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In this article we analyse the opposition between the fear of death and the fear of birth. The politics based on the fear of death implies the construction of a fiction presented and considered as a truth. This fictional truth is sewed within the bodies and generates a ghostly body. The ghost blocks the ongoing birth and therefore facilitates the extension of fear within the bodily tissues and towards the external space. Monsters appear as projection of forgotten body parts. Demons live at the edges of society, which reduces to a minimum the life of its subjects thanks to demoniacal threats. “Terrorist” is today’s word for demon. Continual birth is the last fight, waged by postmodern samurais that live and think the world as a butoh dance.

The purpose of the current study is to shed light on the representation of Arabs and Muslims in Hollywood on-screen discourse on terrorism. It seeks to answer, especially, three main questions: What is the difference, if any, between pre- and post- 9/11 representation of Arabs and Muslims? Does post- 9/11 on-screen discourse reflect true experiences of soldiers in battlefields? And how is Islam perceived by westerners? To analyse the on-screen discourse, we have adopted Van Dijk’s model of Ideological Discourse Analysis. The chosen data consider pre-and post- 9/11 attacks. As such, it comprises six films before and after this event. The analysis of on-screen discourse reveals that after 9/11 attacks, there has been a shift from a comical representation to a serious one. Also, post- 9/11 on-screen discourse on terrorism either depicts or simulates true experiences of American soldiers in battlefields. Besides, Islam is represented as a threatening radical ideology against a peaceful world.

On the sad experience of five decades of suffering as a result of terrorism in Spain, this work deals with the evolution experienced by the system provided by the State to compensate the victims of terrorism for the personal damages inflicted. The deficiencies of the compensation system are raised, among which the differences between victims depending on whether the legal scale is applied to those who have not been sentenced, or whether the compensation imposed in a final judgment for civil liability set by the Audiencia Nacional is taken as a reference. Alongside this, the differences that have arisen with the complementary regulation that some autonomous communities have introduced. The different initiatives undertaken to solve this issue are also analysed, as well as the quantitative results of the system in force.

An analytical tradition considers political violence linked to ethno-nationalist claims from a culturalist approach, which intends to offer a relevant interpretative model. This article aims to test this type of approach to the conflict in the Basque Country. In order to examine the validity of this interpretative model, we conducted a qualitative sociological survey among 73 former clandestine militants. The empirical data allow us to conclude that a culturalist and essentialist approach of the use of political violence in this case is irrelevant. On the other hand, we will show the interest of an analysis of the symbolic production of armed groups that gives a prominent place to the motives of resistance and national liberation.

This article deals with the threats posed by international terrorism to the security environment in Kosovo, with a particular focus on the period of the emergence of ISIS, when a large number of fighters from Kosovo joined terrorist organisations in the conflict zone of Syria and Iraq. This article attempts to explain the general factors leading to the rise of violent extremism and religious radicalism in Kosovo, as well as why Kosovar fighters joined ISIS. In particular, it examines the institutional responses to counter-terrorism in Kosovo, the elimination of conditions and factors conducive to extremism and radicalism, and the weaknesses of Kosovo institutions in countering terrorism.