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Based on collections of Slovenian folk songs published during the First World War, this paper presents Slovenian folk songs as an element of national identification during the Great War. The war period between 1914 and 1918 marked the beginning of the intense emancipation in Slovenian history, which was also reflected in the cultural sphere. At the beginning of the war, old military folk songs were revived in Slovenia, which easily identified with the events of the time and provided emotional and, above all, moral support for the mobilised Slovenian men. On the basis of an analysis of the lyrics of selected songs, are presented the elements of national identification, in which are also recognised their broader socio-cultural meaning. The liveliness of the songs among Slovenian soldiers at that time is sketched on the basis of analyses of photographs, records, occasional documents and unique sound recordings. The paper highlights the importance of Slovenian folk songs as a historical source in which intimate emotions of individuals can be recognised, as well as the collective memory and identifications of the larger community - the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This essay explores the evolution of public memory in Italy after 1989, influenced by the declining myth of the Resistance as a national liberation movement and the rising pressure of historical revisionism that questioned the prevalent anti-fascist interpretations of World War II. Drawing on newspapers from the period as a source, the study demonstrates how political dynamics steered the formation of a renewed public memory, with events on the "eastern border" taking center stage. Particularly, amid the disintegration of the Italian party system in the early 1990s, the "foibe" and "exodus" narratives emerged as pivotal in shaping a new national myth and identity. This narrative, stimulated in part by the dissolution of the Yugoslav federation, relies on entrenched nationalist rhetoric and taps into a reservoir of "anti-Slav" biases and stereotypes rooted in the latter half of the 19th century and the initial half of the 20th century. It identifies the "Slav" or "Yugoslav communist" as the archetypal image of the "enemy". The study analyses paradigmatic examples, from historiography and other textual mediums (like popular, journalistic, and literary sources), that have sculpted the portrayal of the Other. Utilizing the method of historical imagology, the essay underscores and critiques the multifaceted issues these representations bring to the fore in public discourse and the education of younger generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following essay is focussing on three musical incidents that left a mark in the music history of the city of Trieste (Austria-Hungary, now Italy). Based on contemporary reports by local newspapers, it tries to picture the tense political atmosphere on the turn of the twentieth century and give possible explanations for the boycotts and bans of certain musical works. Its main purpose, however, is to gather new information about the musical past of Trieste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Andrej Sládkovič (1820 - 1872) was not only a priest and a poet: he also wrote reports from cultural and political events and provided feedback to the works of others. Among other things, he considerably contributed to the publication of the minutes and diary from the Slovak national assembly held in Martin on 6th and 7th June 1861 where the Memorandum of the Slovak nation was adopted. A. Sládkovič assembled all the materials from the event and prepared them for publication. His goals in this regard were to provide information, preserve the memory of the events, and reflect on the activities of the Slovak nationally-oriented intelligentsia. In this way, he captured the personalities connected to the national movement and events forming national awareness. The article describes the circumstances under which A. Sládkovič participated on the documenting of the memorandum assembly and shows that he contributed not only to the preparation of the materials for publication, but also to the capturing of the atmosphere under which the document was written. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers four migration narratives from three states—Brazil, Argentina, and Chile—including biographic approaches and group identities, cultural nostalgia and nationalist resentment. The divergent trajectories of the Dalmatian business tycoons Nicolás Mihanovich in Argentina and Pascual Baburizza in Chile, the celebration of inter-ethnic Austrian-ness in Ijuí (Brazil) vs. the symbolic construction of a “second Poland” by Polish immigrants in Paraná (Brazil) seek to open different windows into the highly complex panorama of Austrian-Hungarian emigration to Latin America. Although approximately 300,000 Habsburg subjects sought there their new homeland, the topic remains underresearched.

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Will Kymlicka’s Liberalism, Community and Culture attempted to explain why cultural identity was important to people, and how liberal theory could accommodate cultural identity. Kymlicka’s book argued that minority cultures deserve to have certain kinds of rights to help them survive. Cultural membership, he argued, was such an important good that liberal political theory was amiss in overlooking it; it needed to be amended in order to recognize that the self-respect of most people was tied to cultural membership, and that people needed a secure cultural context in which to make choices. Yet the importance of the self-respect argument fades in Kymlicka’s later book Multicultural Citizenship, which gives more emphasis to larger cultural groups that are marked off by language. In this article, I focus on the shift that Kymlicka makes between the two books, arguing that the revisions that Kymlicka made to the argument in Liberalism, Community and Culture were necessary, while making the argument less theoretically satisfying.

Due to the close proximity of the “Other”, Slovene inhabitants of Trieste were inclined to seek broader alliances, whether they were connected to Russophilia, Slavic reciprocity or the Yugoslav idea. It is therefore particularly interesting to observe how they reacted to internationalism, which was in the late 19th century becoming increasingly popular by social democracy. Where do socialism and liberalism stand apart, how does class struggle fight nationalism as an emancipatory movement? This was clearly shown in the Russian Revolution of 1905; no other Slovenian newspaper reported about it with such an intensity as the liberal Edinost and the socialist Rdeči prapor in Trieste. Edinost continued to advocate the Tsar as the personalization of Russia itself, and Rdeči prapor stood firmly on the stand of the people’s uprising. A full-year analysis of the accounts of both newspapers shows how ideologically unmanaged and changing their views were, and at the same time it points out the direction in which both ideas will develop in the 20th century. Answers to some topical questions (e.g. Is the struggle for a woman’s equality a matter of a national or class struggle?) have crystallized over the years, but the relationship between the nation and the class has always remained variable. It is also interesting to observe how socialist theory formed its local variations; the socialists Henrik Tuma and Karel Slanc see the future of socialism in Trieste, as it is supposed to be the perfect town for the beginning of the workers’ movement. However, to a certain extent, they remained faithful to national frameworks and even to the framework of the monarchy. But this can not be said for all social democrats, e.g. Ivan Regent and Etbin Kristan were much more committed to internationalism. The survey also shows how liberalism (nationalism) competed with socialism: the liberal discourse had radicalized and, to a certain extent, even took over the socialist vocabulary. Although it may sometimes seem that the ideological and political views intertwined and, to some extent, even merged, we keep noticing sudden withdrawals and mutual rejections that are being drawn to the present times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article observes distortions of the historiographical narrative about the musical culture of Slovenia in the past, caused by specific circumstances of the formation of the Slovenian nation and the dominance of nationalism. It also outlines the strategies applied by Slovenian musicology since the second half of the twentieth century to escape the grip of nationalistic ideology.

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The author of the article argues that educational narratives about democracy and patriotism cannot be simplistic. A more developed reflection on democracy is needed to settle its importance for the education question—can democratic ideas and the concept of patriotism go together? A discussion of various definitions of democracy and patriotism, and the characteristics of the chosen approaches is included in the article to show the complexity of the issues. The great challenge for civic education is to show connections and gaps between democracy and patriotism. Patriotism and democracy are complex issues with many variants, among them some threatening ones, and they should be discussed deeply. Otherwise, education will create unreflective, narrowminded people, who may be desired by autocratic politicians in order to manipulate them, but not by contemporary human beings and civil societies.

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The overall aim of this article is to provide a critical exposition of the ethnocentric worldview. In order to reach this aim, I intend to explore the nature of abusive generalization which belongs to the populist images of national identity. Secondly, the main argument of the article lies in the proposition that what supplements nationalist populism is the psychological component of xenophobia. These crucial aspects of ethnocentrism, as I intend to argue, compose the ethnocentric worldview, which shapes individual commitment to national identity by omitting the member of a different ethnic identity.

The article deals with the position held by the Slovenian magazine Kaplje [Drops] in the Slovenian collective memory. Published in the town of Idrija between 1966 and 1972, i.e. in the period of party liberalism in former Yugoslavia, Kaplje was a publication from the periphery that ‘swam against the current’, although its role was almost entirely ignored. The article’s aim is therefore to determine how the magazine’s contributors represented and (re)produced Slovenian identity and its constitutive elements, and which forms and strategies of national(istic) discourse were used. The methodology is based on a critical discursive analysis of selected articles that touch on the above-mentioned themes from all 26 issues of the maga- zine, including a special issue released upon the twentieth anniversary of the date the magazine voluntarily came to an end.

This article explores the political parties in the 8th European Parliament on the basis of roll-call vote analysis. Besides the left-right divisions, we have also analysed the nationalist-globalist political cleavage. We have compared the resulting party positions with their left-right wing party labels. In addition, we have focused on inconsistencies and biased existing labels and the geopolitical interests connected with the current way of labelling. We have found out that the current way of left-right labelling privileges a globalist and liberal position, while some other political positions were not even represented. Finally, we have presented a new way of political labelling, which would also include a nationalist-globalist cleavage.

During the life of Franz Joseph, the Slovenes were undoubtedly one of the most loyal nations to the emperor. Slovene devotion, having grown into a worship of the imperial cult, found expression at a great variety of festivities and commemorations marking the jubilees of the emperor’s rule and his birthdays. However, their infinite allegiance began to crumble on the eve of the First World War, when in face of Franz Joseph’s reluctance to pursue radical political reforms, it gradually gave way to national consciousness and the struggle for equality, especially among the younger generations of intellectuals and politicians. Nevertheless, the Slovenes would continue to consider Franz Joseph as the symbol of existence and the “Father of the Nation” until his death in 1916. General shortages and political crisis, which, combined with military defeats, culminated in the disintegration of Austria-Hungary at the end of the war, changed the perception of the former sovereign and above all his public image, now propagandized by the new authorities. In Hinko Smrekar’s caricature, Franz Joseph was sent to hell and the visible symbols of the Habsburg rule were relegated to the dustbin of history. The onset of the Yugoslav period in Slovene history ushered in the use of textbooks with a view to indoctrinating the future generations, that is, the part of the population that did not have personal experience of living under the Habsburg scepter. In both royal and socialist Yugoslavia, the authors of textbooks sought to eliminate the image of Franz Joseph from learning contents and frame his rule in the diction “the emperor was,” “the court was,” etc. His name was systematically removed from practically all textbooks in the said period. Strikingly, however, the emperor was the subject of “forgetting” rather than demonization: in addressing the periods when Franz Joseph’s role could have been denigrated in line with both royal and socialist Yugoslav ideologies, textbooks simply sidelined rather than demonized him. The perception of Franz Joseph’s historical role began to change in the early 1980s, during the gradual disintegration of Yugoslavia, when literature rekindled the interest in the period of the monarchy and Franz Joseph, who returned to Slovene historical consciousness with his full name and reclaimed his symbolic role of the good old emperor [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For well over a century now, the enigmatic kosezi (in Slovene), or Edlinge (in German), continue to excite the imagination and create agitation in Slovene and Austrian national histories and cultural memories. While Austrian historiography largely advocates for a Germanic origin of this free medieval social stratum, in the Slovene they are established as an integral part of Carantanian society, said to have persevered until the sixteenth and, to a degree, even the nineteenth century. Hence, in the Slovene national imagination, the kosezi provide an important continuity with the ‘first Slovene state’, as Carantania is erroneously regarded in the cultural memory. This paper focuses on the (re)construction and reception of the word kosez (singular) and the social stratum it allegedly designated in Slovene science and cultural memory, while also surveying Austrian interpretations. The analysis shows that the kosezi entered the Slovene national imagination especially due to their key role in the enthronement of the dukes of Carinthia. The role of free Slovene peasants in the medieval enthronement ritual was discovered only two decades before the (re)construction of the word kosez in 1912/13 from fifteenth- and early sixteenth-century toponyms and surnames, as the supposed old Slovene or Carantanian original for the German word Edlinger (singular), attested in earlier sources. The word kosez was unknown in folk memory and its (re)construction was too late to be included in nineteenth-century nation-building, which was the most prolific time for the construction of national myths. Thus, it was only in the interwar period that Slovene historiography and philology made the kosezi, through their role in the enthronement ritual supposedly originating in Carantania, an integral part of one of the key elements of Slovene nation and state-building. After World War Two, the kosezi were further established in Slovene cultural memory, particularly through the reception of popular-scientific works and school textbooks, predicated mainly on the interpretations of the leading post-war Slovene medievalist Bogo Grafenauer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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A 1980s debate between Bulgarian “structuralists” and so called “impressionist critics” provides a line of demarcation between structuralists and post-structuralists while simultaneously delineating “Orphism” as the heavily controversial theoretical counterpart to the rise of Thracian studies in archeology and historiography. Since national identity turns out to be a major ideological wager of these controversies, they acquire an unforeseen relevance today.

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Divisions can't be regarded as something particularly new in Europe. Stereotypes and misconceptions have guided understanding of different parts of the continent for centuries. Here, the West-eastern divide has always been of some importance. But during the recent years, misunderstandings and misconceptions in communication between the two parts of Europe have become even more visible. Hence the main aim of the present paper is to discuss some sources of these misconceptions, particularly the stereotypes, linked to the understanding of Central and Eastern Europe in the western half of the continent. The article identifies several quite visible misconceptions in this regard. The first one is nourished by a curious interplay between the Western idealization of the European East as some multi-cultural oasis and the strong fear of nationalism, allegedly endemic to this same ar ea. On the other hand, look on the postwar period greatly differs between the two halves of the continent. For most Eastern and Central European environments, the experience of Soviet-dominated communism doesn't belong to the foundation stones of their present-day identities; many of them try to find such foundations in the prewar period. In the West, reversely, the communist experiment in the East often preserves an aura of possible alternative to models of capitalism and parliamentary democracy. Not all dominating stereotypes about the European East are, however, negative. A quite remarkable current in the West is prone to see the East as a valuable source of genuine spirituality. This has been particularly true for Russia. The country continues to inspire even in conditions of Vladimir Putin's alleged "conservative revolution", beginning especially during the second decade of his tenur e. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the artists Marina Abramović and Mladen Miljanović apprehend the terms Balkan and Europe as frameworks for understanding the post-communist transition in the countries of the former Yugoslavia. Abramović’s representations of pagan sex rituals in Balkan Erotic Epic (2005) and tombstone engravings in Miljanović’s The Garden of Earthly Delights (2013) capture what I describe as “halfway traditions”: cultural practices that simultaneously problematize the normative teleology of the Balkans moving away from primitivism and toward the civilization of Europe, and act as parodies of the nationalist reinvention of tradition. By highlighting “halfway tradition” as the symbol of the post-communist transitional state and a disruptive by-product of transition, Abramović and Miljanović critique ethnonationalist politics of death and sex, and articulate an “in-between” temporality that disrupts the teleology of transition.

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Contemporary Croatian state seceeded from the Yugoslav federation during the wars of the 1990s, or - as it is called in Croatia - the "Homeland war". States that are created in wars or as result of wars often treat war not only as tragedy but also as the birthplace of its statehood, and thus as their own Golden Age. This is especially the case for states that claim that in these wars they were both Victims and Winners. This is the case with contemporary Croatia with regard to its "Homeland war". As result of such interpretation of the war, Croatia's everyday political and social life is full of commemorations but also celebrations of the war. Interpreting of previous wars (including the Second World War) became a key feature of the process of reconstruction of Croatian national identity. This process is facilitated by the fact that Croatia has achieved its main objectives in the war: independence, international recognition, territorial reintegration and ethic homogenisation. In addition to these identity and ideologically based reasons, there are also some political or pragmatic, linked with the status of the "Croatian Defenders from the Homeland War". Veterans' associations and about 500,000 registered Veterans do not allow the war to be "forgotten". Their status and privileges are closely connected to survival of the dominant narratives about the war. At its end, the article compares Croatian case with the usage of wars in other East-European post-Communist states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Slovene historiography, school chronicles are recognized as a valuable historical source for the history of education. At the same time, they can be used as an important source for other historical processes. This is also the case in this article which deals with national struggles in the Styrian village of Šentilj (St. Egydi) during the transitional period from the Habsburg Monarchy towards the Yugoslav state. The author of the school chronicle Silvester Košutnik, who was a teacher at the school before and after the Great War, was an important witness and actor of the nationalistic confrontation between the Slovene and the German party in Šentilj. The place was chosen as one of the main targets of the German nationalist school association Deutscher Schulverein and its notorious colonial pendant Südmark, which encouraged settlers from the German-speaking regions to colonize the mostly Slovene populated area on the ethnic frontier. Whereas the Slovene children attended the public school in the village, the Deutscher Schulverein established in 1889 its own private institution for the German-speaking pupils, which received substantial financial support. The pre-war political confrontation in Šentilj has already been analysed by Pieter Judson in his classical work Guardians of the Nation. This article could be regarded as its sequel which focusses on the developments after the fall of the Habsburg Monarchy. Whereas in the pre-War period the Slovene school of Šentilj was operating under big pressure from the German-dominated educational and political authorities, the tables were turned in the new state. The educational legislation of the newly established Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes aggravated the educational conditions for the members of minorities, leading to a step-by-step decrease of numbers of German-speaking pupils in Slovenia. In the school chronicle of Košutnik there are many interesting first-hand descriptions of the educational problems in Šentilj in the transitional period from the old to the new state. The former school of the Deutscher Schulverein in Šentilj was immediately closed down and reduced to a single parallel class as an appendix to the Slovene one. Finally, the only existing German-speaking class was officially abolished in the school year of 1935/36, thus ending a long-lasting nationalist struggle for the dominance in Šentilj and its surroundings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)