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Political power and state institutions, primarily in the sense of interweaving and reduction of their political power, is a research topic that has been going on for thousands of years. Many have studied the intertwined corridors of these political phenomena, but they have never been able to fully explore this topic. In this paper, their causal relationship is analyzed, with a special emphasis on the tendency of political power and state institutions to become alienated, in which these “servants of the people” are transferred over time to lords, which is why this paper starts from the position that political power wants to subordinate state institutions. The scientific importance is primarily contained in the effort to further enrich the scientific fund in the field of political theory and the state. The aim of the research is much more ambitious and is contained primarily in the intention to point out all the positive and negative repercussions that arise from the complex relations between the political power and state institutions, with the intention of pointing out these social anomalies and to increase the degree of democratization, but also functionality of society as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contribution of social sciences and humanities to the security of people, society and the state is a little studied topic. It goes without saying that every member of society, especially scientists, should contribute to security, primarily through the adoption of an adequate security culture, knowledge and will (to defend the state) that they possess, which presupposes their knowledge of the legal frameworks that regulate this field. The problem of the contribution of social sciences and humanities to national security arose due to uncritical reforms of these fields initiated by Western power centres. The evaluation of scientific works and the actions of scientists is extremely important for the state and requires an organized system, otherwise it can be a significant source of endangering national security. In this paper, the authors analyse the importance attached to social sciences and humanities as well as their evaluation in society. Special importance is given to their study from the aspect of national security. The basic assumption that guides the authors is that insufficient control of science by the state contributes to endangering national security. This does not mean censorship and absolute control at the same time, but the creation of an orderly system within which the authors will be able to strengthen the national and democratic capacities of the state through their work, and not be abused for the sake of its destabilization, which is especially important in crisis areas. At the same time, the problem of insufficient evaluation of the importance of social sciences and humanities in relation to other sciences is highlighted. There is also a crisis of reviewing scientific papers which is resulted by the introduction of ideological criteria for the publication of articles. Thus, when the reviewer determines that the author is from Russia or Serbia, the next question is whether the author considers Crimea to be Russian or Ukrainian, or, whether Kosmet is an independent state or part of Serbia. The attitude of the reviewer depends on the answer. In order to advance in their professions, they need to be published in journals of high categories, most of which are in the West. This again leads to the resolution and declaration of sensitive issues, where papers are immediately disqualified if they do not agree with an accepted ideological matrix. The authors use the method of content analysis and the comparative method in their paper.

Femicide, as the most extreme form of gender-based violence, has been highlighted as a special social and security problem in the Republic of Serbia in recent years. Statistical data support the fact that over a tenyear period, more than three hundred women were killed by members of households of the opposite sex, of which over a hundred were killed by the use of firearms. Although the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia does not specifically recognize the phenomenon of femicide as a challenge, risk, or threat to national security, an interpretive approach can relativize this claim for at least two reasons. The first stems from the importance that the Strategy places on human security, i.e. preservation and health security of groups and individuals, where and how femicide can be included. The second stems from the importance of social policy for national security, where special attention is paid to increasing the birth rate, demographic structure, and protection of the family, which, in the context of femicide, becomes a battlefield, not a refuge. Through a semiotic analysis of the content of strategic documents, with the use of quantitative data on femicide in Serbia, the paper aims to overcome the perception of femicide as a security problem, that is, to present men's directed desire to injure, destroy or punish women as a threat to national security. A special part of the paper will be devoted to the positive correlation between the availability of firearms and the rate of femicide in the Republic of Serbia, as well as a comparative analysis of statistics and experiences of other countries that record an infamous trend of increasing the number of femicides.

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The national security of the People's Republic of China is susceptible to an array of intricate internal challenges, risks and threats. This includes challenges that may be of a political nature, risks caused by economic and social differences, threats caused by tensions in ethnic relations, as well as many others. This paper seeks to concentrate on ethnic tensions, namely ethnic violence and terrorism, as the most substantial factors that pose a significant threat to the country's stability and security. The paper delves into the development of ethnic tensions and conflicts resulting from the interaction between Chinese authorities and factions within the Uyghur movement for national self-determination. It emphasizes the extremist current within the broader Uyghur ethnonational movement that utilizes violence and acts of terrorism in political activism. This paper aims to follow the evolution and changes of strategies and tactics employed by Uyghur nationalists in Xinjiang over time and present the most characteristic violent and terrorist incidents that occurred in Xinjiang to exemplify these alterations. These changes are reflected in increased violence, a shift in targets from primarily security forces to civilians, including violent clashes between Uyghur and Han citizens and an expansion in the geographic reach of attacks.

Throughout history, Serbs and Albanians have had periods of coexistence and cooperation, but more often than not there have been periods of conflicts, wih the long-standing one regarding the control over the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. Nevertheless, almost half a century since the appearance of the concept, there have been no significant efforts to define basic characteristics of Albanian strategic culture, which are evident shortcomings of Serbian strategic studies. This paper has the aim to initiate a process of systematic study of the abovementioned research problem, with the aim to objectively and rationally obtain basic characteristics of Albanian strategic culture by applying almost all scientific methods, especially hypothetico-deductive method. The paper's main hypothesis states as follows: basic characteristics of Albanian strategic culture are predominantly "mercantile" approach towards diplomacy with strong support from diaspora, by which they seek to support persistent aspirations for the control over the territory with the majority of Albanian population, whereby they do not hesitate to use political violence, while the military force is engaged exclusively with previously provided support from great powers. Basic characteristics of Albanian strategic culture point to the necessity to reevaluate our strategic approach towards Albanians.

Political power and state institutions, primarily in the sense of inter weaving and reduction of their political power, is a research topic that has been going on for thousands of years. Many have studied the intertwined corridors of these political phenomena, but they have never been able to fully explore this topic. In this paper, their causal relationship is analyzed, with a special emphasis on the tendency of political power and state institutions to become alienated, in which these "servants of the people" are transferred over time to lords, which is why this paper starts from the position that political power wants to subordinate state institutions. The scientific importance is primarily contained in the effort to further enrich the scientific fund in the field of political theory and the state. The aim of the research is much more ambitious and is contained primarily in the intention to point out all the positive and negative repercussions that arise from the complex relations between the political power and state institutions, with the intention of pointing out these social anomalies and to increase the degree of democratization, but also functionality of society as a whole

Copyright of Knowledge: International Journal is the property of Institute for Knowledge Management and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Basically, every type of government organization defines the defence system with functions that provide deterrence from threats, as well as countering various types and forms of threats to main social values. The subject of this paper is the national security strategy, i.e. security challenges, risks and threats that are essential for the fulfilment of the highest state security interests. The author has analysed the main categories of national security theory: "danger", "challenge", "risk" and "threat". On the basis of the definition and comparative analysis of these categories, presented in different sources, he reveals their content and essence and comes to the conclusion that, despite the semantic similarity of the categories "challenge", "risk and "threat", each of them defines a different degree of threat, that is, damage. Accordingly, it has been noticed that the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia does not make a distinction between security challenges, risks and threats, but speaks of them as a single syntagm and category. Since this document is the basis for the integrated activities of the defence forces, in the function of protecting vital national interests, the considered issue indicates the importance of as precise definition of SCRT as possible because inaccurate definition could prevent an adequate response when some of security challenges, risks and threats manifest themselves on security object references. On the basis of the definition and comparative analysis of the definitions of these categories, mentioned in different sources, it can be concluded that, despite the semantic similarity of the categories "challenge", "risk and "threat", each of them defines a different degree of threat, that is, harmful consequences. The subject of this paper has been to make a distinction between SCRT in order to improve the methodology for identifying and assessing military and non-military challenges, risks and threats when developing the National Security Strategy and other strategic and doctrinal documents. Accordingly, in reality, dynamics from several security sectors (political, military, economic, social, ecological and informational) is intertwined in most security problems. The analytical framework of the sectoral approach of the Copenhagen School has been proposed for the analysis of manifest forms of threats to national security. The implementation of the analytical framework is possible within the multicriteria mathematical model. Since risk is a measurable value, the implementation of this concept increases the objectivity of the identification and assessment of SCRT for state security. This approach is important not only in terms of defining national security policy and defence policy, but also has the greatest impact on the development plans of the defence system as a whole, particularly the development of the capabilities of the Serbian Armed Forces.

Globalization and the development of information technology strongly influence international politics and relations, increasingly transforming them according to the determinants of hard and soft power. This imposed and simplified binary context of the capability of states to influence others is the subject of discussions with a pronounced tendency to establish as clear a dichotomy as possible and a sharp division into hard and soft power. Attempts at quantitative and qualitative measurements of complex social indicators of soft power, however, are met with reasoned critical reviews. The validity of the criticism of measuring soft power is based on the author's subjectivity, the narrow niche of delegated indicators, the selective and subjective choice of determinants, etc. The main hypothesis of the paper is based on the premise of non-linearity of the overall development of states and the imposed division into the powerful and weak. The criticism is based on the defined criteria that have been imposed by the "leaders" of opinion, powerful and influential states, which project them in accordance with their potential and achieve soft power at the same time. By analysing the theoretical framework of the interpretation of the phenomenon of soft power, the paper contributes to the establishment of its correlation with the factors of hard power. Moreover, by analysing the results of earlier research, by comparison, as well as by modelling, it contributes to the criticism of the sustainability of the universal approach to soft power. Furthermore, by critically considering the existing implemented methods of measuring soft power, with the summary of the proposed wider, more objective models, the paper provides a contribution to the basics of the projection of the soft power of a small state.

Due to the specifics of the political and economic system in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), in the recent history of the country it has not been possible to approach the problem and challenges of economic security comprehensively and seriously. The given circumstances reinforce the need for research and analysis of economic security in BiH in order to show the real situation. This paper analyses economic security as a part of national security, with the help of relevant indicators, and then the connection of economic security with the economic development of BiH. Methods of analysis, synthesis, compilation, correlation and linear regression were applied for research purposes. The aim of the research is an empirical analysis of economic security indicators in terms of determining the degree of interconnection of key variables of economic security (public debt, availability of financial resources, technological progress, investment in fixed assets, unemployment, military investment, foreign exchange reserves, budget deficit, GDP growth rate, etc.) for the period from 2008 to 2018. The results of the research clearly reveal that economic and national security are mutually interrelated, and that economic security is a precondition for national security, which confirms the main hypothesis of this paper.

The answer to transnational and asymmetric threats that are a topical issue on the world geopolitical stage can be found in the integration of national security systems, strengthening multilateral forms of security and the collective system of international security, as the key factors in providing peace, stability and democratic development of modern countries. In such circumstances, the need for a cooperative approach in preserving and improving security, based on cooperation and pooling of security capacities of nation states, is strengthening. This paper views the current achievements of the European Union (hereinafter EU) in terms of implementing its own security policy, primarily in the Western Balkans, in a broader sense, and the specific impact of such a policy on the security of the Republic of Serbia, in a narrower sense. Having in mind the extensive and complex context of the discussed topic, the paper considers, in the authors' opinion, an essential part of this issue, through the analysis of the position of the Republic of Serbia in such context, reviewing the genesis of the EU-Serbia relations and identifying current issues in these relations, and also through the possibilities of progress of cooperation and greater involvement of the capacities of our country in the current EU security policy in this region and beyond.

Security services as specialized state bodies represent an important part of any national security system and as such bear the responsibility for achieving overall security. In carrying out their activities and tasks, they are authorized to apply different measures and methods and the most effective are measures for secret data compiling. Although effective, their prescription and application are always sensitive, since they are measures that deviate more or less from guaranteed human rights, above all the right to privacy and the right to secrecy of communication. After the attacks on New York and Washington on September 11, 2001, “the war on terror” and in general the activities on the achieving of national security have often been marked by violations of human rights under the pretext of protecting the public interest and national security. In order to prevent the measures and activities in the realization of national security from turning into terrorism and state terror, the Council of Europe and European Union have adopted certain rules which states members should adhere to when prescribing and implementing measures of secret data compiling in order to achieve an important goal - to respect the standards of the rule of law, thus safeguarding public and private interests equally. Analysis of the security service’s measures of secret data compiling for preventive purposes in this paper include legal solutions in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zbornik Radova Pravnog Fakulteta u Nisu is the property of Law Faculty in Nis and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Governing energy is one of the main challenges for the secure global future. Energy security is integral part of national security system, characterized by strong causal relationship with economic, social and geopolitical movements as a whole. Regardless of the high significance, there are major challenges in defining methodologies for control of the governance in this area. In addition, results of control measurements could be (miss)interpreted and/or intentionally created for certain geopolitical purposes. Methodology analysis, which will be presented in this paper, is Energy Trilemma Index, developed by distinguished World Energy Council. Main objective of this paper is assessment of reliability of this Index, which is done by testing of its methodological concept itself on the sample of 33 countries. Analysis is conducted by review of available reports, general descriptive statistics and data processing. Spearman's rank-order correlation test has been applied to four main variables: three variables - constituents of Energy Trilemma Index and Human Development Index as control variable. Results of this research point to the significant shortcomings of Index itself, because of which it is recommended for all the regulation, strategies and assessments done and/or supported by use of Energy Trilemma Index to be taken with certain level of caution.

The migrant crisis, the consequence of a deliberate plan or a set of circumstances, is in any case the event that undermines the richest confederation today - the European Union, and also all the countries that are on the migrant route. This paper analyzes the causes of the most massive contemporary 'migration', as well as its consequences for the countries of the European Union, as well as other transit countries. The Republic of Serbia has the large fluctuation of migrants. Therefore, the migrant crisis is considered through the prism of a threat to its national security. The paper also presents the tendencies of further development of the migrant crisis.

The subject of the analysis of this paper is the research of the intelligence and security system of Israel in the context of the historical development and geopolitical position of this state and the complex political and security situation in the region of the Middle East. The current security situation in the region, and especially in the immediate environment, has dictated the appropriate organizational and functional structure of the Israeli intelligence and security system, which has been dialectically modified to new political and security challenges and risks. The history of the Jewish people has shown that the formation of the national and independent state of Israel until these days is accompanied by numerous open problems, endangering factors that are manifested through various forms of organized violence, wars, terrorism, etc. In the context of the continuos struggle for the survival of the Israeli state and nation, intelligence activities, which are the cornerstone in the process of providing intelligence information that defines the national security strategy of Israel, national interests and foreign policy priorities, have significant and perhaps the key place. The focus of the paper is on the structure and function of the Israeli intelligence and security system in correlation with the internal and external security of this country.

Even though security services have the same function as before, today they have different tasks and significantly more work than before. Modern security problems of the late 20th and early 21st century require states to reorganize their security services, adapting them to the new changes. The reorganization involves, among other things, giving wider powers of the security services, in order to effectively counter the growing and sophisticated security threats, which may also lead to violations of human rights and freedoms. It is therefore necessary to define the right competence, organization, authority and control of these services. In democratic countries, there are several institutions with different levels of control of security services. Parliament is certainly one of the most important institutions in that control, both in the world and in our country. Powers, finance, the use of special measures and the nature and scope of work of the Security Information Agency are certainly object of the control of the National Assembly. What seems to be the problem is achieving a balance between the need for control of security services and security services to have effective methods for combating modern security problems. This paper presents the legal framework related to the National Assembly control of the Security Intelligence Agency, as well as the practical problems associated with this type of control. We analyzed the role of security culture as one of the factors of that control. In this regard, it provides guidance for the practical work of the members of parliament who control the Security Intelligence Agency, noting in particular the importance of and the need for continuous improvement of security culture representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human security has become a part of national security strategies despite its lack of unique definitions and approaches. There is no question about the connection between human security and human rights because both concepts put human beings into focus. This paper attempts to analyze the relationship between human security and human rights by answering whether security itself can be considered a human right. Human rights can be seen as a conceptual framework or normative basis of human rights, which delineate and concretize human security. On the other hand, as a part of national security strategies, human security can create a stronger obligation for national security systems regarding human rights. Human rights are a key reference object for human security, but also the analytic frame for the assessment of risks, threats, and other security challenges. Human security based on human rights has a stronger chance to be adopted and disseminated, and human rights, as a part of human security, are more likely to be observed and respected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning we are described the major techniques of inward investment control that have been used by host states. Both economically advanced and less developed countries are turning away from the strict regulation of foreign ownership and control of investment and are permitting such investment on less stringent terms. The remaining prohibitions on foreign investment are to be found in sectors of the national economy important to national security. In this connection, the question remains whether states are willing to extend the meaning of „national security" to include „national economic security". The chapter of the paper has considered policies of investment liberalization and promotion both at the level of unilateral measures undertaken by host states and at the bilateral, regional and multilateral levels. The removal of host state controls cannot automatically guarantee adequate levels, or useful kinds, of inward investment. Regional bodies such as the EC have been willing to reduce barriers to direct investment within their territories. In addition to national schemes, the World Bank Convention Establishing the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA) establishes a multilateral system for investment insurance against political risks in the host state. All member states of the World Bank are eligible to joint MIGA on payment a share subscription. MIGA will offer investment guarantees against loss resulting from one or more of the following types of risks: restrictions on currency transfer outside the host country, expropriation, breach of contract, and war and civil disturbance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organized crime is one of the greatest threats to modern civilization, which increasingly tends to assume global significance and threaten human survival, economy, economic and financial systems, the environment, as well as the achievements and values of human civilization. The paper deals with some aspects of the problem of organized crime, as one of the most serious contemporary non-military threats to national and international security. When it comes to threats to national security, destructive effects on all areas of social and state life are evident. Organized crime is not only very serious, but it is insufficiently visible and incompletely explored social phenomenon. Starting from the actuality of organized crime as a phenomenon, the paper points to the evolution and new threatening dimensions of contemporary organized crime, as well as the consequences for citizens and national security. In addition, there is a brief review of the legislative framework, and the activities and results achieved by the police in suppressing this phenomenon. Organized crime, as a severe form of criminal activity, can not be completely eradicated. However, certain forms of struggle can reduce it to a more tolerable level, with the ultimate aim to suppress it effectively with adequate resources and, if possible, eradicate in areas where it inflicts the most damage. The harm from organized crime is reflected primarily in its destructive action on the most important social values and goods: democracy, rule of law, democratic institutions, and the market economy.

This paper presents security culture as a social resource and a factor in the development of the national security, involving two important processes: first, as a transfer of national culture into security culture, and second, as a transfer of national security into security culture. To develop this postulate, we have started from a national framework of security and security culture, and considered in what ways and including what factors, actors or institutions, the security culture should contribute to the development and maintenance of national security. There are many factors that affect the stability and development of national security. In addition to military, economic, political and technological factors arising from the empowerment and stability of democratic processes and the level of institutional development and efficiency, very important are also those that originate from the sphere of culture, national culture, and then security culture as well. Security culture that resulted from the national culture by strengthening and empowerment of the national identity in particular, through the strengthening of the national will, the citizens' patriotic awareness and readiness to defend the vital national values, is focused also to achieving permanent national objectives, primarily relying on its own resources and assets in all areas of social development. The focus of the paper is on the role and importance of the social elite and the national education system, when it comes to the transfer of the national culture to the security culture, and the role of government and social institutions, when it comes to the transfer of national security to security culture.

Education on the protection of classified information should be the top priority when it comes to ensuring the protection of the vital interests of the state. Some information should not be made available to the public because it is mainly related to national security, and no one should question the need to protect this kind of data. This paper is intended for educators dealing with the protection of classified information, and especially to those who work with or come into contact with confidential information in order to inform them of our national system of protection of classified information and enable the implementation of the existing legislation applying the heuristic model of education. This article describes the legal regulations governing the protection of dataand shows mandatory standards and measures for the protection of classified information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National policies, strategies, doctrines and laws have a different approach to the issue of critical infrastructure. The adequately designed infrastructure is the main driving force of national prosperity and a precondition for economic expansion and future growth. On the other hand, everyday life in modern times is based, among other things, on highly developed infrastructure, especially in the fields of management and control of energy supply, provision of drinking water sources, transport, maintenance of information technology systems, telecommunications, etc. The paper considers the issue of critical infrastructure protection on the example of the Republic of Serbia. In this regard, critical infrastructure will be considered through changes in the strategic and normative framework. Historically, the subject area has long been directly related to the defence needs of the state. This is partly expected having in mind that the phrase critical infrastructure is taken from military terminology to denote everything necessary for the functioning of military system during military conflicts, when resources are directed to the preservation of one's own facilities, systems and networks, and also their disabling on the enemy side. However, in modern times, critical infrastructure has gained much broader meaning and significance for the functioning of the state and society as a whole.

In 1989, the process of Westernization and Europeanization began in Hungary, which, in the conditions of global reorganization of relations in the world, resulted in a change of foreign and domestic political paradigms, and managed to put national interests in the forefront in the past decade. In such as context, the analysis of the strategic culture of Hungary is approached from a perspective that will frame the cultural and ahistorical view of the international policy of the neorealists with its own cultural and historical dimension. The subject of this paper is to examine the changes in the strategic culture of Hungary under the influence of changes in the international political and security scene. By determining the patterns of "fine" changes in the strategic culture at the level of statements of the practical activity of the security policy, the analysis of the strategic documents of Hungary on the security policy is realized. The changes in the statements of the security policy were a necessary consequence of the changed circumstances on the international scene and the need to reconcile the fundamental elements that came into the relationship of conflict. Defining the role of the armed forces appears as a central segment of the change in strategic culture in the post-Cold War era.

Securitization of the critical infrastructure as an important factor of national security has been among the aspects of wider changes in the security discourse since the end of the Cold War. The concept of critical infrastructure protection, initially focused on countering the terrorism threat, has been changing and expanding, from adopting the 'all-hazard approach', until the recent prevalence of the strategy of resilience in managing strategic security and operational risks. The sources of those risks are found mainly in climate-change induced natural hazards, as well as in global challenges of interconnection and interdependencies of critical infrastructure. The paper discusses the concepts of resilience and critical infrastructure, and then analyses the approaches to critical infrastructure protection and resilience in the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia. Analyzed are the official documents - strategies, laws and by-laws, reviews and guidelines produced by the governmental bodies of the mentioned countries, with the aim of clarification of the concept, as well as the country-specific variations in its operationalization.

The end of the Cold War and the disappearance of the danger from the Soviet Union and its disintegration itself have brought new dilemmas about the notion of security. Security studies in Europe and the United States have shifted their focus from the state survival (the so-called 'hard security') to the care for economic prosperity (the so-called 'soft security'). Asymmetric security threats such as terrorism and organized crime have contributed to actualization of the 'soft' approach to security, that is the process of securitization of social instability, economic problems, migration problems, environmental threats, epidemic of infectious diseases and other phenomena and processes that the traditional concept of 'hard' security has not recognized as security processes and phenomena. The main subject of this paper is an attempt to offer contemporary understanding of national security, or the understanding of 'soft security' through the theory of classical realism and neorealism, alternative approach to security, constructivist studies and liberal and neoliberal theories.

The term 'security' has changed its meaning throughout history. Nowadays there are many definitions of this term, which depend on the context in which it is used. In political sciences, particularly a science of international relations, security is one of the key concepts. This paper defines the concept of security, that is its different understanding (problem approach), as well as modern comprehension. Moreover, the protective function of the state and security are considered as an attribute and function of the state. The classification of security, as well as the theory of the security system, have also been considered by analyzing the theory of security and the concept and elements of the security system. Each system, including the security system, is characterized by its efficiency. Each country forms several large systems, subsystems and microsystems. There are vertical and horizontal links between them, through which they function as a global state and social system. In addition, the security system in the National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia has been analyzed, that is, the National Security Strategy has been defined as the main political and security document that reflects foreign and internal security policy, its determination to achieve and maintain national security of the state in the broadest sense of the term by its own security system built on the national potential and in cooperation with other systems and international security organizations.

The population ageing, the low level of birth rate, the constant need for workforce, migration and the impact of globalization are the main factors of change in the demographic structure of the population of the Federal Republic of Germany. In order to preserve the dominant economic position on the European continent and maintain the required level of population growth, the Federal Republic of Germany implements the model based on the influx of population and foreign workforce. The paper uses a qualitative analysis to present the main characteristics of changes of the demographic picture in the Federal Republic of Germany after the unification. The implications of demographic changes in economics, education, ethnic structure and religion in the period 1991-2017 have been analyzed. The impact of changes on national security of the country has been examined. The model of overcoming low birth rate, migrant assimilation and effective control of the immigration process is placed in the context of national security and state protection. The experience of the Federal Republic of Germany is of particular importance for countries that are candidates for the European Union membership such as the Republic of Serbia.

Security services as specialized state bodies represent an important part of any national security system and as such bear the responsibility for achieving overall security. In carrying out their activities and tasks, they are authorized to apply different measures and methods and the most effective are measures for secret data compiling. Although effective, their prescription and application are always sensitive, since they are measures that deviate more or less from guaranteed human rights, above all the right to privacy and the right to secrecy of communication. After the attacks on New York and Washington on September 11, 2001, 'the war on terror' and in general the activities on the achieving of national security have often been marked by violations of human rights under the pretext of protecting the public interest and national security. In order to prevent the measures and activities in the realization of national security from turning into terrorism and state terror, the Council of Europe and European Union have adopted certain rules which states members should adhere to when prescribing and implementing measures of secret data compiling in order to achieve an important goal - to respect the standards of the rule of law, thus safeguarding public and private interests equally. Analysis of the security service's measures of secret data compiling for preventive purposes in this paper include legal solutions in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro.

The paper discusses the relationship between intelligence services and national security, or the significance of intelligence services’ impact on the national security of any country. The author starts by stating that this relationship is often simplified, within the following pattern: domestic intelligence services (always) work towards achieving and preserving the national security of their own country, and foreign intelligence services (always) threaten and impair this security. Using the comparative historical method and methods of analysis and synthesis, the author subjects this pattern to criticism, stating, first, that domestic intelligence services (both at national and subnational level), in addition to the expected positive, i.e. constructive action, may also act destructively to national security. On the other hand, he maintains that foreign intelligence services, in addition to predominantly destructive effect on national security of other countries, may also have a positive impact. Offering ample evidence for both of these assertions, the author concludes that the relationship between the intelligence services and national security is much more complex than many people might think, and that it does not do with any simplifying and easily launched patterns.

The relation and interdependence between two or more strategies in a state must be observed in the context of the state’s poly-strategic system. All the strategies adopted within a certain state can be observed through their relation with the “universal”, “general”, “national” strategy, or the “strategy of the state”. Each of the national strategies has its place, role, basic orientations, policies, principles, and proclaimed objectives, important for long-term management of the state, aimed to the development and protection of national and state interests and values. The paper discusses the relation between the “National Security Strategy of the Republic of Serbia” and the “Strategy for Establishing the National Spatial Data Infrastructure in the Republic of Serbia”. This relation is discussed both in terms of their mutual relations and in terms of their relation to the national strategic commitments incorporated into the strategic documents or, as a final point, to the “national” strategy of the Republic of Serbia.

Under the influence of various factors (variations in Earth’s orbit deviation, variations in solar radiation, volcanic eruptions, movements of tectonic plates, etc.), climate change on Earth has been occurring for millions of years. Over time, the impact of these factors was not large, and climate change proceeded very slowly, and could be easily adapted to. However, the rapid development of human civilization, especially in the XIX and XX century, resulted in the emergence of a new, anthropogenic, factor that brought about accelerated climate change. This change poses a serious threat to the national security of any country. Droughts, floods, storms, lack of drinking water resources, heat waves, and other, have a destabilizing effect on economic development and national interests of countries, affecting directly and indirectly the national security of not only the countries in many unstable regions in the world, but also of those highly developed ones whose national interests (as inseparable parts of national security) are threatened by this change. The aim of this paper is to show the negative effects of climate change in the world and its impact on national security of respective countries.

Since the end of World War II, national security has been much discussed in academic and political circles in terms of foreign and international policies. No social term or concept was so much misused and misinterpreted as national security. Therefore, this paper is an effort to explain the concept of security in broader context, in order for it to be applicable at a number of levels, but with a special focus on national security. Security is defined as a political goal, clear enough to be distinguished from other goals. To reach a closer conceptual definition, it is necessary to identify certain “specifications” or “qualifications” of security, which can facilitate the analysis of the expediency of security policy. If this term is to continue to be used in political analyses or theories, conceptual qualifications (specifications), which are explained here, will be necessary. As a start, the security can be set as a goal of politics, and then politics further determined as a means for achieving this goal.

Contemporary migrations are featured not only by internal or international movement of people for existential reasons. Nowadays, there are economic migrants, refugees from conflict zones, politically persecuted asylum seekers and ecological migrants. This comes up to be a global problem, often linked to transnational organized crime and terrorism, which certainly has many security implications for contemporary society, the state and the international community. If we take into account the fact that contemporary migrations take on the characteristics of globalism and organization and become increasingly mass, it is clear that the risks and consequences for human, national and international security are multiplied. In this regard, the paper will make a reference to the typology and the effects of the security risks of contemporary migrations.

The syntagma 'national security', per se, points to the vital role that belongs to it in safeguarding the state. It is the foundation without which no society could develop economically, culturally, socially, and militarily. On the other hand, the major potential for improvement and strengthening of national security arises from the economic strength of the country. Therefore, the economic security of the state is one of the basic pillars of the national security, keeping in mind that it is unachievable without adequate economic potential of the state. The interdependence of the economic security and the national security is unbreakable, since it is not possible to establish an effective system of national security of the state without the developed national economy. The competitiveness of the economy and its economic entities in the global market is vital for the development of the national economy, since it reflects its ability to engage in the international division of labor. Macroeconomic parameters of the Serbian economy are not encouraging and are largely a consequence of its low competitiveness at micro and macro levels. Predictive observation and a deeper analysis of the economic aspect of national security refer to the need to redefine the economic model on which the Serbian economy is based. To clarify the impact of economic factors on national security, the paper proceeds from the integral discourse of an analysis of the importance of these factors. The objective of an analysis of the most important macroeconomic parameters in Serbia is a careful comprehension of the impact of the country's economic conditions on the national security. Also, an analysis of the situation of microand macro-competitiveness is used to point out the crucial influence of economic factors on the overall national security.

Non-renewable natural resources are an inevitable and very important factor of social and economic development of any country. Nowadays, these are globally ever scarcer. The need for these resources has been growing enormously fast due to anthropogenic factors: the increase in the world population, the increased volume of commercial and industrial activities, as well as the rapid growth of the world economy. Consequently, the control of these resources is one of the main goals of the national security of any country. Throughout the history of human society, quantity and quality of non-renewable natural resources on Earth has been constantly decreasing, especially since the industrial revolution, resulting in rising tensions between countries. Seeking the domination over these resources has resulted in an increased number of conflicts and conflict situations, which have been often resolved by force. The paper points to the situation of non-renewable natural resources in the world - oil, coal, natural gas, nuclear energy and mineral resources, and to their importance for the national security.

To achieve the security objectives and legally defined competence of the state, it is impossible without adequate economic resources. This means that economic resources are the basis of the economic and, therefore, national security of the country. By monitoring and evaluating economic indicators it becomes clear what the results of the work of the national economy are and what is expected of them. In addition, it provides feedback on the risks and threats to the likelihood of adverse economic events, that is, threats to trigger crises in the economic and political stability of a country. Evaluation of the movement of economic indicators, serves for making quality decisions in the field of strategic planning of the use of economic resources of importance for the security sector. It establishes the general and individual plans and objectives of the security entities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major principles of national security in every modern democratic state is the rule of law. This implies the definition of standards relating to vital state and national values, but also the existence of mechanisms and organizations which take care of security (the establishment, jurisdiction, tasks, powers, responsibility, and control thereof). This includes national law (constitution, laws and bylaws), but also international law (conventions, resolutions, charters, covenants, recommendations, court rulings, decisions of international courts, commissions, and arbitration bodies, etc.). Generally, in democracies, national law is based on international law. In this sense, it is possible to speak about international legal foundations of national security which set the framework for the proclamation, regulation and protection of state and national values and interests. In this context, the paper gives an overview of some major international sources of law pertaining to national security.

The Lisbon Treaty has brought significant changes into the architecture of the European Union. The most important novelty, however, is the establishment of a full unity of the Union structure achieved by creating new and strengthening the existing elements. The new elements of this unity are the disappearance of the European Community, the „independence“ of the European Atomic Energy Community, consituting the European Union as a single entity and the introduction of EU values. At the same time, the Lisbon Treaty has strengthened the existing elements of the common institutional mechanisms, rules on amending the founding treaties and EU membership. However, consituting the Union as a single entity which has replaced and succeeded the European Communities has not abolished the EU elements of diversity. In the areas that differed, even before the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, from the community pillar, there remain significant differences in the nature and the scope of competences of the Union institutions. This mainly regards the common foreign and security policy, which now includes the defense policy, where the existing model of inter-state cooperation has been only slightly interfered with. In contrast, in the field of police and judicial cooperation in criminal matters, which has become part of a larger Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the inter-state model of cooperation has been abandoned in some of its most important elements. However, the implementation of some of the important elements of the supranational model has been postponed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern security challenges, risks and threats are a consequence of social, geopolitical, geo-strategic, military, political and economical changes that have become evident during last fifteen years on both micro and macro levels. Although they had been expected, such changes caught in surprise almost all the states and their systems of security. Having been inefficient, unwieldy and organized by principles that implied that imperilment comes from other states, they are not capable of giving response to the imperilments coming from nonstate subjects in way of terrorist networks and organized criminal transnational groups who don 't have to care about the respect of sovereignty of other states, international legal norms of the respect of human rights, nor about bureaucratic procedures within cooperation and exchange of security information. Security systems, with their organization, efficiency and effectiveness, through implementation of sophisticated tools and measures of new generations are yet to give appropriate answer to new challenges, risks and threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]