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A strong case can be made that there is an educational debt to Indigenous peoples in Saskatchewan resulting from well over a century of colonization. According to Ladson-Billings, the education debt “comprises historical, economic, sociopolitical, and moral components” that illuminate the execution of systemic and institutional power (2006, p. 3). In a major study with First Nations and Metis students and parents involving 15 research sites across Saskatchewan, “participants spoke eloquently of the historical education debt and its continued malign implications for Aboriginal peoples” in the province (Pelletier, Cottrell, & Hardie, 2013, p. vii). For Saskatchewan’s Indigenous peoples, the importance of this education debt cannot be overstated. Although the high school graduation rates for Indigenous youth have shown slight improvement in recent years, in Saskatchewan there is still a massive gap: in 2017, the graduation rate for non-Indigenous students was 76.5 percent compared to 43.2 percent for their Indigenous peers (Government of Saskatchewan, 2017). Colonialism is the main reason for this discrepancy. Colonialism is legitimated by myths of superiority, inevitability, and racism, and is enforced by the colonizers’ socio-political institutions. Despite the prevailing myths of “social harmony and a tradition of cooperation” (Green, 2006, p. 19), Saskatchewan very much comprises a jurisdiction with a race problem rooted in a problematic colonial history. The colonial model of the past has been replaced by contemporary neo-colonialism. The social problems and low economic status of large segments of Indigenous peoples today are evidence of the legacy of the racist residential school policy. Indeed, postcolonial historiography locates in these institutions the roots of many contemporary educational challenges in Saskatchewan, especially the enduring disconnect between Indigenous peoples and state-sponsored formal educational institutions (Battiste, 2005). Moreover, despite record royalties from potash and other resources in recent years, child poverty for Indigenous families in Saskatchewan is a staggering 45percent, whereas the child poverty rate for non-Indigenous is 13 percent (Douglas & Gingrich, 2009). Hunter and Douglas claim that “Children who grow up in poverty are more likely to lack adequate food, clothing and basic health care, live in substandard housing and poorly resourced neighborhoods, become victims of crime and violence, be less successful in school, suffer ill health and have shortened life spans” (p. 1). This paper makes the case that an education debt exists in Saskatchewan. It outlines a detailed model for targeted funding for Indigenous learners. By addressing this debt through targeted funding, the achievement gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous students should lessen over time. There is a moral imperative to do so.

This study of multilevel governance in contemporary Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) in Vietnam used a qualitative methodology to identify the factors that cause fragmentation of governance structures, leading to ineffective management and governance of these MPAs. These factors relate to formal institutions, socio-economic conditions and social capital. The study reveals different barriers to effective governance at different levels. Socio-economic conditions affect the participation of local communities, whereas formal institutional arrangements are major barriers to the collaboration between state-actors across sectors. Mutual trust, communication and reciprocity may nurture and foster participation and collaboration by actors in the multilevel governance of MPAs. The article stresses the importance of social capital in multilevel governance of human-natural systems. It concludes that the existing institutional structure of MPAs may require reforms to achieve more effective governance and to meet the overall goals of the national MPA network. Keywords: environmental governance, institutions, natural resource management, Marine Protected Areas, human-environment systems, Vietnam

El colapso del socialismo anteriormente existente obedeció a causas integradas en su mecanismo económico, que no son inherentes a todos los socialismos posibles. El artículo muestra que la teoría económica marxista, junto con la informática, proporciona el fundamento para adelantar un programa económico socialista viable y que el desarrollo de la informática y de Internet hace posible la planificación económica. Además, argumenta que el movimiento socialista nunca desarrolló un programa constitucional correcto y que la tecnología moderna abre nuevas oportunidades para la democracia. Por último, revisa los argumentos austriacos contra la posibilidad del cálculo socialista a la luz de la nueva capacidad informática y de las limitaciones del Protocolo de Kyoto.

El colapso del socialismo anteriormente existente obedeció a causas integradas en su mecanismo económico, que no son inherentes a todos los socialismos posibles. El artículo muestra que la teoría económica marxista, junto con la informática, proporciona el fundamento para adelantar un programa económico socialista viable y que el desarrollo de la informática y de Internet hace posible la planificación económica. Además, argumenta que el movimiento socialista nunca desarrolló un programa constitucional correcto y que la tecnología moderna abre nuevas oportunidades para la democracia. Por último, revisa los argumentos austriacos contra la posibilidad del cálculo socialista a la luz de la nueva capacidad informática y de las limitaciones del Protocolo de Kyoto.