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In the context of the crisis of the liberal democratic model, authoritarian tendencies strengthen in all Central Asian countries, including Kyrgyzstan. This country demonstrated success in the process of democratic transit for a long time. The purpose of the article is to analyze the content and nature of political processes in Central Asian countries at the present stage. Based on the method of comparative analysis common and distinctive features in the political regimes of the countries of the region are highlighted. The Central Asian countries are grouped according to the principle of recurring trends in domestic political processes. In Central Asian countries, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan are the most vulnerable to “color revolutions”. The likelihood of such a scenario, fraught with political instability, encourages some political leaders of the countries of the region (Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan) to carry out reforms and design a political regime that proportionally reflects economic reality and social needs, while others (Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan) resort to methods of “tightening the screws”, clearing the space from political opposition. In both cases, this leads to the strengthening of the regime of personal power of the heads of state of the Central Asian countries, and, consequently, the president will continue to remain at the top of the power hierarchy. However, the results of the recent presidential elections in Uzbekistan and the presidential and parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan show that there is a demand for a strong government capable of ensuring socio-political order and stability in these societies.

The article analyzes the phenomenon of the "impossible" stability of the authoritarian regime of A. Lukashenko, as well as the key reasons for its deep crisis, which led to the protests of 2020. The events of 2020 became a stressful "bifurcation point" in the evolution of lukashism and led to its transformation into a harsh repressive regime. Based on the concept of cultural trauma by P. Sztompka, the authors analyze how traumatization of Belarusian society occurred during the period of lukashism. The cultural trauma of lukashism becomes the most important sociocultural task in the process of transition to the New Belarus. The ambivalence of the events of 2020 for Belarusian society is shown: they became a strong socio-cultural factor of both situational national unity, on the one hand, and a strong trigger for internal polarization, on the other. Based on the ideas of K. Mannheim, the authors believe that this polarization is an example of "normal" intergenerational cultural dynamics. However, as the experience of post-communist Poland shows, a rapid overcoming of such a long-term intergenerational cultural trauma is possible, but it is not granted. Based on memory studies ideas, the authors show that overcoming authoritarian cultural trauma requires the development of a systematic "cultural policy" (in fact, "memory policy"). The experience of overcoming the authoritarian past in the FRG, the GDR and France shows that overcoming the legacy of lukashism in Belarus risks being (1) a long, (2) conflictual and (3) fundamentally "unfinished" process. It should include two parallel vectors of movement (dismantling authoritarian institutions and building democratic structures) happening within the frame of a new Belarusian identity. Such an identity will allow reworking the problematic past and set foundations for future national self-identification. Some versions of such identity are briefly reviewed, their similarities and relevance for modern sociocultural trends are revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern world is in a state of chaos. The combination of multidirectional trends, such as globalization and anti-globalism, democratization and the growing of authoritarian regimes, leads to the fact that the world is constantly in a “gray” zone when elements of these contradictory trends are found there in various combinations. The review presents the monographs devoted to the analysis of the causes of these phenomena and trends in the transformation of the world order. The authors of these studies focus on various aspects: economic, political, and social ones, use various methodological approaches (concepts of liberalism, realism, structural analysis, tools of fragmentation and aggregation, etc.). The interdisciplinarity of the presented research and the combination of various approaches and points of view allow us to form a more complete picture of the world than the study of individual phenomena within a single scientific discipline.The future of the world order is presented in different ways: from the rise of authoritarianism to the formation of a new world order, that is an alternative to Western globalization, built on the forcible imposition of its ideology and values on other countries. A new world order can be built on the principles of peaceful coexistence of different civilizations that respect each other’s ideologies and values. Two models for such a transition could be the Community of Common Destiny for Mankind and the BRICS.

The international order is a complex system that determines the interaction between states and other actors on the world stage. One of the main challenges facing the international order is the spread of authoritarianism. Therefore, understanding the theoretical foundations of the study of authoritarianism is extremely important for analyzing its impact on the international arena and developing countermeasures. The subject of research in the article is the international legal order. The goal is to study the theoretical foundations of authoritarianism as a challenge to the international order. Tasks: to characterize the main approaches to understanding international and world order, as well as to consider modern authoritarianism as a key challenge to international order and security. General scientific methods are used: analytical analysis to reveal the main conceptual approaches and theory related to authoritarianism and its impact on the international order; synthetic method – made it possible to integrate and systematize the obtained results, with the aim of forming a holistic view of authoritarianism as a challenge to the international order. The following results were obtained: the study of the theoretical foundations of authoritarianism is important for understanding its impact on the international order and for developing effective strategies to counter it. A detailed analysis of the factors contributing to the emergence of authoritarianism, as well as identifying the challenges it poses to the international order, contributes to the formation of political and legal measures to support democracy and protect human rights. The study of authoritarianism can be aimed at the development of international strategies to support democratic transformations and the construction of an international order based on the principles of freedom, equality and justice. Conclusions: the theoretical foundations for the study of authoritarianism as a challenge to the international order are highlighted. Authoritarianism is characterized, the reasons for its emergence, and its impact on the international order is analyzed. It has been proven that the study of authoritarianism can be useful for developing strategies to counter authoritarian regimes, strengthen democracy and ensure the protection of human rights in the international context. The important role of the international community in countering authoritarianism and maintaining international order has been proven. It is justified that it highlights the importance of cooperation between countries, international organizations and civil society in ensuring democratic transformations and protecting basic rights and freedoms. The effectiveness of diplomatic pressure and support of democratic forces in authoritarian regimes to strengthen the international order is also analyzed and a conclusion drawn.

In recent decades, the evolvement of authoritarian regimes in different countries of the world has become a noticeable trend. This process raises questions about the impact of these regimes on international relations, democratic values, human rights, and the international order as a whole. It is important to note that authoritarian political regimes have a wide range of variations, from totalitarian systems, where power is completely controlled by one person or group, to milder forms, where the authority of power is based on other factors, such as military power or legitimacy. The subject of research in the article are political regimes. The aim is to investigate the typology and characteristics of authoritarian political regimes. The article uses general scientific methods: historical analysis and research to illustrate examples of authoritarian regimes. This allows us to find out the reasons for the emergence and evolution of authoritarianism, as well as to understand its influence on society and politics. The general scientific approach has proved itself useful in systematic researching and analyzing the typology and characteristics of authoritarian political regimes, highlighting a comprehensive understanding of this complex problem. The main characteristics of authoritarian political regimes are revealed; the specifics of functioning of authoritarian regimes and their impact on society are allocated. An analysis of different types of authoritarian political regimes has been carried out, which helped to a better understanding of the diversity of authoritarianism; also features of the latter have been determined. As a result of the study, conclusions are drawn as follows: a estimated typology of authoritarian regimes is important for identifying potential challenges and dangers that they can create for democracy, human rights, and stability in society. This can be helpful for politicians, researchers and actors of international relations in developing some effective strategies for preserving democratic values and countering authoritarianism. The study of authoritarian political regimes points to the need to strengthen international efforts to promote democracy, protect human rights, and promote democratic values. International cooperation and support can play an important role in spreading democratic values along with strengthening resistance against authoritarianism.

A typologically significant characteristic of the Kazakhstan model of democratic transit is the creation in Kazakhstan of a system of “super-presidential” public, in which the constitutional and legal status, functions and powers of all branches of government act as a transformed form of implementation of the principles of identitarian democracy. One of the most relevant descriptions of the features of this form is Guillermo O’Donnell’s concept of deliberative democracy. According to G. According to O’Donnell, delegative democracies are based on the premise that election to the presidency gives the winner the right to govern without resorting to the mediation of representative institutions of power. After all, the president is elected in order to be the personified embodiment of the nation, to determine and protect its interests with authority, assuming full responsibility for the fate of the country and the people. Other political institutions, for example, parties with their factionalism and permanent conflicts, are often only hindrances in the implementation of this mission. This feature of the legitimization of the political regime becomes the ideological basis for substantiating the compatibility of liberal democratic institutions with the process of personification of a political system built for a specific person.

Natasha Merkulova and Aleksey Chupov's Captain Volkonogov Escaped offers a gripping portrayal of life in Stalin's Soviet Union. This article discusses the film's evocation of an oppressive social structure and its pertinence as a stimulus and means to comprehending and critically appraising authoritarianism in contemporary times. The film pays close attention to micro-level dynamics of intimidation, fear and division, as well as their potential counters of empathy and resistance. It is this kind of social realism, eschewing the superficiality of conventional period ‘costume’ drama, that facilitates speaking truth to power. As such, it illustrates the potential of cinema, as one powerful form of cultural expression, to harness the historical imagination and illuminate the parallels between past and present calamities. It also suggests that resistance of violence and oppression depends on cultural engagement, and hence boycotts are counterproductive. These impede the capacity to build solidarity among the oppressed, both within and outside Russia. Forms of expression like film provide the means of mutual understanding on which such solidarity depends.

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Делается сопоставительный анализ двух методологических подходов к пониманию детства: детство как подготовка к взрослой жизни и детство как уникальный и самоценный этап. Выделены первопричины появления каждого из подходов, доказано, что реализация первого ведет к тотальному авторитаризму во взаимодействии взрослых и детей. Обосновывается необходимость второго подхода как теоретической основы благополучного и безопасного детства, которое можно трактовать как субъектное и «вовлеченное» детство. Ставится проблема соотношения самостоятельности и активности ребенка с необходимостью взрослого защищать его и ограждать от любой опасности. Сформулированы методические рекомендации для родителей по реализации концепции благополучия как соорганизации автономности и безопасности в жизнедеятельности детей. Они касаются аспектов осознанного и ответственного выбора, организации самостоятельных действий детей, реализации дозированной помощи и эффективной обратной связи.

Central America meets the bicentenary of its independence in the midst of a threefold crisis: a political crisis marked by democratic regression; an economic crisis resulting from the COVID-19 maelstrom and the subsequent collapse of international trade and tourism; finally, a humanitarian crisis generated by the pandemic and climate change. In this article we will focus our attention on how this triple crisis has hit five Central American republics - the three that make up the so called Northern Triangle, as well as Nicaragua and Costa Rica. This article will look at the political level by country and jointly address the problems created by the pandemic and the challenges and costs posed by the climate crisis. Based on the complex nature of the crisis the defended theses are threefold. The first is that the democracy of the prevailing political regimes has been eroded in the 21st century. In some cases, as a result of the collapse of the traditional party systems, in other cases due to a lack of public confidence, and in some cases due to the increase of power in the hands of presidents. The second thesis relates to unexpected natural phenomena, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and natural disasters, for instance, hurricanes. These phenomena increased the demands on weakened institutions and highlighted the precariousness in which the majority of the population lives. The third thesis points out that in order to cope with the political and humanitarian crisis many of the region’s citizens opted to migrate northwards. Central Americans’ individual preference for emigration implies the dismissal of the possibility of seeking social improvements through collective commitments and struggles in their own country.

The rapid emergence of political party Vox on the stage of the European radical right and its consolidation as the third most voted political party in Spain has raised a debate about where to locate this political formation ideologically on the map of the European radical right. This article addresses this issue through a qualitative analysis of its party manifestos and discourse, and the revision of the winning formula theory formulated by Herbert Kitschelt. The research results demonstrate that Vox is a radical right party that fits the core features of the radical right family. Its political discourse and political proposal are based on a combination of nationalism articulated through the defence of the integrity of the Spanish Nation, an authoritarian view of the society attached to the values of law and order, a defence of the traditional values and economic agenda with neoliberal component. All these factors make Vox a particular member of this party family within the European context. Vox´s political proposal, with authoritarian position in the political and neoliberal economy, distances it from the majority of the current radical right, which has abandoned the radical anti-statism of the eighties to adopt the so-called Welfare Chauvinism. Vox´s political project moves it closer to the position occupied during the eighties and nineties by radical right formations and the position currently occupied by the Portuguese party Chega, with whom Vox shares a similar political trajectory.

The article deals with the Francoist ideology of "National Catholi-cism", according to which the Spanish nation (nation-state) is essentially identical to Catholicism. The author speaks about the origin of the term "National Catholicism" and analyzes the main provisions of this ideology. Much attention is paid to the contribution of the highest hierarchs of the Catholic Church in Spain of the thirties - forties of the twentieth century and their theological justification for the identification of the Spanish nation and religion. The author analyzes the reasons that led to the crisis and the erosion of this ideology, as well as the results of the Francoist policy of "re-Christianization" of the country. Also the sociological data of the religious aspects and national identity are given.

The article provides an overview of current research on elections in authoritarian political regimes. For this purpose, a number of significant papers on this issue have been selected, published in peer-reviewed academic journals with a high impact-factor. The assessment of the significance of the works was made primarily on the basis of their citation indicators according to Scopus and Google Scholar. It is stated that despite the rapid growth in the number of works on authoritarian elections over the past two decades, it is still far from building a comprehensive theory in this area. The review focuses on the question of how elections affect the survival of authoritarian regimes. In this regard, conflicting positions are presented in the literature. On the one hand, elections are seen as instruments for stabilization of authoritarian rule, on the other hand — as sources of instability, and on the third — as levers of democratization.

The history of right-wing political forces in Chile is an important part of the history of this country. The ideological and organizational identity of the right in Chile is of greater historiographical interest. This work is devoted to a little-studied stage in the formation of the “new right” in Chile at the beginning of the Cold War. It analyzes the ideological and political platform of a group of right-wing politicians and publicists united around the magazine “Estanquero”, headed by Jorge Prat, a prominent figure of the right sector. This group united the dissidents of traditional right-wing and proto-fascist groups, becoming a link between the conservatives and nationalists who were experiencing a crisis and the “new right”, which became the dominant force in the country in the 70-80s.

Using the example of the exhibition Meet Them (Encontrarte con Ellos) at the J.M. Blanes Museum of Fine Arts (Montevideo, Uruguay), the article examines the process of reflection on the tragic events of national history, namely the crimes of the 1970s–1980s Uruguayan dictatorship. The research focuses on the question of whether the commemoration of painful experiences is able to consolidate societies by means of discussion and reflection. The process of the collective memory building within the Uruguayan society is considered on the example of the creative initiative of intellectuals undertaken within the framework of the exhibition. They created works, beyond specific genres and concepts, that told the stories of political dissidents who had been abducted and then disappeared. These works are based on real testimonies and designed not to let the history fade in silence. The data collection, which was mandatory for the artists participating in the project, is viewed as a significant and unique investigative feature that, while demanding additional effort from the artists, made the exhibition stand out. It appears as an elaborate sociocultural project that combines documentary evidence with visual images of the silent victims of political repression created by the artists, and the museum of affect in this case serves as a place of memory. Several pieces presented at the exhibition are considered from the point of view of symbolic and creative interpretation of memories and data gathered by the artists, as well as their impressions and sometimes personal stories and experiences intertwined with the story of a particular victim gone missing. However, the manipulative effect of collective memory as a phenomenon, which has historically been actively employed by certain political forces and leaders to increase popularity and gain support, is taken into account. The project is aimed at raising public awareness of the issues on which the artists elaborated through their work, so under certain conditions the exhibition can be conducive to the construction of national and local identities among Uruguayans. The concept of the exhibition favors the achievement of these objectives, but only over time will it be possible to evaluate the extent to which they have been met. At the same time, the reaction of some influential figures to this initiative, as well as significant steps taken by public institutions in order to provide support for commemorative initiatives have shown that a certain part of the Uruguayan elite is generally tilted toward the acceptance of such manifestations of civic engagement.

Addressing contemporary historical and political approaches to gender in Central-Eastern Europe and Eurasia, the Handbook constitutes a powerful instrument for reading and interpreting current reality and establishing an inclusive framework for scholars and others to study the transformations and challenges we are currently witnessing.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the tenth anniversary of the revolutionary events in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), called the Arab Spring. The relevance of the study of the consequences of political transformations in Arab countries is due to the incompleteness of the modernization processes in such areas as public administration, justice and human rights, which gave rise to the discontent of the active part of society, which had initiated the protests. The idea of the research was to compare the causes of popular uprisings, the methods of political struggle, the main actors and the results of the Arab Spring for most of the countries affected by this process. Particular attention has been paid to the growing popularity of Islamist political forces, which have given their answers and pseudo-answers to acute societal issues. With the help of comparative and typological analysis, the peculiarities of different models of political development in the Middle East and North African countries have been studied. Over the past decade, world science has accumulated a significant layer of research on the Arab Spring phenomenon. The authors have taken into account a wide range of opinions of scholars from Europe, the United States, Turkey, Israel, and the Arab states. Aiming to assess the political transformation of the MENA region over the past 10 years, this study analyzes changes in the position of external actors such as Russia and the USA. The authors conclude that the influence of the US as a whole in the region has decreased, while the influence of Russia, Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia has increased. Israel has managed to strengthen its own security by establishing normal relations with a number of Arab states in the region. The popular unrest that erupted again in Iraq, Lebanon, Sudan, Algeria, and Tunisia in 2018-2021 was objectively caused by the same conditions that had given rise to the Arab Spring and with the same uncertain results so far.

One of the key features of Colombia’s development over the years is the lack of personal security that the local population has experienced for many decades. Apprehension, fear for one’s life and life of one’s friends and family, instability and social inequality have been shaping the local mindset for a long time. Populism and caudilism (cult of the leader), typical phenomena in the historical development of the continent, have gained prominence in the 21st century Colombia. In order to determine the characteristic features of anti-democratic regimes the author analyzes earlier works on authoritarian systems, the instruments they employ to assert dominance and the psychology of the masses that submit to authoritarian leadership. The article addresses the causes behind authoritarian features in the psychology of Colombian society that have certain influence on local politics and trends in the country’s development. The author introduces a hypothesis that individual mindset and crowd psychology are somewhat important in this regard since Colombian political system as such is rather consistent in demanding strict compliance with procedures and principles of democracy. Therefore, a pattern of submission to authoritative figures stands out among the reasons that encourage a significant part of the Colombian society to give up their freedom. For nearly twenty years Álvaro Uribe has been an authoritarian leader who meets expectations of a large part of the society and whose dominance in the country’s politics (uribism) has not been noticeably affected by his questionable reputation tainted with suspicion of corruption and complicity in grave crimes. Official statistics demonstrating his popularity, his protégé’s victory in the 2018 presidential election and the cult of Uribe’s personality indicate the stability of his key role in Colombian politics. However, the analysis of mainstream and alternative media, which play an increasingly visible role in Colombian society, the protest movements in late 2019 and early 2020, the growing importance of social media in the society and Colombia’s experience in protecting the system of checks and balances shows that the psychological need for submission to a caudillo, such as Uribe, is less manifested or completely absent among the wider population, especially among the young who tend to orient themselves towards other values.

The work is aimed at studying the current level of authoritarianism and intolerance to uncertainty among students of pedagogical universities in Russia. The main purpose of the work is to study the relationship between right-wing authoritarianism and tolerance for uncertainty among students of pedagogical universities, while the main assumption of the study is the presence of this relationship, which varies depending on the year of study, specialization and geographical location. The article presents the materials of a correlation study obtained on a sample of students of twenty-one pedagogical universities in Russia. The study (N=870) involved respondents aged 16 to 34 years (M=19,92; SD=2,04), of which 90% were female. The study was conducted in an Internet format. The authors used the B. Altmeyer’s “Right-wing Authoritarianism Scale” in russian edition by N.A. Diakonova and the “New Questionnaire of tolerance-intolerance to Uncertainty” by T.V. Kornilova. The results demonstrate a significant increase in the level of authoritarianism from the first to the last year of study, and an average statistical correlation between authoritarianism and intolerance to uncertainty.

The article examines those factors that allowed the Kim family regime to stay in power in extremely unfavorable environment. In political science literature, it is generally accepted that an authoritarian regime faces three major threats: an elite conspiracy/coup, a mass protest, a foreign invasion. The article demonstrates that in the case of the DPRK, which is a much poorer part of a divided country, the potential threat of mass popular protests might be higher than in many other authoritarian regimes. However, the autocrat and his entourage successfully counter this threat by exercising an unusually thorough policy of informational self-isolation, further reinforced by strict administrative control and police surveillance. On the other hand, the ever present threat of Seoul-led “unification-by-absorption” strengthens the elites’ unity and reduces the likelihood of conspiracies. This is important since elite conspiracies and coups have constituted the major danger for post-1945 autocracies. North Korean elites understand that even a successful coup can eventually provoke the outbreak of popular discontent, followed by the collapse of North Korean statehood and German-style unification under Seoul’s control. Under this scenario, conspiracy’s winners and losers will perish alike, with all members of the current elite having little chance to retain their power and privileges. Hence, the elite has reasons not to “rock the boat.” Finally, the threat of a foreign invasion (or foreign intervention into a domestic crisis) is successfully neutralized by the existence of a nuclear deterrent. Since the North Korean faces a grave existential threat which is created by the existence of the South, it is ready to sacrifice the economic development for the sake of political stability. Hence, the elite is willing to invest large resources into military programs and overlook the difficulties the self-isolation and other survival-oriented policies create for the economic development of the country.

The paper analyses the phenomenon of populism and its impact on Turkish foreign policy in three dimensions: institutional, instrumental and ideological. The research scrutinizes a wide selection of party manifestos and public speeches of Turkish politicians with primarily focus on Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s statements during his incumbency as the prime-minister and the president. The embeddedness of populism in political culture of Turkey provided it with ideological flexibility and made populism almost a universal instrument for engaging with electorate. Starting from Turkey’s transition to multiparty system the majority of political actors have resorted to populism in one or another way. Erdoğan has not only continued this tendency but mastered the populist rhetoric. The character and content of Erdoğan’s populism fluctuated following the changing domestic and international environment. In the 2000s it was hinged on the loose concept of conservative democracy. At the turn of the 2000s and 2010s the dreams for the EU membership gave way to ideas of ‘civilizational expansionism’ which had the concept of Islamic/Ottoman civilization as its core. From the mid-2010s ultra nationalism has come to the forefront of the populist rhetoric. Eventually, the populist binary opposition of ‘us’ and ‘they’ took a definite shape of global confrontation between Turkey as a defender of Islam and the ‘adverse’ West. Populist rhetoric helped Erdoğan to justify his almost two-decades-long incumbency and evade direct responsibility for economic hardships of the 2010s. Populism has become an effective instrument to monopolize the foreign policy in the hands of Erdoğan. Utilizing negative rhetoric against Turkish professional diplomats within the last decade Erdoğan has managed to cement his clout over the foreign-policy making. Institutionally the expansion of populism in the sphere of foreign policy led to its ‘domestication’ and ‘nationalization’ while its impact on the foreign policy discourse manifested itself in the spread of civilizationism. Making both domestic and foreign policy process more personalized Erdoğan has reinforced ‘personal authoritarianism’ at the expense of the state institutions. Thus their decline led to the ‘Erdoğanization of the Turkish politics’. The declarative pursuit of Turkey to get more independent and autonomous position in the international system resulted in the strategy of development with primarily focus on the bilateral relations with different states. Consequently Turkey, previously known as a consistent advocate of regional cooperation and integration, in many respects has become a regionally isolated state.

The main factors of the growing popularity and influence of non-democratic regimes, first of all, consolidated authoritarianism, are considered. In the modern world, in conditions of geopolitical turbulence, geopolitical centers of power and actors in making global management decisions are changing, therefore there is a need to manage socio-political and economic processes for the stable development of society. The conditions of chaos only intensify attempts to find and create fuses for the uncontrollable development of the political regime. In such conditions, there is a certain social group that is interested in preserving and strengthening the authoritarian regime. It is the oligarchs who are interested in preserving the status quo. Most of the successful and developed ones went through the stage of oligarchy domination (for example, the USA, France, Germany). The attention is focused on the tendencies of strengthening of authoritarian tendencies in the global dimension, which makes it possible to conclude that these processes are interrelated. It is proved that against the background of the dominance of authoritarian tendencies in the world, the positions of oligarchs are strengthening everywhere. Although humanity has experience overcoming the influence of the oligarchy. Consistent US tax policy over the decades has produced positive results thanks to the efforts of President F. Roosevelt. It proves that it is a consistent fiscal policy that can yield positive results. But all these measures have been inhibited throughout the years of independence through various lobbying groups within the legislative body. And the state of the Ukrainian oligarchs is only growing, which allows us to come to the conclusion that there is no demand in society for a real fight against this phenomenon.

The article analyses the problem of political leadership in developing countries on the example of Yemen. The main source of data for the analysis is the personal experience of one of the authors, who worked for two years in the local higher education system. The activity of Yemen’s national leaders, who headed the authoritarian regime in both parts of the country and who coordinated the political, economic and ideological efforts of the authorities, aimed at modernization of the Arab society, has been chosen as the object of the study. The research focuses on the practice of public administration and social transformations, which was implemented in the Yemen Arab Republic and the National Democratic Republic of Yemen, when Ali Abdullah Saleh (1978-2011) and Ali Nasser Muhammad (1972-1986) - prominent representatives of the modernist authoritarianism, headed these countries. First one was an Arab Marxist, the other a moderate Islamic nationalist. The article uses the method of comparative analysis to show the role and importance of political leadership in Yemen under the conditions of the authoritarian regime. The analysis of relevant leaders’ activities provides serious basis for reflection to managers, political scientists and economists.

The article deals with the transformation of the authoritarian collectivist regime of the PRC into the authoritarian personalist regime of Mao Zedong. The author chose the dichotomy of rational and irrational, mind and will as a method of understanding and explaining the two varieties of the authoritarian regime of government as the methodological basis of the study. According to the author's understanding, the authoritarian regime of government in the PRC, which existed from the day the state was formed until 1956, provides an example of the struggle between two principles in the leadership of the CCP and the Chinese state – rational, based mainly on reason, striving for orderliness, planning and taking into account regularity, and irrational, based predominantly on the will, striving to control the elements and random. According to the author, China owes its successful development in 1949–1956 to the collectivist regime of government based on a rational principle, and the personalist regime of Mao Zedong, that replaced it, proved to be a complete failure, focusing the main efforts of the Communist Party and the state not on development, but on self-preservation. The article draws attention to the fact that an integral part of the process of transforming the collectivist regime into a personalist one was the change of "polarity" by a number of prominent leaders of the CCP and the state, who abandoned their commitment to the rational principle in politics in favor of the irrational principle. History shows that there was a political mimicry with different motives. For example, Deng Xiaoping, who served both regimes, eventually led a group of initiators to re-establish a collectivisttype government that generated successful reform policies.

Using the “path-dependence” concept and D. Slater’s thesis on the consolidation of elites around national threats, the author examines the factors infl uencing the formation of diff erent authoritarian political systems in the Central Asian states. A critical aspect of the formation of political systems in this region was the events from the mid-1980s to the collapse of the Soviet Union. In terms of the structure of the study, the article consistently examines how interethnic and other political confl icts demonstrated the (un)ability of leaders to cope with crises. In particular, it shows that the inability to cope with political challenges in Kyrgyzstan marked the beginning of “pluralism by default.” Moscow’s involvement in the personnel issues in the republics, especially in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, undermined local elites and increased the overall sense of threat to political stability, which eventually rallied elites and gave rise to expectations of a strong leader. We also note that a notably fortifi ed power hierarchy was established where the new national leader perceived threats from his political rivals (in Uzbekistan). Conversely, the existence of a strong opposition prevented the rapid establishment of authoritarianism. In Tajikistan, for example, a split of the elite led to a civil war, but due to the greater stability of its governmental wing, the president subsequently managed to establish a hard authoritarian regime. In Turkmenistan, the country’s leader took advantage of the lack of threats to establish a dictatorship. Thus, external challenges contribute to the consolidation of elites, while the risks of internal competition contribute to the concentration of power in the hands of an authoritarian leader. On the contrary, prolonged threats divide elites, lead to mass confl icts or the formation of a relatively democratic but unstable system of state power.

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Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is dedicated to studying the subjective meanings and motivations which modern Russians attribute to the normative view on the role of the “strong hand”. It was explored as one of the key characteristics of authoritarianism in the Russian people’s political culture. The author studies its internal structure, to what extent this view is in demand, how exactly this notion is reproduced and rationalized at a discourse level. This view was investigated using critical discourse analysis, while identifying the implicit power balance based on data from semi-structured in-depth interviews with respondents from regional and district centers as well as from rural areas – these were people from the most conservative social groups (according to quantitative study findings based on data from the “Levada-Center”). Upon investigation it turns out that the “strong hand” discourse structure is extremely contradictory and heterogeneous. On one hand, at an abstract value level, it is very popular and continuously being reproduced. The “strong hand” consists of seven essential elements, subjective meanings: “continuity”, “order”, “rigidity”, “no alternative”, “personification”, “anti-establishment”, “folk character”. On the other hand, at a personal level, such an orientation can lose a significant amount of its potency when the context is broadened, supplemented with institutional alternatives etc. However stable alternatives do not seem to be appearing in the field of discourse. The author concludes that the demand for a strong hand is not an effect of a “special” political culture, but rather a combination of many factors: preserving the authoritarian regime’s institutions, citizens` rational strategies for adapting to them, a failed democratic transition, the painful reforms of the 1990’s, the intentional exploitation of this orientation by the political elite, etc. However, there are reasons to assume that this authoritarian orientation is in a severe state of crisis. It has no effect on the political regime’s legitimization for which the “strong hand” is the most important symbolic resource.

The article presents the translation of a separate chapter from the book of the American anthropologist, historian and political scientist Peter Eltsov, «Long Telegram 2: Neo-Kennanite Approach to Russia», which caused a strong resonance in Russia. In his book, the author gives recommendations to the American establishment about the policy towards Russia, predicting its potential collapse due to internal factors, which are argued in the published text

The article contains a reply to the critical comments by Alexey Sushko on the translation of the separate chapter from the book «Long Telegram 2: Neo-Kennanite Approach to Russia» by the American anthropologist, historian and political scientist Peter Eltsov. Replying to the comments of Alexey Sushko, the author additionally explains some key ideas of his book

The article is devoted to the issues of conflict interaction in the “pupil – teacher” system in an educational institution. The purpose of the article is to consider the voiced problem through the prism of a socio-pedagogical approach, taking into account not only the state of society, but also the educational potential of the family, as well as the structure of the class team and the personal age characteristics of schoolchildren. Special attention has been paid to the negative side of the conflict, which affects the weak psyche of the pupil, as well as the mental health of the teacher, which ultimately worsens the psychological comfort at school and interferes the educational process. It has been shown that in conflict situation teacher`s behavior in most cases relates to such types of response as “repressive measures” and “ignoring the conflict”. In conflict situations in the “pupil – teacher” system, teachers use external suppression, as well as apply sanctions. Conflicts in the “pupil – teacher” system from the point of view of age characteristics of schoolchildren have been considered. The article is intended for employees of educational organizations and those interested in conflict issues.

The main aim of the paper is to expose the counterfactual, scientifically unfounded and unscholarly statements by Mihaljević and Miljan in the paper “Was Tito’s Yugoslavia not Totalitarian?” We needed to treat the issues of (1) totalitarianism as a scholarly concept and a social construct, (2) the typological characterization of Tito’s Yugoslavia, where there is substantial agreement among scholars that consociation fits it; (3) the organization of security services in Yugoslavia of the period, (4) the role of the republics in conducting foreign policy, which increased steadily; (5) monetary policy and seigniorage which came about, of which our critics were completely unaware, (6) the issue of the political system’s dynamics (there were very substantial changes in the period 1945-1991) and (7) the issue of the political system’s legitimacy. We also noted a number of minor mistakes, errors, and omissions by the authors at issue. A general failure by the authors to achieve scientific objectivity and to master the notions necessary for analysis is found.

The Great Patriotic War was not only the opposition of countries, but also the struggle of ideologies. Fascism was defeated, communist ideology and democratic practices won and began to compete among themselves. Mutual deterrence in post-war Europe contributed to fascism and neo-Nazism not becoming a threat to society.The weakening of external political governance and the collapse of the USSR led to a qualitative increase in nationalism in Eastern Europe. However, in the Baltic States, transformation of nationalism into authoritarianism, and authoritarianism into fascism, which took place in the 20th-40th years of the last century, is repeated again. Two articles are devoted to the specifics of this process. The first tells about the specifics of the political systems of the modern Baltics, the history of the Baltic countries and the genesis of fascist ideology in the Baltics. The second article is devoted to Baltic nationalism as a factor in the formation of authoritarian and fascist practices, the assessment of the prospects for the revival of fascism in the Baltics and the analysis of this danger for Russia. The anniversary of the Great Victory is not only an excuse for pride in the past, but also a good reason to find threats to the future.

The Great Patriotic War was not only the opposition of countries, but also the struggle of ideologies. Fascism was defeated, communist ideology and democratic practices won and began to compete among themselves. Mutual deterrence in post-war Europe contributed to fascism and neo-nazism not becoming a threat to society.The weakening of external political governance and the collapse of the USSR led to a qualitative increase in nationalism in Eastern Europe. However, in the Baltic states the transformation of nationalism into authoritarianism, and authoritarianism into fascism, which took place in the 20-40 years of the last century, is repeated again. Two articles are devoted to the specifics of this process. The first tells about the specifics of the political systems of the modern Baltics, the history of the Baltic countries and the genesis of fascist ideology in the Baltics. The second article will be devoted to Baltic nationalism as a factor in the formation of authoritarian and fascist practices, the assessment of the prospects for the revival of fascism in the Baltics and the analysis of this danger for Russia. The anniversary of the Great Victory is a good reason not only for pride in the past, but also for finding threats to the future.

The paper features relations between extremist attitudes and moral sphere. The study was based on J. Haidt’s Moral Foundations Theory. Most researchers are interested in the problem of right-wing extremist attitudes, e.g. xenophobia, nationalism, religious fanaticism, authoritarianism, etc. However, the existing evidence of the link between such attitudes and some particularities of the moral sphere doesn't take into account modern psychological approaches toward moral. On the basis of moral foundations theory, the authors hypothesized that binding moral foundations may be linked with rightwing extremist attitudes. This hypothesis was tested on 397 university students (women – 83 %). The participants answered the Moral Foundations Questionnaire by J. Graham et al. and Young Men Extremist Attitudes Questionnaire by K. V. Zlokazov. The results of the correlation analysis showed that individualizing moral foundations (Harm and Fairness) were inversely correlated with right-wing extremist attitudes, while binding moral foundations (Loyalty and Authority) showed direct correlation. Such moral foundation as Sanctity showed contradictory correlations with extremist attitudes. Using structure linear modeling the authors demonstrated the significant impact of two moral foundations (Authority and Harm) on extremist attitudes. Authority was associated with a relatively high level of religious fanaticism, xenophobia, and authoritarianism. Care was associated with a low level of fanaticism, xenophobia, and nationalism. The obtained results proved that such violencecondemning values as care and harm avoidance oppose right-wing extremist attitudes. However, such values as respect for authorities and traditions may have potentially negative side effects, e.g. justification and support of right-wing extremist attitudes.

The article reveals content of the modern crisis of the conciliatory political systems and the growth of populism caused by it. According to author’s opinion, the crisis of the conciliatory political systems is determined by the following factors: the elitist character of the modern democracy; traditional political parties’ loss of the interest’s representation function; transformation of the social structure, in particular, the appearance of precariat and other social groups with unprotected rights. The author sees these processes in the context of the recent dominance of such type of rationality as neoliberalism. He shows how neoliberal politics contributed to the destruction of the foundations of liberal democracy, and the formation of a populist scenario of protecting the rights of citizens. He characterizes the main features of this scenario: anti-elitism, ethnic nationalism, and political egocentrism. The author argues that the disadvantage of such strategy is shifting the focus from the universal concept of protecting human rights to the particularistic concept of protecting the rights of “people”; restriction of the rights of social groups that do not correspond to the concept of “people”; democratic extremism and authoritarianism. In the author’s opinion, and in connection with the growth of the populist threat, it is necessary to find ways to reconcile the interests of all social groups in modern society

The aim of this article is to show the relationship between, the features (in cultural, sociological and political science terms) exhibited by contemporary Russian society and the political regime (in holistic terms by J. Linz), that existed in the Russian Federation (in the years 2007–2015). We assume that an evolution from stable contemporary Russian society to amalgams system combining elements of authoritarianism with dictatorship has taken place during this period. We point out the essential features that constitute the nature of Russian society and social behavior of political importance. Referring to the theory of “the state in society” by D. Migdal, We put the thesis that it is just the Russian way of thinking resulting in certain behavior, that causes the permanence of contemporary Russian society with a tendency to move on the line continuum toward totalitarianism. Proving that Russian society is not a civil society, but a state society, we determine the structure, the role and the modes of operation of Russian intra-system opposition.

The article is devoted to the strengthening of right-wing and populist sentiments observed in Spanish society in recent years, which is largely a consequence of both ethno-national conflicts, primarily in Catalonia, and of social and ideological confrontations that have become aggravated in the country. There is an increase in the influence of neo-traditionalists and neo-conservatives, whose calls to protect the territorial integrity of the country, the Christian values and historical traditions of the Spanish nation are heard louder, echoing Franco's ideological and political heritage. Neo-francoists, neo-phalangists, monarchists, carlists, and some military circles in Spain praising now the contribution of the dictatorial regime to the historical and socio-economic development of the country in the 20th century. The article cites facts proving that the basic tenets of Francoism, associated primarily with the preservation of the territorial integrity of the country and the unity of the Spanish nation, are finding welcome response in modern Spain. With the growth of separatist aspirations in the regions the nationalism in the form of neo-Francoism, has recently acquired more and more real political power. The conclusion is proved by the success of the right-wing Vox party in the elections to the regional parliament of Andalusia in December 2018. If the current trends continue, Spanish ultranationalists and neo-francoists will be represented not only in regional parliaments, but will also receive mandates in the General Cortes and the European Parliament.

Using film analysis and primary and secondary sources, this article examines Roman Załuski’s Zaraza /The Epidemic (1971), the only pandemic feature film produced in Poland to this date. The movie is inspired by the 1963 epidemic of smallpox in Wrocław, one of the last outbreaks of this disease in Europe. The epidemic resulted in 99 infections and seven deaths. The authorities responded with the mass vaccination of 426,000 residents (95% of the city’s population), the compulsory isolation of infected patients and all those who came in contact with them, and the cordoning of the city. Wrocław was declared free of smallpox in September 1963, two months after the discovery of infections. Załuski’s film outlines the course of the epidemic and measures taken by health services and authorities. However, the movie does not provide a precise, documentary reconstruction of the 1963 events. Instead, Załuski aspired, in his own words, to tell a universal, realistic story about a plague and the medical and social responses to it. He changed the names of real-life people and introduced fictional subplots and characters, including the main protagonist, epidemiologist Adam Rawicz (Tadeusz Borowski). This article concentrates on Załuski’s portrayal of the epidemic, especially, his depiction of healthcare workers, medical procedures, and social reactions. It argues that the director’s representation of the struggle against the epidemic is hardly universal and significantly differs from cinematic conventions common in the West. Shot in communist Poland, The Epidemic depicts the outbreak of infectious disease and its handling in a non-democratic country under state socialism. Hence, the movie provides invaluable insights into physicians’ relationship with the authoritarian state.

The countries of Southeast Asia, like the rest of the world, have suffered substantial damage from the spread of the COVID-19 epidemic, which is assessed not only in human losses, but also in significant economic and political costs. Their assessment is the main object of the article, in which the authors made an attempt to analyze the response of the countries of Southeast Asia to the emerging epidemiological threat, underscoring both general and specific in their approaches to the implementation of anti- epidemiological and adaptation measures. It is not possible to draw a single picture of the COVID-19 in the region, since the countries of Southeast Asia differ from each other both in the number of confirmed cases of infected and dead persons and in the approach to managing the pandemic. The adoption by the country of one or another set of restrictive sanitary meas ures is dictated by the severity of the epidemiological situation, economic and political interests. Evaluation of the effectiveness of actions taken to manage the pandemic and its consequences testifies, according to the authors, that the best results were shown by countries that, firstly, took proactive measures, and secondly, demonstrated the coherence of the work of all levels of government system and transparency in the provision of information thirdly, they were able to win the confidence of the population in the fight against the pandemic, which has resulted in human sacrifice and amendments to the country’s political governance and its economic development. The political consequence of COVID-19 has been the strengthening of authoritarian tendencies in governance in several Southeast Asian countries with the consequences to the weakening of the opposition and curtailment of civil liberties. The authors concluded that the pandemic has exposed the weakness of the government administration system in a crisis, which supports the analysis of the measures taken to minimize the economic consequences of the pandemic. The article assesses the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on the economies of Southeast Asia and promises government policies to support its hardest hit sectors and populations. The authors concluded that today it is not possible to assess the entire scale of the losses incurred, as well as the measures taken to minimize them. But it is evident that the pandemic has become a challenge for governments and a test of their ability to govern a country in a crisis.

The Editorial Board of the journal Comparative Politics Russiapublishes the proceedings of the situation analysis devoted to the results of the analysis of the dynamics and the current state of Russian-Chinese relations. The leading Russian experts and researchers of the Center for Comprehensive Chinese Studies and Regional Projects of Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University), the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies (RISS), the Institute of Political and Military Analysis, the Institute of Economics of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO), Higher School of Economics, Russian National Committee of BRICS discussed the current state and prospects of Russian-Chinese relations. They analyzed the issues of political power transformations in the PRC and changes in the 2018 Chinese political arena, a new stage of Russian-Chinese relations after March 2018 (presidential elections in Russia and constitutional amendments in China), the period of overestimated expectations of Russia from China after the Ukrainian crisis of 2013, and also as a whole, opportunities for transition to a new quality of bilateral long-term cooperation on the basis of pragmatism and mutual interests

The Editorial Board of the journal Comparative Politics Russia publishes brief proceedings of the roundtable discussion on the 19th Congress of the Communist Party of China. The discussion gathered the researchers from the Center for Comprehensive Chinese Studies and Regional Projects of Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University), the Institute of Far Eastern Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the Institute of Asian and African Studies (IAAS) of Moscow State University, and the Russian Institute for Strategic Studies. Leading Russian experts discussed the signifi cance of the 19th Congress of the CPC held in October 2017, analyzing the documents of the Congress and assessing the results of the fi rst fi ve years in power of the new generation of Chinese leaders. The participants of the roundtable touched upon the transformation of political power in the PRC, analyzed the new Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, assessed the changing ideology and perception of China's social and economic development goals, discussed the prospects of different models of modernization carried out by the government and their effectiveness, transformation of China's national interests and foreign policy priorities, Chinese relations with the USA, Russia and the East Asian countries.

The paper presents the differences in the nature of extremism and radicalism, and the necessity of introducing the concept of "violent extremism." It is shown that the ideology is the explanation of extremist behavior, rather than its cause. The ideology of extremism often eclectic, contradictory and can easily be transformed by changing the object of hostility, depending on the situation. For the description of the psychological causes of extremism it is proposed to use the concept of personal disposition. Disposition is the preferred way to subjective interpretation of reality and reflects both the specific needs of a person as well the typical social situations where it realized and personal experience. Considered the following dispositions of violent extremism: the Cult of force and aggression, Intolerance, Out-group hostility Conventional coercion, Social pessimism and destructiveness, Mystical, Fighting and overcoming, Nihilism to law, Anti-subjectivism. It is proposed to use these dispositions as diagnostic criteria and for preventing and correcting.

Design and implementation of reputational capital allows you to gain an advantage over other equal participants of the political process: to increase the effectiveness of different types of agreements, strengthen mutually beneficial cooperation with other countries to attract foreign investment, maintain the loyalty of domestic business. Reputation - one of the main factors to predict the behavior of the state in domestic and foreign policy.

This article is devoted to the problems of existence of authoritarian regimes. The ambiguity of the resulting data determines the importance of the considered research. Authoritarianism is quite complicated socio-political phenomenon. For this reason, there are a lot of typologies and special features of authoritarianism as a political regime. Authoritarianism is not only a political regime, but it is also a set of social and political characteristics. Some countries, where the authoritarian tendencies dominate, are economically developed, and they have a competitive economy, but other countries, which are steeped in a reactionary authoritarian, do not develop properly. From the materials of this article it should be concluded that the political regime in Russia is principally authoritarian, or to be specific it is liberal authoritarian regime. This political regime has been established for the whole history of our country, and it is supported by paternalistic political culture and special mindset our nation.

The article attempts to analyze the scientific relevance and practical relevance for the modern system of public administration mainstreaming mode of governance and management style, their forms and manifestations in practice. Thus explores the underlying quality characteristics and stylistic peculiarities of functioning of the state apparatus, the difficulty of optimizing performance, problematic and contradictory nature of overcoming corruption and bureaucratic pathologies, threats, dysfunctions and other deformations in the practice of public administration. It is emphasized that at some point the corrupt and bureaucratic mechanisms become latent shadow control system, which resist very difficult. In the result remain on top of the bureaucracy, the corruption, the brutality, the callousness and irresponsibility, and the bottom begins to dominate legal nihilism, distrust of authorities, double standards.Analyzing the distinguished types of styles, the author stops at the optimally-effective style performance focuses on the value of the benefits and ways of learning, introduces into scientific circulation the concept of “style of meanness and hypocrisy” – style, based on lies, double standards, fraud, provocations and corruption.This article presents some value judgments made appropriate generalizations and conclusions, analyzes the actions taken by a state in respect of establishing proper order in the system of public administration and public service. Formulated proposals which, in the opinion of the author, will help accurately implement the tasks put by the state in terms of democratic governance and innovation updates of the struggle against formalism, bureaucratic abuse, corruption, hardware isolation.

The review analyzes the article of the British professor of Westminster University Christian Fuchs "Authoritarian capitalism, authoritarian movements and authoritarian communication", which proposes to use the critical theory of authoritarianism as a s cientific approach to study the phenomenon of Donald Trump. The choice of this approach is due to insufficient theoretical elaboration and ambiguity of the concept of populism, which, in the opinion of the author, makes it difficult to study trumpism as a new political phenomenon.

The author has attempted to trace the genesis of national political regime and to determine the level of regularities of autocracy in Russia. On the one hand this attempt is caused by the presence of fragile positions in current historiography. On the other hand science has accumulated new methodological approaches for the recent years and the author proposes to pay attention to them. First of all the author considers that by the beginning of the XX century there was autocracy in Russia but it cannot be reduced to personal politics of the head of the state. Secondly, this regime was transformed faster than political ideas of the main social strata which had not got used to democratic political institutes. Thirdly, further political processes should be carefully assessed. They cannot be reduced to personal politics of Bolshevist soviet leaders. The political regime of 30-40-s of the XX c. was caused to a great extent by geopolitical interests of the country and political culture of pre-revolutionary Russia where there was no mechanism of impact on power.

Copyright of Sprawy Miedzynarodowe / International Affairs is the property of Instytut Studiow Politycznych PAN and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper suggests a description of the place occupied in Tajikistan by the largest and less populated territory of the republic, namely Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Region, inhabited mostly by relative to Tajiks Pamiri peoples that possess ethnic and confessional identity of their own and speak about a dozen of Easter Iranian languages. A part of the region is also inhabited by a small number of nomadic Kyrgyz clans. The role of the region and its population in the history, economic and political development of Tajikistan, especially in post-Soviet period, as well as its future potential and possible threats to its peoples are considered at some length.