemony". The United States still occupies a central position, but its foreign policy is marked by subregional fragmentation and the externalisation of electoral priorities. The paper explores the effects at subregional level, focusing on the opportunities and challenges it presents to Latin American countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses Latin America's role in an international system in flux, with high levels of uncertainty and transformations that signal a shift in the geoeconomic and geopolitical landscape across the world. Against this backdrop, the paper examines the challenges (both old and new) the region must face, focusing on the impact of global changes on regional dynamics and the capacity of the different countries to find answers both to the international situation and old and new internal problems. In addition, as an introductory paper to this monograph entitled "Geopolitics from Latin America: a change of cycle and multipolarity", it identifies the fulcrums of these changes, their impact, the main actors involved and the processes underway. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the European Union (EU) response to three conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa region and shines a spotlight on the degree of division among its member states and on the management of these divisions. It concludes that the EU's desire to be seen as an international actor varies according to the confrontation; it is stronger in the Arab-Israeli conflict, but weaker in the Sahara. Domestic protest and politicisation in the EU affect the fragmentation of positions and the frequency of obstructionist stances. The EU manages the divisions differently in each conflict, with strategies that vary according to the level of ambition or the desire to ensure the sides note the existence of a European position. The paper highlights the growing interaction between the different regional flashpoints and makes the case for a systemic and multilevel approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ties between Latin America and Asia by moving beyond the homogenisation of the two regions through elevating the importance of opposition to a third party, in this case an "imperialist" and developed North. In contrast to normative analyses based on outmoded conceptions of world history, it proposes an intellectual exercise that problematises the interregional bond by placing the emphasis on heterogeneities rather than broad bush approaches that ignore the complex and diverse national and regional realities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of growing international competition and rivalry between China and the United States, Latin America and the European Union (EU) are caught in the same thorny dilemma. Positioned between these global giants, both regions are facing a retorn to a Westphalian system of nation-states, which undermines their roles as emerging regional players. In view of these new global challenges in Latin America and the EU, this paper uses a qualitative and comparative approach to explore foreign policy discourses on autonomy in both regions. It examines their goals and priorities and assesses the potential regional and interregional consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international system is in a period of transition, marked by a weakening of multilateralism, challenges to the liberal order and the consolidation of new global leaderships. In addition, various cross-border crises, like the COVID-19 pandemic, have compounded the effects of these changes at a regional level. Given this context, what room is there for regional cooperation in Latin America? As a tool for regional coordination and integration into international flows and dynamics, regionalism can boast achievements, but challenges remain. In analytical terms, this paper proposes an approach that enables an examination of the combination of interests, ideas and institutions at play on a regional level in Latin America. The central argument is that the changing dynamics of regionalism are a product of the way in which states' interests interact with ideas about the region in a specific institutional environment over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the gender agenda has permeated all policy areas and has gained relevance through the constant work of organisations that have succeeded in making issues and challenges visible. This paper examines the interaction between international politics and the gender agenda in Argentina during the presidency of Alberto Fernández (2019-2023). Based on a triangulation of information gathered from interviews, official documents, and news reports, the paper aims to analyse, in the context of recent foreign policy, what kind of decisions are linked to the gender agenda, and at the same time, what international projection the gender policies implemented at the local level have. We propose that the gender agenda has opened up a space in Argentine foreign policy in a short period and that it has done so mainly based on the country’s trajectory in the international sphere linked to human rights and the discussion of inequalities in the world. The creation of the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity has been crucial, projecting the country into global gender debates in an institutionalised way. Although concrete policies are developing in some cases, the agendas in this dual track demonstrate that these profound social demands have come to the state to stay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: This paper aims to analyze the vast, varied and lasting presence of the little-known revolutionary rhetoric exploited by Francisco Franco throughout the dictatorship in Spain. To this end, this rhetoric is connected with the different contexts in which it was used and with the terminology employed in those same years by thinkers or politicians linked above all to the Falange. Methodology: As this article is interested in the public discourse of Franco's regime, it has examined in detail and qualitatively the content of Franco's public speeches. For this purpose, we have resorted to the official compilations made under Franco's regime and, because of their selective and incomplete nature, also to newspaper sources. Thus, more than a history of intellectual or political ideas, this work is linked to their public and pragmatic dimension and delves into the complex practical functioning of ideologies. Originality: With few exceptions, Franco's rhetoric has not been studied in detail, and even less in the revolutionary rhetoric. The originality of this study lies in the fact that it is the first specific and analytical approach, although not quantitative, to Franco's revolutionary rhetoric. For example, it explains its unknown survival until the 1960s and even the 1970s, so that it outlived the so-called defalangization of Francoism. Conclusions: Franco's revolutionary rhetoric was characterized by great flexibility and imprecision. It underwent many changes over the years and coexisted with other central discursive frameworks, such as the Cruzada's. It was a crucial factor in the discursive legitimization of Francoism, especially in its initial years. Compared to the Cruzada, with which it complemented, it stood out for its elasticity and pretended transversality. In addition, it was connected with a legitimacy of exercise, not of origin, which was, in fact, more easily connected with the present and the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been several overlapping crises in North Africa in recent decades. The social contract is in crisis, and this became clear during the antiauthoritarian uprisings of 2011 and 2019. In addition, the region is locked in a socioeconomic crisis that deepened after the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and has been aggravated by the global impacts of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. This paper underscores the need to reflect on the legitimation of the North African elites in this context, looking at the connection between the domestic and international spheres. It also presents various legitimation strategies that take in the interaction between the domestic and external spaces. This approach seeks to enrich the debate on the relationship between authoritarianism, its legitimation and the international dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is democracy's place in the shifting international order? There is a fear that a more geopolitical order will only aggravate the general crisis of democracy; or that a more plural order will dilute the efforts to defend the rules governing it. Yet, while recent political and normative trends corroborate this concern, the Russian invasion of Ukraine has in some ways given greater prominence to the defence of democratic values around the world. This paper explores the impact that geopolitical tensions and shifting international order on global democracy. And in the context of the crisis of meaning affecting democracies, it examines whether Russia's war in Ukraine has served both as a catalyst of the international dimensions of support for democracy and as a factor magnifying its fragility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The liberal international order established after the end of the Cold War is currently an order in transition. The shift in material power - following the rise of China - is necessary to understanding the changes in the international order, but it is not the whole story. We are seeing both material and ideational changes. The present moment is one of rules under challenge. But the normative contestation the international order is facing is not just about the rivalry between China and the United States or the tired description of "the rest against the West"; its parameters are more complex and diverse. To demonstrate that, this paper looks at three very different issues on the international agenda: a) governance of the Internet, b) sexual and reproductive rights and c) migration management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the introduction to the 40th anniversary issue of Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, this paper looks at developments in international relations over the last four decades, alongside the publication's content and against the backdrop of the current crisis of the international order (or disorder). It spans the end of the Cold War and the faith deposited in globalisation and liberal democracy in the unipolar world of the mid-1990s, taking in the spread of the values and ideas of global governance at the end of the last century, before arriving at the growing multipolarity, rivalry between China and the United States and the challenge to the liberal order and permacrisis of recent years. Special mention is made of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In dialogue with the constructivist approach to International Relations, I conduct a comparative analysis of the Uruguayan government’s proposals for the flexibilization of the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) between 2015 and 2022. This periodization, which covers two administrations —  the second government of Tabaré Vázquez (Frente Amplio, 2015-2020) and the first two years of the government of Luis Lacalle Pou (PN, 20220-2022) —, was adopted seeking to delve deeper into the rationale put forward by both administrations in favor of flexibilization. The paper aims to understand to what extent the content of each demand differs in their respective historical contexts, in order to study whether or not there was a shift in the projection of Uruguayan foreign policy towards the bloc. I show that the demand for flexibilization has been a constant in Uruguayan foreign policy for at least two decades—the only thing that has varied is the way in which these demands have been outlined in their specific context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, many states have incorporated gender perspectives into their foreign policies, and this has become a relevant topic in International Relations. This paper investigates the extent to which the Movimiento al Socialismo (mas) indigenist foreign policy has laid the groundwork for advancing towards the inclusion of a feminist approach in Bolivia’s international agenda. The case study is grounded in decolonial studies and community feminism. The main argument is that Bolivian foreign policy between 2006 and 2022 clearly influenced by Andean indigenous thought and the Buen Vivir cosmovision—provided the programmatic and discursive bases to envision the construction of an international agenda with a gender perspective that includes women and indigenous historical demands within a decolonial and communitarian vision. At the domestic level, Bolivia has promoted women’s inclusion and their claims, but at the international level, it did not generate programmes with a depatriarchalizing discourse. The article shows that a foreign policy based on Andean indigenous beliefs and demands has created an opportunity to integrate marginalised groups into the Foreign Ministry, but this integration has yet to materialise. This research is qualitative in nature, drawing on information from various sources: key informant interviews, archival work, and secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the importance of Internationalization Policies in Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) and aims to describe the technical-methodological aspects taken into account in the construction of Strategic Internationalization Plans within the framework of the project called "Development of Internationalization Policies". Internationalization in Higher Education Institutions" (DHIP2) and reflect them in marketing actions to improve services. The institutional international strategy, the structure of the International Relations Offices (ORIs), international mobility, the internationalization of the curriculum, the internationalization of research, synergy with the territorial context and visibility, were the priorities addressed, therefore, the conclusions refer to the continuous improvement of the internationalization process related to these priorities and how they contribute to the quality of the ORIs services. For the elaboration of this paper, a qualitative approach of documentary analysis was taken into account. Horizontal cooperation between HEIs, both from Latin America, Europe, and also from other regions of the world, constitutes an essential tool for the achievement of the Policies that are designed in each HEI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper concerns the study of Colombian foreign policy. Specifically, it applies foreign policy analysis (fpa) methods to the study of Colombian international politics and international relations. Embarking from the analytical framework of International Regimes, the work describes a specific approach to their study, and thereafter traces the process that preceded Colombia's accession to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (oecd). It analyzes how the decision to join the oecd is best understood as a foreign policy strategy on the part of the national government. The paper also offers a preliminary evaluation of the process of institutional adaptation accompanying oecd membership and its impact on Colombian society. The article is based on the analysis of primary sources related to the decision-making process carried out by both the national government and the oecd. Additionally, it uses a variety of other sources to illuminate a foreign policy strategy implemented in a complicated international context, one only made more difficult by the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic. In this manner, the paper discusses the challenges and importance of oecd membership, including the delay of its formalization to the point of coinciding with the Covid-19 pandemic. Such unfortunate timing has likely contributed to the perception among many Colombians, of the fruitlessness of membership. While indeed complex and challenging, the paper seeks to present the situation of Colombian membership in more nuanced light. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study emerges from the need to study the factors that influenced the conformation of the role and media representation of the new or modern first ladies in Chile, especially Rosa Markmann -who held the position between 1946 and 1952-. In this investigation, the trans-Andean Eva Perón (Argentine first lady between 1945 and 1952) emerges as a key figure. Although Rosa and Evita did not know each other personally, we believe that the flow of press and ideas between the two countries may have influenced, or at least encouraged in some way, the Chilean first lady becoming a pioneer in terms of new characteristics that he gave to the role. In this paper we analyze three examples that aim to illustrate the idea raised as they reflect coincidences in their actions, however in all three cases, Eva was a pioneer and had great media coverage: in the field of social assistance, the two changed the traditional role of the first ladies in their respective countries, taking a step from charity towards a broad and organized social action policy; in the political field they coincided in their struggle to obtain the feminine vote; and in the field of international relations, they made trips abroad that were not without controversy and that reflect the global political tensions of the moment. Finally, we conclude that to study the role, its characteristics and mutations, not only should a look be taken at national factors, but it is always important to look at possible foreign influences since countries are and have always been part of the political, economic and world culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes a barely studied phenomenon: the international relations of the Latin American guerrilla groups that emerged during the Cold War. Thus, this work observes the circularity of resources and relationships experienced by the Uruguayan guerrilla of the National Liberation Movement-Tupamaros (MLN-T), from its embryonic stage until its final defeat. Throughout these pages the influences of other guerrilla experiences of the moment are studied. Some experiences that led to the bet, novel up to now, of proposing the armed struggle from an urban character. In this regard, it is presented how, at the beginning of the sixties, Montevideo is a meeting point for revolutionary ideas and actors, given its incomparable democratic quality in the region. The work also presents the difficult relations with Cuba and the strong national imprint that determined the scope of the foreign relations of the MLN-T. This will be related to the few scenarios of material collaboration with other armed groups, especially while the Uruguayan guerrillas experienced a cycle of growing activism. Although a plane of collaboration and camaraderie underlies, a logic of dispute always prevailed in a state dimension. The foregoing only changes when the attempt to create the Revolutionary Coordination Board arises, which championed a project of guerrilla internationalism in the Southern Cone, but whose impulse comes when dictatorships in the region are an inevitable reality. This exercise is developed from an approach to oral history, thanks to several in-depth interviews with renowned members of the MLN-T. This is completed with various documents from the «David Cámpora» Archive of Armed Struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an in-depth reflection on the role of utopias in political projects that intervene in international relations, this article aims to analyse the change of direction of Brazil's foreign policy in the period 2003-2022. This involves observing the transformation of the country's international action, from a position of defender of the Global South to one of champion of the West. To this end, this proposal will make use of the information offered by primary sources --official documents and speeches of the presidency and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs-- and secondary sources --analysis of academic publications--. With this in mind, it will provide an extensive theoretical introduction, through which it will genealogically address utopian thinking in the discipline of International Relations and the field of Foreign Policy Analysis. Subsequently, it will define two discursive strategies that allude to antagonistic projects of international insertion based on opposing utopian imaginaries, and which have guided the Brazilian worldview of international reality in the first two decades of the twenty-first century: the Brazil of the Global South and the Brazil of the West. By way of conclusion, the paper will offer some final reflections, highlighting the role played by both representations in Brazil's domestic and international projection for the government's term of office that started in 2023. It is understood that both worldviews have their origins in Brazil's tradition of international thought, but also incorporate variables that refer to transnational utopian projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The persuasive and stimulating capacity of games has reached the information field. The newsgames have opened a stage full of possibilities and, at the same time, of questions. Located between the world of video games and journalism, they are inspired by real problems and situations that occur today. Based on the above, the study analyzes a total of 1 1 newsgames in order to identify its strengths and weaknesses as a journalistic tool, based on a qualitative methodology based on case studies, virtual ethnography and surveys of journalism students. The research analyzes the following newsgames: Narco Guerra, Escape from Woomera, FindMe", Sweatshop, Papers, Filosofighters, Democracy, Global Conflict: Palestine, Global Conflict: Latin America, Cutthroat Capitalism and Root 33. The study concludes, among other aspects, that there is a predominance of topics related to foreign policy and conflict resolution, detects their training potential and verifies the importance of the application of informational attributes typical of journalistic messages to confer credibility. Finally, the scientific interest in this type of research that contributes to the players assuming a critical citizenship was evidenced, thus recognizing their sense of belonging in a global context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Arab Emirates' (UAE) foreign policy has experienced substantial changes since the beginning of the so-called Arab Spring in 2011. This paper describes the characteristics and main reasons of this transformation, as well as the possible consequences of a visible militaristic projection that goes beyond the limits of the Gulf region, the main scenario of Emirati diplomatic action until recently. Our framework takes into account, first of all, the traditional link between the United States and the UAE and how recent US administrations changed their perception about security in the Gulf; how Emir Mohammed bin Zayed has secured his grip over the country, and the relevance of his alliance with the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman; the aim of neutralizing the democratic stream that emerged from the Arab revolutions and, from there on, the Emirati perception about how political Islam and particularly the current best represented by the Muslim Brotherhood was becoming the main beneficiary of the erosion of the traditional Arab regime. Moreover, this paper proposes that despite the convergence with Saudi Arabia in a number of scenarios, the UAE has kept a foreign policy based on its own interests, which strengthened its increasing role as a regional main contender in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ostensibly, Joe Biden's victory over Donald Trump in the 2020 presidential elections should have placed United States international policy back on a familiar path. However, despite the prevalence of a highly traditional vision of US foreign policy, the Biden administration has maintained significant continuities with the previous administration, as reflected in the policy towards China and the withdrawal from Afghanistan. In part, this is due to the constraints produced by the deep divisions that exist at domestic level. This paper aims to unravel the fundamental elements of Biden's foreign policy, focusing on possible ideological and doctrinal elements, strategic priorities, and any continuities and changes relative to his predecessor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With this paper we intend to elucidate whether cultural diplomacy and international relations continue to constitute one of the main resources of soft power of the European Union, as instruments capable not only of enhancing its influence and leadership as a global actor, but also of generating key strategies to confront the great challenges that the Union is facing today. To this end, we will propose a series of recommendations for the preparation and implementation of a new strategy for European cultural diplomacy and international cultural relations, adapted to the current legal, geopolitical, social and health circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 21st century, an unprecedented theoretical change in perspective took place, and non-Western theoretical approaches began to be developed as an alternative to traditional theories of International Relations. In this way, some specialists began to debate about the emergence and consolidation of a "Chinese School of International Relations", based mostly on the Asian culture. The aim of this paper is to present the main streams of international studies in China, among which the reverse, obverse and interactive approaches stand out. Likewise, it is particularly intended to understand the conception of international cooperation of each of these approaches. In addition, it is intended to highlight the evolution of international studies in China and departs from the assumption that the production and changes of the axis of international studies follow the rise and geographical position of the great powers. In the Chinese case, they have been growing in parallel with its international prominence and the attainment of great power status. The theoretical framework proposed for this research takes as a starting point the so-called non-western theories, that is, all those theories that are not part of the mainstream of the Western International Relations Theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the arrival of Donald Trump to the presidency of the United States, that country began an economic and trade war with China which, in addition to the trade implications of this war, calls into question the relevance of the existence of current multilateralism. The trade policies of openness that have flourished since the 1980s seem to have come to an end. This fact forces us to rethink the U.S. and world economic agenda in an environment of uncertainty and in the face of a rival such as China, whose strength and influence is growing. Questions arise as to whether the winner will be rewarded with global economic hegemony? Or, on the other hand, will it be a situation in which two powers coexist with a shared hegemony? At this time it is not possible to anticipate who will be the winner, so the aim of this paper is to try to find trends and developments between the two countries to try to give a possible answer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the governmental measures implemented by Chile and El Salvador during the pandemic to manage the repatriation of their nationals and resident citizens who were stranded abroad due to the closing of borders, a decision imposed by governments worldwide as a measure to contain the health crisis generated by COVID-19 in their territories. The restriction to the freedom of movement of people across borders caused in several countries of the region an additional humanitarian drama to the devastating effects of the global health crisis, so this paper examines this problem from the coverage given by the Latin American media to the repatriation processes of Chileans and Salvadorans as case studies, through a qualitative documentary analysis of the news about the main difficulties and consequences generated by this humanitarian drama. An important conclusion of the study recognizes the relevance of the administrative, logistic, and communicational capacity that the diplomatic missions of Latin American countries should develop, as well as the preeminence of human rights in international relations in order to face more responsibly the migratory crisis caused by the closing of borders for sanitary reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the global crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, translation and interpretation education faces an uncertain future, reinforcing the idea of a discipline immersed in an interconnected world and aware of international context issues. On this basis, the article explores translation training and international context relation. In addition, it suggests mechanisms to adapt the educational approach to a post-pandemic scenario in which future professionals will develop their professional paths. From a methodological point of view, the article analyzes the relevance of thematic knowledge regarding international relations within translation competence training and the practical experience of Chilean institutions up to the outbreak of the pandemic. Subsequently, the article supports curricular redesign regarding this area, considering new national and international scenarios in which the post-pandemic translation practice will be developed. Finally, it presents a pedagogical proposal that considers the integration of international thematic contents related to theory, concepts, and international scenarios, and also the use of technology given current possibilities. This curricular proposal introduces pandemic context in translation and interpretation-related research in Chile. The paper concludes by calling attention to promoting initiatives in this area through virtualized education processes, reinforcing this aspect of translation competence for a changing global scenario, based on the collaborative work among national and international programs for translation and interpreting education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 2014 and Russia's annexation of Crimea and the start of hostilities in Donbass, the West has shown unprecedented solidarity in imposing sanctions on Russia. Yet Asia-Pacific's response to the Ukraine crisis has been different. While Japan and New Zealand imposed symbolic sanctions, South Korea refrained from introducing any measures at all. The main objective of this paper is to explore the response of the Asia-Pacific region to the Ukrainian crisis and the underlying motivations behind these stances. From a perspective of sanctions coordination and alliance behaviour theory, this paper examines the interaction between domestic and international factors when states decide whether (or not) to join international sanctions coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the effects on Belarus of European Union (EU) sanctions against Russia, on the one hand, and Russian sanctions on Ukrainian and EU goods, on the other. International sanctions opened up new political and economic opportunities that the Belarusian authorities sought to capitalise on. But Minsk's attempts to swim between two waters (retaining the benefits Moscow offered while improving relations with the EU) have backfired and distrust towards Minsk has grown in Moscow, Brussels and Kiev. A theoretical approach is made to the foreign policy of small states, before this paper shows how Belarus has been harmed by its attempts to take advantage of EU and Russian sanctions regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: This paper is the result of Colombia Internacional's call to reflect on Global Studies from the South. It is a critical theoretical contribution aiming at putting aside the binary opposing the global and the international. Instead, it seeks to think about them as mutually constitutive. Methodology: Through a bibliographical revision that inquires into its most important texts, it argues that Global Studies has as raison d'être a narrow conception of International Relations and of the international. The article holds that the latter is conceived as equal to interstate. This way, the global emerges in opposition to the state and linked to global civil society. The paper proposes Michel Foucault's concept of governmentality as a tool to elude this binary. Governmentality is globalised and presented both as an analytical framework and as a liberal government practice. This way, it allows to think a power decentred from the state, as well as exercised in multiple directions, and not in opposition to civil society but through it. Conclusion: It concludes that governmentality allows conceiveing both the governmentalised state and civil society as products of liberalism understood as a globalised govermental practice, thus erasing the binary on which the emergence of Global Studies is based. Originality: The paper is a contribution from the Foucauldian perspective on governmentality to the debate between International Relations and Global Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews the process of emergence of the egalitarian social movement during the period of1848-1851 in Chile. It also seeks to comprehend the causes that provoke its appearance and the alliances that took shape to put pressure toward a democratic transformation of the Chilean political scene. The findings are based on an expense analysis of primary sources and tries to understand the egalitarian demand and its contributions to the renewal of the political debate of the period. The paper seeks to propose that the egalitarian movement supported its demand in a democratic-republican conception of freedom, equality and fraternity, key aspect that has not been exposed so clearly proved in other studies, and that this movement was an essential piece of the process that manage to democratize Chilean politics at the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With this paper we intend to elucidate whether cultural diplomacy and international relations continue to constitute one of the main resources of soft power of the European Union, as instruments capable not only of enhancing its influence and leadership as a global actor, but also of generating key strategies to confront the great challenges that the Union is facing today. To this end, we will propose a series of recommendations for the preparation and implementation of a new strategy for European cultural diplomacy and international cultural relations, adapted to the current legal, geopolitical, social and health circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a rereading of experiences in Latin American schools committed to "improving peaceful coexistence." Our interest is to analyze these experiences according to the concept of school convivencia, within a framework of the discursive community of cultural policy. This community defines convivencia as the processes and results of efforts to construct lasting peace in schools through pedagogical and administrative practices that are inclusive, equitable, and participative, and that address conflict through dialog. The cases are from two studies that collect experiences from six countries, as self-managed efforts of innovation in school administration. The exercise shows the relevance of using a comprehensive, operational concept of school convivencia, which permits guiding the analysis and identifying, among diverse innovative strategies and teaching methods, the practices of inclusion, equity, and participation aimed at strengthening students' educational processes, as well as community cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews the main projects supported by Conacyt during the government of Luis Echeverria Álvarez (1970-196), both with its own resources and with those of international cooperation. On the other hand, it also reviews the scientific articles published during the same period that were considered relevant in the indexes of the site Web of Science. Today, those indexes are taken into account as a relevant indicator of scientific work in Mexico. Finally the information about the projects and the articles are crossed to test the hypothesis of our research: the institutionalization process of the science system in Mexico started in 1970 allowed us to organize, support and promote scientific research in the country. allowing the rise of relevant papers published. The objective is to show the impact that the new institution had on the dynamics of scientific work at national and international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze and reflect on the current crisis of multilateralism and its general principles of conduct --ideas, discourses and practices-- which may represent a scenario of opportunities and threats to respond to the complexity of the world drug problem and the crisis of its dominant paradigm whose strategy, primarily military, represents an anachronistic worldview regarding security reduced to the prohibitionist approach. Likewise, there are debates on the dominant development paradigm, built on global agreements and their general principles of conduct --ideas-- that have determined and constrained a multidimensional approach in the case of Colombia and Peru. In this way, the worldview has been determined by the dialectical vision of the internal world --harmony-- and external --anarchy-- according to the rationalist approaches which, from the critique of reflective approaches in International Relations, poses more than an explanation (causality), the understanding (interpretation) and coconstitution of reality and current phenomena, such as the world drug problem and development for the consolidation of alternative paradigms in Colombia and Peru. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the migratory phenomenon in the light of philosophy. Mobility is a fact as old as humanity, it responds to the need for progress, which has significantly helped in the evolution of man. However, war, disease, poverty, social marginalization, conditioned social scenarios and prompted human beings to transcend their geographical limits, seeking better life opportunities, thus guaranteeing the right to survival, advancing towards the consolidation of universal human rights. The present investigation assumes this theoretical-philosophical position; However, it recognizes the political, economic and social impact of migration in current scenarios; Therefore, it evaluates the specific case of the Venezuelan migration to Peru, pointing out the role that the Special Commission for Refugees has played in its performance as a state body whose function is to protect and enforce the right of refugees who enter the country Peruvian territory. For this reason, the importance of international agreements in the protection of refugees is recognized and, at the same time, the intrinsic value that exists in human nature is emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the diplomatic work of Antonio Carrillo Flores, Mexico's ambassador to the United States, between 1958 and 1964. Using Carrillo's personal archive, I show that his experience in the Mexican economic bureaucracy was fundamental in strengthening the commercial and financial relationship with that country. I also show that, with pragmatism, he used the Cold War logic to promote a Latin American economic agenda and look for alternatives to reduce dependence on the United States. I divide the work into two parts that correspond to the Republican administration of Eisenhower (1958-1960) and the Democratic administration of Kennedy (1961-1964), ending with the appointment of Carrillo as the Mexican Secretary of Foreign Affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to describe the historical evolution of the cooperation between the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) and Mexico following the signing of their cooperation agreement in August 1975, which remained in effect until COMECON'S demise in 1991. To this end, a brief analysis is made of the antecedents of this international body, which was created within the so-called socialist bloc, and a review is conducted of the body's conception of international cooperation. After covering the historical context behind the mentioned agreement's negotiation, its legal framework, context and scope are reviewed. This paper thereby seeks to contribute to the historical memory of cooperation policy and its international regime, with particular reference to COMECON and Mexico in the period known as the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relations between the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) and China from a historical perspective. To do this it addresses the genesis and content of DAC's "altruistic paradigm" and China's "realist paradigm", highlighting their differences. It also analyses DAC's efforts and failure to co-opt China into the effective aid agenda: while China refuses to become a donor - citing its Southern identity - the DAC is resistant to recognising China as a co-operator with different responsibilities. The paper goes on to illustrate how, in order to survive "unfair competition", the DAC incorporates elements from China and the South into its narrative and cooperation practices. Lastly, China's move towards a more assertive foreign policy is explored along with the dynamic of relations between the DAC and China - between competition and convergence - in an uncertain international context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trilateral South-South Cooperation (TSSC) for development has generated great debate over whether these alliances constitute a new paradigm for development or merely disguise a new form of imperialism. Beyond categorisations, this paper presents a more nuanced image and examines the focus of TSSC solidarity, specifically, the intrinsically political nature of development and the unequal power relations at its heart. Starting with the TSSC memorandum of understanding (MoU) between Brazil, Mozambique and the World Bank, the narratives are analysed of agricultural development and the social imaginaries that support it in order to better understand the patterns and motivations of solidarity. By showing the colonial, capitalist and patriarchal rationale that persists in the conception of solidarity used in the current development framework, this paper proposes the decolonisation of this concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this introductory paper is to contextualise, via a historiographical reflection, the nine papers selected for this special edition of Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, which focuses on "using past international cooperation to rethink development", prioritising "alternative critical approaches". As the historical perspective is missing from most publications in this shared field of Development Studies and International Relations, this introduction presents original works - for their empirical, comparative and/or theoretical contribution - in contrast to the prevailing interpretative frameworks (interdependentist from International Relations, and problem-solving from Development Studies), giving a voice to authors and problems from the countries of the South both as aid recipients and as cooperation providers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the second decade of the 21st century, Mercosur is faced with two potentially influential politico-normative proposals: the EU's and China's. This paper analyses the content and scope of these two politico-normative approaches, as well as their respective impacts on the regional bloc in the context of domestic changes in the governments of Argentina and Brazil. The paper states that Mercosur has produced two external strategies: interregional with the EU and bilateral with China. There are structural limitations to this strategy as well as some that relate to Mercosur's domestic policies, but it contains the foundations for the bloc's normative convergence with these extraregional actors and ultimately a positive-sum game. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For some years now, China has been investing in mega infrastructure and natural resource projects in Latin America, and in Argentina in particular. These investments share the «north-south» characteristics that Argentina, as a dependent economy, has had over the years as a recipient of foreign investment. In addition to the multiple consequences that this type of relationship has in economic matters, they play a fundamental role in political ecology at the international level. The aim of this paper is to reflect on the environmental consequences of the relations between China and Argentina from the cases of land grabbing presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains why Chile's foreign policy, since the return to democracy in 1990, maintained and deepened the economicist character established during the authoritarian predecessor regime. It is argued that, in addition to structural factors linked to globalization, neoliberalism and interdependence, there are domestic elements linked to the transition and its political dynamics that had an impact on the actors that shaped it. Despite being a case study, the article emphasizes the general debate on the mutual constitution between agents and structures to explain foreign policy, considering the role of the actors in a framework of external and domestic transformations. To this end, the case of former members of the Joint Study Program on Latin American International Relations (RIAL), academics who, after the return to democracy, assumed political positions, is analyzed. The renewal of the ideas of these actors, who assumed the new international practices and accepted the domestic political dynamics, contributed to the continuity of the economic pragmatism of foreign policy initiated by the dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literature review is presented about the returning migrant students in the educational system in Mexico, which included both research papers and other types of academic texts, available from 2006 to 2018, and around this population. The revision allowed to identify the research methods and the thematic issues: a typology of these students based in variables such as age, nationality and migration status, the conditions upon the access to and the needs that arise during their permanence in the educational context. Also an educational profile emerged, based on information about their psychological traits, their previous linguistic and schooling experiences, as well as aspects related with the school coexistence and the social integration. Although the existent research is useful to know their characteristics and needs upon the return, studies that inquire aspects such as the relationship bilingualism-academic development, in the different educational levels, are still scarce and thus necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2008 crisis marked the end of globalisation as a historical phase and hegemonic order. The end of the commodities cycle, an expression of that change in Latin America, is the context for the rise of new neo-patriotic far-right forces - nationalist, sovereigntist movements deploying distinctly anti-globalist rhetoric. Global and national structural and agency factors are examined and the paper begins with the rise of Latin American neo-patriotic right-wing movements. Analysing their foreign policy and international integration matrices shows that common elements include alignment with the United States and the contestation of multilateralism and regional institutions and norms. Finally, consideration is given to the extent to which the rise of new Latin American rightwing movements form part of a global trend or cycle of contesting the liberal international order and globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the question what have been the main contributions of international political economy (ipe) to the historical evolution of the intellectual field of International Relations (ir) in Argentina. This inquiry is embedded within a broader question about the process of the constitution of the ir field as an autonomous academic discipline in Argentina. In order to do so, I analyze the contributions made by ipe, especially Latin American structuralism and developmentalism, as spaces of theoretical and conceptual production from which part of the thinking about the international reality has been built. The main objective of the paper revolves around reconstructing the ipe agenda and its contribution to the development of Argentine ir through the observation and analysis of the main authors and concepts, the institutions that have served as spaces of knowledge production, and finally the academic journals that have acted as platforms for the dissemination of themes and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of development cooperation is said to lie outside the core of the international relations (IR) discipline. However, academic production on this subject is abundant. This paper carries out a systematic ordering of the most relevant literature by analysing the evolution of its debates (differences, coexistence, separation and combination of different theoretical perspectives). This journey allows us to observe how the transformations in the international order and the theoretical evolution of the discipline established four axes of debate: a) the nature of foreign aid; b) the methods of studying aid policies; c) the deep forces behind aid policies; and d) the ways of understanding aid and development. Given the current divide in the subfield between rationalists and reflectivists, the need is postulated for theoretical dialogue, methodological robustness and a greater emphasis on research on the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International sanctions return Iran to the centre of the international debate. President Donald Trump's interest in implementing new economic, political and military sanctions against the country is forcing European executives to redefine their regional strategy, just when they had resumed fluid trade and diplomatic relations with Tehran. This paper analyses Iran's relations with some EU members, especially France, Germany and the United Kingdom, and examines the European response in 2006 and the positions taken in the current context. It also studies the effects of past sanctions on Iranian-European bilateral relations. The research goes on to address the different European positions on the decision to impose new sanctions and discusses their possible consequences for Iran and third countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]