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The main topic of this bachelor thesis is actorness of the European Union in climate politics. Concept of EU actorness is quite popular in social sciences since 1970s. That is because EU is not a typical political entity a therefore her conceptualization became challenging for some. The result of this long lasting dispute was recognizing the EU as a unique entity of its own, the so called entity sui generis. This paper is therefore based on a theoretical model developed by Petr Kratochvíl (2013) in his book The EU as a political actor. The analysis of four dimensions of EU's actorness. In the book, Kratochvíl introduces four dimensions by which we can measure the scale of EU's actorness in chosen area. Those are: recognition, attractiveness, internal legitimacy and framing. For the purpose of this paper, the dimension of framing was chosen, as it enables us to analysis EU's ability to frame the internal debate in its member states. For the EU to be a successful framing actor, the member state has to 1) consider the EU as a main actor in the given area, 2) discuss the same topics and 3) consider the same solutions as the EU. The aim of this paper is to analyse the EU's ability to frame the internal debate about climate politics in the polish parliament Sejm. The paper is based as a case study of...

Focus of this thesis is climate policy of the European Union set in the time frame of years 2009 - 2015. Reason for this is that 2009 and 2015 were the years when the future of global climate regime was to be decided. Climate conference COP15 in year 2009 failed to negotiate treaty which would establish meaningful climate regime. COP21 in 2015, however, was successful in facilitating an agreement about future climate regime. The EU claims to be a leader in climate politics, however, what does this term entail and what part did the EU play in creating global climate regime? Did the EU change the operation of its climate policy between 2009 and 2015 and what made the agreement in 2015 possible as opposed to 2009? Thesis aims to answer these questions using analysis of external and inner policy of the EU. Thesis examines changes in the EU climate policy and if they were quantitative (new policies) or qualitative (development of existing policies) and the impact of these changes on global climate regime.

This master thesis examines how the Fukushima accident has affected the French energy policy and the impact on the perception of nuclear energy by policymakers, the public and energy companies. Nuclear energy does comprises three-quarters of the total electricity production in the country and thus forms the backbone of the energy mix in France. The study uses comparative analysis as a main approach, to compare public discourse of state actors (in particular the President, the Ministry of Energy and Nuclear Safety Agency) and the French energy companies before and after the accident from March 11, 2011. At the beginning, the study refers on the position of nuclear energy in the world, historical development of nuclear energy in France and its importance for the energy security of the country. It also describes the Fukushima accident and its immediate consequences on nuclear energy worldwide. In a research section it presents a summary of France's energy policy before the Fukushima accident, in which emphasis was placed on maintaining a high share of nuclear energy in the energy mix of the country. In the next part of the research is described the French energy policy after the accident and subsequently the prospect of possible change of energy strategy of France.

The English school of international relations claims that the national interests of states and their behaviour in international relations are not only driven by selfish motives, but the so- called enlightened self-interest as well. The functioning of the community of the states is governed by common rules, laws, values and interests. According to the Solidarist current of the English school it is even acceptable to limit the sovereignty of the state which seriously violates international standards such as the protection of human rights. A discrepancy between the protection of the states' sovereignty and the protection of the rights of individuals was bridged by the Responsibility to protect doctrine adopted at the UN World Summit in 2005. This doctrine has served France and other states intervening in Libya as a support of the legality of their cause. However, the doctrine does not address the conditions of the intervention solely. It also delegates a responsibility to rebuild the war-torn countries to the interventionists. Therefore, it is an appropriate tool for the evaluation of the interests and motivations that have shaped the policies and activities of France in Libya. The analysis suggests that the primary motivation of France has undergone a fundamental change during the course of...

The aim of the master thesis is to evaluate the European Union's position in the field of global energy policy. The thesis adopts a concept of actorness which is then applied to the case of the Nabucco pipeline project. The concept aspires to respond to an unclear status of the EU as an entity of its own kind in an international system of states. The study is based on a Brattberg's and Rhinard's approach to actorness which specifies a number of variables. Their analytical framework allows us to assess the extent of EU actorness - the ability to act as an international actor. The particular variable that this thesis focuses on is vertical consistency. Vertical consistency in the academic sphere is regarded as a significant factor of actorness. It is also often considered as an insufficient element of an integrated approach of the EU - internal unity is inevitable for more effective joint policy. Energy policy of several Member States is examined in contrast with the EU energy policy as a whole. Own analytical framework is established due to the lack of information on vertical consistency in the literature. It consists of four variables: competence of the EU in energy, financial policy, verbal and bilateral political relations of Member states with third parties. The results of the investigation...

The Bachelor thesis deals with the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union and the structural aspects of this policy that has been long criticized by numerous academicians, politicians and other international actors. According to these critics, these structural aspects contribute to the inefficiency of the security policy in critical situations. The paper tries to analyze these structural problems and to show how they were demonstrated during the spring of 2011 and the Libyan Crisis. This structural organization is compared with the one of the NATO, which dispatched a military mission to Libya in March 2011. However, the mission itself is not analyzed in this work. The progress of the talks in the European Union and also in the NATO is also included together with the crisis management of both organisations. Afterwards the paper focuses on two heavily criticized aspects of the security policy: the overcomplicated structure and the lack of power and authority of the institutions, and the financing of the CSDP, which is considered to be insufficient. The conclusion then analyzes the situation of the security policy after the Libyan crisis, if the structure was changed and how, if at all, the European Union dealt with consequences of this situation.

Normative Power Europe theory presented by Ian Manners defines the European Union as a normative actor in international relations. According to him, EU's ability to change what passes for "normal" in international relations originates from its internal set-up which the EU uses to shape its environment and international norms in its own image. After first studying Manner's tripartite analysis and defining normative goals, means and impact of the normative policy, the thesis then proceeds to test normative theory in the European neighbourhood, particularly in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, by analysing EU's democracy and human rights promotion in Tunisia. It identifies discrepancy between EU's goals and means and discovers that on the one side, Euro-Mediterranean cooperation improves socio-economic development, however on the other it impedes the political one. This finding reflects incoherence and inconsistency of the EU's policies in the Mediterranean and arrives to the conclusion that EU is not a normative power in its neighbourhood policy.

The aim of this bachelor thesis was to critically examine the impact of the EU membership on the economic diplomacy of Slovak Republic. The research is based on the analysis of strategic documents of economic diplomacy of SR and official statements of its main representatives. The analytical part of this thesis was preceded by a theoretical section that explained and fixed the meaning of the terms such as Europeanisation and economic diplomacy. This was followed by a short introduction to the economic diplomacy of SR. In the selected documents, the changes in terms of the economic diplomacy of SR were examined on three different levels. Firstly, the exploration of the strategic level of the economic diplomacy was conducted, which elucidated the trends of the development of the economic diplomacy. Subsequently, the tasks of the economic diplomacy were clarified. Last but not least, the pressure on the institutional changes in the organisation of the country's representatives of the economic diplomacy was monitored. The thesis examined changes in the selected areas in chronological order with the emphasis on the period of the EU membership of SR. The impacts of the Europeanisation of the economic diplomacy of SR were tracked on the basis of the typology introduced by Tanja Börzel. As a result of this...