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Introduction: Indigenous peoples are undergoing profound Lifestyle changes that affect their health and the way they manage their diseases. The objective of this study was to determine the therapeutic itineraries followed by Qom mothers whenever they perceive their children are sick., Population and Methods: The study was done in the Namqom peri-urban community, in the province of Formosa, with a group of mothers with young children interviewed at their houses until achieving saturation. The study followed an exploratory, qualitative design based on a conceptual health belief model., Results: The therapeutic itineraries selected by 16 Qom mothers included using home remedies, biblical/faith healing, healers, and visiting the provincial health center. In general, the itinerary depends on how the mother characterizes disease symptoms: natural (biological cause) or unnatural (sorcery-related). The different methods are not necessarily incompatible and, many times, are used as complementary. Both reliability on effectiveness and fear of consequences play an important role on treatment selection. These results are extremely helpful to improve the dialog between the community and the health center. It is necessary to promote an improved coordination among the different health care agents working in transitioning indigenous communities., Conclusions: The results of this study described selected therapeutic itineraries and, as a consequence, evidenced the strong presence of pluralistic medical systems in this community., Competing Interests: None, (Sociedad Argentina de Pediatría.)

This paper applies a historical, cultural and social perspective to analyse the political transnationalism of indigenous peoples. Using key concepts like indigenous movements and transnational defence networks, alongside desk study and analysis of indigenous organisations’ goals and programmes, this paper proposes a classification and definition of three types of indigenous political transnationalism: migratory, institutional and relating to transnational peoples. Examples are given for each, including indigenous organisations from America, Africa, Asia and international organizations, with the aim of revealing the complexity and importance of transnationalism as a fundamental factor in the indigenous protests of the last decades.

In 2009, the Colombian Constitutional Court issued ruling Auto 004, declaring 34 indigenous groups as being at risk of extermination due to the internal armed conflict and ordered the Colombian government, led by the Interior Ministry, to protect them. Since then, although the critical situation persists, the government has proven its compliance with the Court´s order through a documentation process. The purpose of this article is to examine the role of documentation in mediating legal protection in a violent context. Based on yearlong participant observation at the Colombian Interior Ministry, the study approaches the production of the government´s documentary response as an artifact. It addresses its formulation and context within the institutional setting, the discussions regarding what to include and what to exclude, and the decisions that shape its content. It highlights how the assembled document enchants, by skillfully combining the aesthetics and technical aspects. It illustrates how numbers that portray compliance are constructed and displayed in the document, while concealing the failure to make the changes that were ordered: a phenomenon termed here as complying incompliantly. The paper´s originality lies in deconstructing the powerful governmental sophism of money invested as compliance with an obligation, through ethnographic attention to the document. Likewise, the analysis is part of the challenge dealt with by studies of the gap between law and reality, by suggesting that the problem lies not in a gap between well-intended law and the violent reality that overflows it but rather in the way this “gap” is filled by complex documenting processes. As such, the paper contributes to the anthropological studies on law, documentation and accountability.

This paper focuses on the link between Transitional Justice (TJ) and Indigenous Peoples in Colombia. The aim is to identify and discuss how Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC) has used and appropriated the Transitional Justice in Colombia during the past 10 years. Thus, the main argument is the Colombian TJ, which is a social process of interactions involving diverse types of agents and multiple levels of law. This implies that Indigenous Peoples have engaged in a TJ from below through multi-sited uses of the discourse. This case study is analysed through a socio-legal and the sociology of social movements approach that articulates Law and globalization perspectives and, the diffusion and uses of law. The action-research perspective, the qualitative approach of ethnography and the methods of non-participant observation and in-depth interviews of some activists and social actors are used. In addition, qualitative content analysis of laws, policy papers, NGOs and indigenous organizations reports. Este artículo se centra en la relación entre la Justicia Transicional (JT) y los Pueblos Indígenas en Colombia. El objetivo es identificar y debatir cómo la Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC) ha utilizado y se ha apropiado de la Justicia Transicional durante los últimos 10 años. El argumento central es que la JT colombiana es un proceso social de interacciones que involucra diversos tipos de agentes y niveles del derecho. Esto implica que los Pueblos Indígenas se han involucrado en una JT desde abajo a través de los usos del discurso en múltiples lugares. Este estudio de caso es analizado a través de un enfoque socio-jurídico y de sociología de los movimientos sociales que articula las perspectivas del Derecho y la globalización, y la difusión y los usos del derecho. Metodológicamente usa la perspectiva de la investigación-acción, el enfoque cualitativo de la etnografía y los métodos de observación no participante y entrevistas en profundidad, y el análisis de contenido cualitativo de leyes, de documentos de políticas públicas, de ONG y de informes. DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN: http://ssrn.com/abstract=3269132

Objective/Context: This paper analyzes the discourse of three supranational policy instruments produced by the International Labour Organization and the United Nations regarding the political participation of Indigenous Peoples. We argue that these discourses promote a utilitarian view of the environment and pose severe limitations on substantial political participation by Indigenous Peoples. Methodology: To support this thesis, we present the results of a Critical Discourse Analysis that reveals how political participation is shaped through discourses, social actors are represented within hierarchical relationships, and nature is defined in terms of an exploitable resource. Conclusions: Our conclusions show that these documents stimulate a form of political involvement by Indigenous Peoples that excludes the administrative and political consequences of dissent and that represents consent as the only possible outcome. Nonetheless, further research is necessary to understand the resonance of these policy instruments within national legal frameworks and their political, environmental, and cultural effects. Originality: The article challenges the conventional assumptions that the success of supranational policies on Indigenous Peoples’ participation depends on the efficiency of their implementation process. Instead, it proposes a discursive comprehension based on the social practices and power relationships that configurate the policies’ discourse to the detriment of substantial political participation.

Objective/Context: The year 2021 marked the 50th anniversary of the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC), the first organization established in Colombia to fight for territorial and identity rights of Indigenous Peoples. From a historical perspective and proposing an approach related to the concept of resistance, this paper focuses on how this latter has been expressed through this indigenous movement since its inception. Methodology: The information and reflections presented here are based on a corpus of bibliographical and documentary sources, as well as on a follow-up of the political mobilizations of indigenous peoples in situ, in the media, digital social networks, official minutes, and other statements. Conclusions: The analysis reveals the persistence of indigenous resistance and an expansion of the project that accompanies it, from a struggle for land and territory to efforts carried out along with other actors and social organizations to create a “better world.” Originality: The originality of the article consists of an analysis of the political dimensions of the resistance of Indigenous Peoples, which are still little known. In addition, it offers a novel approach to stress the intersection of (sub) national and global dynamics in which the demands of Indigenous Peoples and issues related to Colombia’s society and the whole world converge.

Since the passage of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) in 1997, the term indigenous peoples or IPs has become codified in Philippine Law. However, legal usage of the term indigenous cultural communities/indigenous peoples (ICCs/IPs) contrasts starkly with the ways that members of these communities refer to themselves. In Southern Mindanao, members of government (GO) and non-government organizations (NGO) employ lumad to refer to the people that they are committed to assist; so do artists and cultural workers who draw on highland Mindanao cultural traditions. But Bagobo, T’boli, Mandaya or B’laan peoples in Southern Mindanao rarely refer to themselves as lumad in everyday speech. Those who do refer to themselves as lumad regularly engage with NGOs or the government and may be observed dressed in denotative clothing, with traditional chiefly emblems playing a central part. The profound significance of names and visual symbols in native claims to power is relevant to the Mindanao case. This paper analyzes how textile practices of the Bagobo, along with comparative data from neighboring groups, pose special challenges to the conceptual category of a pan-Mindanao native. Elderly women, most knowledgeable in cloth lore and manufacture, rarely refer to themselves as lumad; yet women traditionally made ceremonial clothes for men, and continue to do so today. These clothes signal the men’s stature as dátu, and the means by which these textiles are acquired remain within the purview of women. How does the lumad/IP discourse depend on the erasure of group- and gender-specific knowledge systems? Using local delineations of a pan-Mindanao or pan-Philippine “indigenous person,” this paper will re-examine lumad as a political category and problematize its meaning as a cultural referent.

This paper analyses the Peruvian institutional scaffolding that favours mechanisms for dispossessing land from indigenous peoples in Peru, despite their protection by regulations that recognise them as such and their constitutional status, which imposes binding obligations. International human rights protection standards are therefore violated, along with the International Labour Organization’s Convention 169 and the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR). It is therefore noteworthy that the Peruvian State has approved the titling of indigenous peoples’ lands that are suitable for forestry “transfer of use rights” – the main mechanism of dispossession affecting the ancestral territories of the indigenous peoples of the Peruvian jungle.

This paper introduces the duyuy nga traki “narrative chants” of the Dulangan Manobo, one of the least-documented subtribes of the large Manobo tribe inhabiting most of Mindanao. It attempts an interpretation of their concept of time and space as expressed, implicitly or explicitly, in these traki. The empirical bases for these interpretations are cultural, political and historical data, which are woven into theanalyses. Contemporary data include the tribe’s attempts to assert their Ancestral Domain Claims. Their creation myth, trickster tale, origin stories, etiological legends about natural formations, etc. are interpreted in the light of their economic system and the shifts from one occupational practice to another; historical experiences, such as the coming of outsiders, viz., the Muslims, Americans and homesteaders; and the politics of their location.The narrative chants were recorded in the original Manobo while an interpreter translated these line-by-line into Hiligaynon, which I then translated in Filipino. The narrative chants presented in this paper are the translations into Filipino. This research was conducted in the municipality of Kulaman and the village of Todog, both in the province of Sultan Kudarat. Two weeklong visits were made by this writer to these areas in October 2002 and May 2003, primarily to record the duyuy nga traki performed by Baha Lambay Beliyan, and to interact informally with the Dulangans.

This paper aims to understand the concept of local wisdom (Indonesian term: kearifan local) from the perspective of Indonesian indigenous peoples (Indonesian term: masyarakat adat) in handling COVID-19 and environmental management policies. In this article, use normative legal research methods, empirical data based on developments in policy and media in Indonesia, and qualitative analysis. The findings of this study are first, constructing local wisdom of Indonesian indigenous peoples in environmental management and handling of COVID-19, based on the teachings of their ancestors and based on the customary calendar as a reference; second, build partnerships related to environmental policies and indigenous peoples by considering the balance of nature and changes in human behavior through local wisdom to reduce carbon emissions during a pandemic. The author is interested in this research because there is an integration of local wisdom of Indonesian indigenous peoples in environmental policies and handling COVID-19. Este artículo se propone entender el concepto de saber local (término en indonesio: kearifan local) desde la perspectiva de los pueblos indígenas indonesios (término en indonesio: masyarakat adat) para gestionar la COVID-19 y las políticas medioambientales. En el artículo, se usan métodos normativos de investigación jurídica, datos empíricos basados en los desarrollos de políticas y medios en Indonesia, y análisis cualitativos. Los hallazgos del estudio son, primero, la construcción del saber local de los pueblos indígenas indonesios en gestión medioambiental y manejo de la COVID-19, basándose en las enseñanzas de sus antepasados y en el calendario consuetudinario; segundo, la construcción de alianzas relacionadas con políticas ambientales y pueblos indígenas, considerando el equilibrio entre naturaleza y cambios en el comportamiento humano a través del saber local para reducir las emisiones de carbono durante una pandemia. El autor se ha interesado en esta investigación porque existe una integración del saber local de los pueblos indígenas indonesios en las políticas medioambientales y la gestión de la COVID-19. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1193

In this paper we suggest that linguistic features can show traces of the frequency and intensity of social interactions between indigenous peoples. We focus on peoples of the alluvial fan of the Pilcomayo River (South American Chaco), and analyze first-person non-singular verbal encoding in their languages. The corpus is composed of (a) data obtained during fieldwork, (b) descriptive grammars, and (c) published reports by missionaries, army officers, and European travelers. Combining environmental and ethnohistorical information, we propose that the first-person non-singular subject verbal indexes split visible in Eastern Toba of the Lower Pilcomayo River, Western Toba from the Upper-Middle Pilcomayo River (Guaicuruan), and Tapiete of the Upper Pilcomayo River area (Tupi-Guaraní) could be an outcome of language-internal resources used by the speakers of these languages to replicate the Matacoan (Maká, Nivaclé, and Wichí) external model.

The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region’s government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment

The paper analyses the discourse and practical aspects of the ideological dimension of the Intercultural University, a Mexican educational model founded in 2003 in reaction to the constitutional recognition of the cultural diversity represented by the indigenous nations. Based on a field research in two different Intercultural Universities it is concluded that the educational model exists mostly to support of the neoindigenist ideological position of the Mexican state.

This paper argues the racism remain for a long time in the government logics and politics apply to the indigenous populations, are currently. The racism roots blends with intercultural and human rights discourses, and came from the mixed-race superiority idea. We focus the attention on the popular referendum to 16 indigenous communities located on the central valley of Oaxaca. The referendum is carry out by the CONAGUA, and it began in 2015 as of today. We show among the indigenous communities and the government policies, arises international rights that becomes in a social and natural resources dispute.

The paper aims to analyze the representations of the indigenous body produced during the 14th edition of the Acampamento Terra Livre [Free Land Occupation], which happened between April 24th and 28th, 2017, and that were disseminated and debated by means of images and threads in the social network Twitter from then on. The analyses are situated within the Cultural Studies field and the results point, on one hand, to a representation that considers the generic identity of the indigenous as a strategy to confer visibility to their social and political demands and, on the other, for disputes and clashes around these same representations.

In the last 25 years we have witnessed the rise of official apologies. These apologies can advance national reconciliation and justice for victims. They also require the introduction of other reparative measures to overcome the practical effects of past injustices and ensure against their repetition.Unfortunately, however, this is not how these apologies usually work in practice. As the article argues, state apologies function in a paradoxical way. In making apologies states seek to acknowledge and accept responsibility for past wrongs; at the same time, states use them to limit their liability. The apologies made in Australia and Canada to Indigenous peoples in 2008 will be examined in view of this analysis. Ultimately, the article argues that while these apologies seem to be addressing past wrongs, they have done little to change the status quo. In advancing these claims, the article emphasizes the importance of history to the apology-making process.En los últimos 25 años ha aumentado el número de peticiones de perdón oficiales. Estas disculpas pueden promover la reconciliación nacional y la justicia para las víctimas. También es necesario introducir otras medidas reparadoras para superar las consecuencias prácticas de injusticias pasadas y evitar su repetición.Lamentablemente sin embargo, no es así como habitualmente funcionan en la práctica estas peticiones de perdón. Como se defiende en el artículo, las disculpas estatales funcionan de forma paradójica. Al pedir perdón, los Estados buscan reconocer y aceptar su responsabilidad por errores del pasado; pero al mismo tiempo, buscan limitar su responsabilidad. A partir de este análisis, se estudiarán las peticiones de perdón hechas en Australia y Canadá a los pueblos indígenas en 2008. Finalmente, se argumenta que aunque estas disculpas parecen estar abordando los errores del pasado, han hecho poco para cambiar el statu quo. Al plantear estas cuestiones pendientes, se hace hincapié en la importancia de la historia en el proceso de petición de perdón. DOWNLOAD THIS PAPER FROM SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=2960259

Among the various indigenous rights movements across different times in Taiwan, the presence of indigenous women often goes obscure. Although in recent years there has been a great deal of publications on Taiwanese indigenous movements, some of the literature —constructed under the structure of the indigenous knowledge system—, while insisting on the status and value of indigenous autonomy, tend to overlook the historical context in Taiwanese society of indigenous women who participated in social movements. What are the issues of concern? This paper primarily serves to reveal the “silent crusades” and to bring forward the directions of interests of the indigenous women’s movements by analyzing related reports, autobiographies, interview transcripts, texts, etc. spanning over two decades and published in the weekly newspaper of the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan (PCT), Taiwan Church News, in addition to in-depth interviews with the leaders of indigenous women’s social movements.

In March 2009 an indigenous organization called the OPIC (Pluricultural Organization of the Indigenous Peoples of Cauca) appeared in Colombia whose political position differed drastically from that of the country´s mainstream indigenous organizations since it openly endorsed the government of Álvaro Uribe. As noted immediately by some journalists and political analysts, it was believed to have been the result of a government strategy to create a division in one sector of the opposition. Such an explanation, however, is reductionist. This article aims to show, by taking advantage both of Gramsci’s notion of “passive revolution” and of some features of Discourse Analysis, how the rise of the OPIC was also due to a process of ideological identification of a sector of the indigenous population of Cauca that had deep historical roots in Evangelicalism with the politics of Uribismo. The paper thus seeks to show to what extent it is possible to talk about a right-wing indigenous movement in Colombia based on an understanding of the political dimension of religion and contrary to those who consider the rise of the OPIC to be simply the result of a divisionist and clientelist strategy employed by the Uribe government.

Este artículo aborda la noción de sujeto que se articula en las políticas sociales en Chile. En base a una concepción dialógica del sujeto y por medio de un estudio de caso, se analiza la noción de agencia que subyace a la principal medida adoptada por el Estado chileno para fortalecer el proceso de desarrollo de los pueblos indígenas; el Programa Orígenes. El análisis nos conducirá a afirmar que esta política social deja de lado elementos centrales de la noción del sujeto y su capacidad de acción, produciendo un desacoplamiento entre la noción de agencia que se les reconoce a los miembros de las comunidades indígenas y su capacidad efectiva para convertirse en actores de sus procesos de desarrollo. Este desajuste, dificultaría las posibilidades de generar una política social definida por el criterio de pertinencia cultural y orientada a satisfacer las necesidades particulares de los pueblos indígenas en Chile.This paper addresses the notion of subject articulated in social policies in Chile. Based on a dialogic conception of subject and a case study, we analyze the notion of agency underlying thePrograma Orígenes; the main initiative installed by the Chilean state to strength indigenous people’s development processes. The analysis will lead us to affirm this social policy leaves behind essential elements of the notion of subject and its action capacity, provoking a decoupling between the notion of agency recognized to members of indigenous communities and their actual capacity to become actors in their own development processes. This maladjustment, might limit the possibilities to generate a social policy defined by cultural pertinence and oriented towards the satisfaction of the particular needs of indigenous peoples in Chile.

El Bicentenario de la República de Chile se conmemoró en el mes de septiembre del año 2010. Además de marcar un importante hito histórico, coincidió con un cambio político en el Gobierno del país, el que pasó de la Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia a la Alianza de partidos formada por la derecha chilena. Se cumplieron por tanto 20 años desde que en el año 1990 cambiara el Gobierno militar presidido por el general Pinochet. Ese largo tiempo, dos décadas, coincide con un período de políticas que el Estado ha implementado hacia los Pueblos Indígenas. El Proyecto “Conmemoraciones y Memorias Subalternas” ha realizado durante el año 2010 un conjunto de investigaciones de terreno y documentales tendientes a comprender del modo más objetivo y científico lo ocurrido en el período y por tanto la situación actual de las sociedades mapuches en sus complejas relaciones con la chilena.O Bicentenario da República do Chile comemorou-se no mês de Setembro do ano 2010. Junto com transformar-se num marco histórico, coincidiu com uma mudança política no Governo do país, que passou da Concertação de Partidos pela Democracia (centro-esquerda) à Aliança de partidos formada pela direita chilena. Cumpriram-se por tanto 20 anos desde que em 1990 mudasse o Governo militar presidido pelo general Pinochet. Esse longo tempo, duas décadas, coincide com um período de políticas que o Estado implementou para com os Povos Indígenas. O Projeto “Comemorações e Memórias Subalternas” realizou durante o ano 2010 um conjunto de pesquisas de campo e documentais tendentes a compreender do modo mais objetivo e científico o ocorrido no período e, por tanto, a situação atual das sociedades mapuches em suas complexas relações com a chilena.The conmeration of the 200 years of the Independence of Chile was in September 2010. This year was also the political change from the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia to the right political wing chilean political parties. During the last 20 years the Goverment of Chile was in the hands of the center left coalition, after the dictatorship period of Gral Augusto Pinochet end in 1990. During two decades the state aplied social policies in order two develop the indigenous comunities, specially the mapuche comunities of the south of Chile. During 2010 the research proyect named “Conmemoraciones y memorias subalternas” tried to understand the current situation of the comunities, the conflict and others aspects of the indigenous situation. This paper is part of those research.

Ancient actors for a new regime: Indigenous people and Afrodescendants in Paraguay during the Independence. This paper explores the characteristics of the process of independence on the region of Paraguay focusing in the social dynamics of the Indigenous and African descent populations. The first part analyzes responses of the villages to the discourse of the Buenos Aires Junta Government. We suggest that said discourse, even though at a first glance seems to be oriented to define a « new political actor », actually expressed an important level of continuity with the directions of the Colonial State in its late phase. In this context, the villages subject to the Asunción jurisdiction took a political path different to those under the influence of Buenos Aires, conditioned by the demographic and territorial situation that prevailed in the region. The second part provides details about the characteristics of this situation and its evolution since the previous decades that correspond to the end of the colonial period. It is our contention that in those previous decades can be found some clues to understand the meaning of the responses indigenous and African descent population adopted toward the processes of independence in Paraguay and, ironically, their rapid vanishing from the official records

This paper discuss the introduction of European domestic animals in indigenousvillages in the Amazon, with particular stress on groups in Rondonia, specially the Karitiana, aTupi-Arikém-speaking people that lives in the north of that state. In what concerns the historyof Brazilian territorial conquest, marked by the ‘frentes pastoris’’ great narrative, and thepresent expansion – material and also ideological – of husbandry throughout Amazonia, thisarticle points to many questions about the position of these animals – above all cattle – inindigenous peoples’ symbolical and material universes. Suggests new investigativepossibilities, that inquires not only implemented experiences with animal husbandry inindigenous villages, but also desires and projects designed to future implementations.Este artigo discute a introdução de animais domesticados de origem européia emaldeias indígenas na Amazônia, com particular atenção aos grupos em Rondônia, em especialos Karitiana, povo de língua Tupi-Arikém que habita o norte daquele estado. Tendo em vista ahistória da ocupação do território brasileiro, marcada pela grande narrativa das ‘frentespastoris’, e a recente expansão – material e ideológica – da pecuária pela floresta amazônica,o texto aponta para várias questões referentes à posição desses animais – sobretudo bois – nosuniversos simbólicos e materiais das populações indígenas, e sugere possibilidadesinvestigativas que interroguem não apenas sobre as experiências já realizadas com a criaçãoanimal em aldeias, mas também os desejos e projetos desenhados para que esta sejaimplantada.

This paper addresses the contradictions between the indigenous political project in Ecuador and of those projects of both the central government and the external actors. The promotion of collective rights has arisen as a central claim of the indigenous groups who aim to participate in the definition of the national economic and politic development model facing ambiguous opponents. This complex interaction is analyzed in order to reveal how an apparent convergence of discourses around the promotion of decentralization and participative democracy hides a huge diversity of social and political change projects.

Este artigo discute as políticas de proteção dos povos indígenas e a epístola do ecologismo dos excluídos nos países amazônicos. Aborda a Declaração das Nações Unidas sobre o Direito dos Povos Indígenas e a Resolução da Assembléia Geral da ONU que qualifica os efeitos das mudanças climáticas como uma ameaça à segurança internacional. Ambas levam a uma construção cognitiva por parcerias pela justiça social. O texto relembra a invasão de terras pela desordenada imigração. Descortina o potencial analítico oferecido pelo estudo das relações internacionais para aclarar perspectivas tanto da mitigação das mudanças climáticas por meio da Responsabilidade de Proteger (R2P) quanto do convívio das maiorias excluídas com as minorias indígenas protegidas.This article discusses the policies of protection for indigenous people and the environmentalist manifesto for the excluded in Amazonian countries. It addresses the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous People and the resolution of the General Assembly that qualifies the effects of climate change as threats to international security. Both lead to cognitive constructions for social justice. The paper reminds us of the invasion of lands by disorderly immigration. More importantly, it unveils the analytical potential offered by the study of international relations to clarify the perspectives of both the mitigation of climate change through the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and the excluded majority that lives alongside the protected indigenous minorities.

Se analiza en el presente trabajo la importancia de las relaciones que en tres pueblos indígenas de Chile sostienen los integrantes rurales y urbanos de comunidades, como consecuencia de las migraciones y el aumento de la movilidad espacial que provoca una más activa participación en mercados de fuerza de trabajo y economías regionales. La vigencia e importancia de esas redes sociales permite definirlas como de translocalización. Se describen y contextualizan esas relaciones estableciendo las pautas de integración regional que los pueblos indígenas han construido en la época moderna. Además de la revisión de los antecedentes publicados, se presenta información empírica proveniente del estudio de tres comunidades indígenas, una aymara, otra atacameña, ambas en el extremo norte del país, y una tercera mapuche de la Araucanía.This paper analyzes the importance of the relations that the rural and urban community members undergo in three Chilean indigenous peoples as a result of migrations and the spatial mobility provoked by a more active participation in the regional work force and economic markets. The validity and importance of these social networks permits their definition as translocalization. These relations are described and contextualized establishing the regional integration models that the indigenous peoples have constructed in modern times. As well as a review of previous publications, empirical evidence is presented which comes from the study of three indigenous communities: one Aymara and another Atacaman, both from the extreme north of the country, and the third, Mapuche from the Araucana region.

Este artículo aborda el tema de los diversos usos y formas de la memoria indígena como sustentos de pertenencia e identidad a partir de algunos ejemplos de las poblaciones indígenas que habitaban tres espacios coloniales: Tilcara-Omaguaca en el Noroeste Argentino; Atacama en el norte de Chile y Chile central. Estos usos y formas de la memoria las hemos denominado "memorias de la sangre", "memorias de la tierra" y a través de ellas exploramos su importancia en la construcción de las identidades locales o "microscópicas", a través de distintas vías expresadas en la relación entre espacio, territorio e identidad; entre ésta y las relaciones sociales establecidas entre sus habitantes donde el parentesco juega un papel fundamental en su definición; en aquellas establecidas a través de los gentilicios o apelativos que cada grupo otorga a sus miembros; en la persistencia de una lengua propia, en la existencia de un sistema de medición del tiempo y de ritmos productivos propios así como también a través de la práctica de ciertos rituales o creencias. Finalmente, en los "senderos de la memoria colectiva" advertimos la construcción de contenidos y códigos que son elaborados y traspasados creativamente a los miembros del grupo otorgándoles sentido de pertenencia e identidad.This papers takes on the theme by which diverse uses and forms of indigenous memory feed notions of belonging and identity, through the analysis of a few examples taken from indigenous populations in three colonial spaces: Tilcara-Omaguaca in Noroeste Argentino; Atacama (in the North of Chile), and Chile Central. We have called these uses and forms of memory "memories of the blood" and "memories of the land". We explore their contribution to the construction of local or "microscopic" identities, as expressed in the fundamental role kin connections play in the relationships between space, territory and identity, as illustrated by the local terms of belonging by which each group designates its members, in the existence of a distinct language, time measuring systems based on their productive rhythms, as well as through the practice of characteristic rituals and beliefs. In these "paths of collective memory", we consider, finally, the construction of contents and codes that are creatively elaborated and passed over to the members of the group, along with a sense of belonging and identity