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This paper will present and analyze the ideological components of the doctrine of Sabino Arana, the intellectual and political father of Basque nationalism. Going directly to the sources, we will unravel the main components of his doctrine. We can see that two are the main ingredients in the construction of it: religious integrism and racism. We will verify that even the linguistic issue -the preservation of the Basque language-had to do with the preservation of ethnic purity. Such elements, closely correlated, are linked with some others. Indeed, in Arana's ideology we will also find abundant doses of xenophobia, ruralism, traditionalism, indigenism, isolationism, reactionism, anti-liberalism, anti-socialism and anti-Spanish sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Firstly, the paper begins by pointing out the multi-semantic and definitional nature of the concepts of nationalism and nation, also emphasizing the difference between patriotism and nationalism. Secondly, it refers to different contributions concerning nationalism, racialism and xenophobia, placing the emphasis, within the nineteenth- century French racialist framework, on race theories (Gobineau) and the postulates of another author (Le Bon) who is characterized by his classism, his machismo and his racial supremacism. Thirdly, it is emphasized that these ideologies, to which phalocracy and misogyny must be added, have to be joined by more recent ones, which refer to homophobia, aversion to feminism and women's movements, as well as rejection of certain religious identities and groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses the problem of landlocked Bolivia and proposes a solution based on the critical analysis of the current situation of hostility that has been built between Bolivia and Chile. The narrative constructed by nationalist historians of both countries is examined: it shows that historians had acted not as independent scholars but as lawyers in the service of the parties. We prove also that in the Pacific War, Bolivia and Chile were both aggressors countries and responsible for the war by invading foreign territory. It also appears that the right of Bolivia to the landlocked is based on the will of the founding fathers of the American republics, who served from humanistic values and solidarity. In this sense, we propose a new way, based on renouncing the nationalist and xenophobic discourse, to be replaced by a new environment based on the recovery of the founding values of emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo discurre sobre las razones posibles que incitaron el genocidio armenio de 1915-1923 por el Imperio Otomano. El autor comenta sobre la prevalencia de nacionalismo de los otomanas así como el sentido de xenofobia ante los armenios. También se considera la cuestión del genocidio como un acto de limpieza étnica o un evento premeditado.

The aim of this article is to analyze the attitude of the Spanish population towards immigration from 1997 to 2007. The information is obtained from the survey of attitudes and opinions regarding immigration in Spain administered by ASEP. The results show that, with the passage of time, an increase in anti-immigrant feelings has taken place. The main variables that explain this increase are on the one hand, the threat defined by the number of perceived immigrants and the loss of national identity, and, on the other hand, the competition for the economic and social resources and the state investment destined to immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism in Russia is played out on several registers. It is the instrument by which the ruling elites succeed in effacing (at least superficially) their internal divisions and unifying the political spectrum under their banner. It can also be likened to a new form of state-proposed social contract, an attempt to remobilise society to its advantage by drawing on those elements of its cultural reservoirs that form a consensus around the theme of patriotism. Lastly, for the tiny proportion of the population committed to radical right-wing parties, it makes it possible to mobilise against the "other" at a time when massive social discontent is being expressed in xenophobic terms. Nationalism is therefore akin to an amalgam that reveals the multiplicity of current social and cultural experiences in contemporary Russia. Through nationalism, those who have lost out as a result of the reforms formulate their critique of the present and their nostalgia for the past, whereas the elites and the middle classes that have gained from these changes express their satisfaction and belief that Russia will win the game of globalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass migrations of people, particularly into Europe, have always created conflict; however, if they are also taking place in the middle of a profound economic crisis, an atmosphere conducive to xenophobic and racist expression is created. To alleviate this tension, since the end of the past century (and with particular emphasis in the United States, Canada and Japan) a model of coexistence has been implemented - that of multiculturality, which can be loosely translated as "together but not intimately involved". In spite of its success, this model (which overestimates the exotic nature of immigrants), only deals with current challenges in a limited manner. This article presents a model that suggests the freeing-up of much of the heavy load that any identity entails with the aim of transforming individuals into plural beings, which are open to the transparencies of others' identities, whether they are native inhabitants or foreigners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores some kinds of hostility that Nicaraguan people face in Costa Rica in their everyday life. In this work it is mentioned that symbolic boundaries are invisible limits, for example: jokes, insults, aggressive words, graphite, etcetera. This article analyzes graffiti and symbolic boundary that presents some ideas of Costa Rican national identity. To finish, it is stated that it is very important to debate about the consequences of our myths of identity and national problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El artículo habla de las consecuencias de la revolución mexicana que ocurrió en 1910. Según el artículo, la revolución trastocó la imagen de las elites políticas de la época. Los temas de los extranjeros, sus derechos y significado en la historia nacional fueron discutidos durante la Asamblea Constituyente de 1917. El artículo analiza algunos de los debates polémicos acerca de estos extranjeros y la construcción de la identidad mexicana.