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In the course of its postcolonial development, the African continent has faced many challenges, ranging from socio-economic crises to political instability and the proliferation of terrorism. The lack of security, which remains a source of constant concern for Africans, and the gradual disengagement of the international community, primarily the United Nations (UN), from armed involvement in the resolution of military conflicts on the continent in the 1990s, led to the emergence of the concept of “African solutions to African problems.” The phrase, which reflects the determination of Africans to solve their problems without the participation of external actors, has become a source of their pride; however, the possibility and ability of the inhabitants of the continent to implement this approach still raises justified doubts for a number of reasons that are to be discussed in this paper. The concept of “African solutions to African problems” has now become the main principle that determines the level and nature of the peacekeeping activities of the African Union (AU) and African regional blocs; the verbal adherence of the AU member states to this maxim has been noted by many Russian and foreign researchers. However, a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the unsuccessful implementation of this concept has not yet been carried out by Russian scholars, so the present article aims to fill this gap. In particular, the paper examines attempts of Africans to solve their problems in the field of security independently. The study allows us to claim that the African continent, primarily due to its insufficient integration and lack of consensus on a number of issues of political development and security, is not yet ready to carry out full-fledged peacekeeping operations without external support, although the gradual acquisition of relevant experience, the decrease in economic dependence on the West, and the diversification of foreign policy will contribute to laying a solid foundation for the idea of “African solutions to African problems.”

The purpose of this article is to eliminate methodological discrepancies in the definition of the problem of “hybrid” use of force and the possibility of using this construct when interfering in the internal affairs of states. In any conflict situation, the behavior of states in moving towards their national goals can be explained through how they do combine and synchronize (as it is often defined at the present time — «hybrid») the use of means of compellence and coercion available to them. In general, conceptually «hybrid war» can be described as “the synchronized use of multiple instruments of national power, specially selected to obtain mutually reinforcing effects on specific vulnerabilities across the entire spectrum of social processes. The substance of the modern security environment has led to an increase in the number of areas of conflict of interests of actors, the complexity and dynamism of conflicts, and the unpredictability of their outcomes. The formation of the practice of attribution of international responsibility, and the development of the international institutions supporting it, took place gradually and, ultimately, led to such a development of the international security environment, which made an appeal to «hybridity» to promote national interests in the process of political competition of social groups or individuals with divergent interests for power inevitable. The problem of terminology is one of the main obstacles to a clear understanding of the operation of the «hybridity» construct in political competition. The active use of the definition «hybrid» by propaganda in combination with the terms «war», «threats», «hostilities in the gray zone», «operations», «tactics», «competition does not turn into a state of war» political discourse, since these terms are almost never linked to the definition of the desired state of international relations by the state leadership. And if we are talking about the outcome of the collision of interests of actors in competition or conflict, then this desired result is «historically» defined by the term «victory». Thus, the definition of the substance of «victory» is a necessary initial point to onset analyzing the possibilities of turning to any of the instruments of national power in a «hybrid» confrontation.

The article analyses Japanese approach towards peacekeeping and issues associated with Japans participation in the peacekeeping operations (PKOs). It focuses on factors which influence shaping and transformation of Japans approach towards this sphere of UN activity. For the first time, Japan sent its Self-defense forces to participate in the PKO in the early 1990s and since then peacemaking has become one of the symbols of Japan's contribution to international security. Despite the significance of cooperation with the UN that the Japanese government has underlined, the indicators that characterize Japan's participation in peacekeeping remain at a low level. In the article, the author explores the causes of this phenomenon and identifies patterns that characterize the models of Japanese participation in PKO. Using the historical method and content analysis of official documents and speeches by Japans representatives the author explores the hypothesis that currently, from the point of view of the Japanese government, the issue of participation in the PKOs is important as a way to adapt the public to the expansion of the sphere of activity of the Self-defense forces, but in practice, the ruling circles seek to avoid the risks associated with the participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs, preferring to shift the focus on peace-building, financial, educational and technological contribution that Japan can make to UN operations. The concept of active pacifism promoted by Abe did not lead to a more extensive participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs. An analysis of current trends in peacekeeping suggests that the participation of Self-defense forces in PKOs will remain at a low level and will be offset by other opportunities for Japan to contribute to international peacekeeping.

Peacekeeping and economic union are the two most important dimensions of African integration. The first section of this article aims to analyse some current challenges to African peacekeeping, peacemaking, and African integration. The continuing Libyan civil war epitomizes the diplomatic stalemates and military stalemates which form the limits of current African peacekeeping. It exposes the North African Regional Capability and North African Standby Brigade as paper structures which do not exist operationally, and so limit the capacity of the African Union’s Peace and Security Council. The military intervention of states outside Africa can polarize conflicts and escalate civil wars. Africa’s colonial epoch serves as a warning of the potential dangers of foreign military bases in Africa. In parts of West Africa, states sub-contract peacemaking and anti-terrorist operations to unsupervised local militias, which are lawless at best, and commit ethnic killings at worst. African integration fares better in the economic dimension. The second section analyses African integration, with its focus on the most recent step of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which starts to lay the cornerstone envisaged four decades ago in the Lagos Plan of Action, and three decades ago in the Abuja Treaty for an African Economic Community. The historic track record of African continental organizations indicates that a decade will be a realistic minimum period for it to be substantially implemented. The Pan-African Payment and Settlement System will help operationalize the AfCFTA by lowering forex currency transaction charges. Severe difficulties can be predicted for future attempts to upgrade the AfCFTA into a continental customs union, and ultimately into a continental common market.

The article deals with the system of EU's functional units responsible for conducting crisis management within the framework of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). It analyses their structure and particular features. The author puts forward three main factors, which affected the shape of this system. First, it is the exclusively intergovernmental nature of the CSDP and the veto-power of EU member states in this field. Second, the EU-US and the EU-NATO relations have also influenced the shape of the CSDP organizational structures. On the one hand, the Alliance has served as an example of a successful security organization for the European integration strategists. On the other, Washington has always sought to embed the European security and defense integration into NATO and to control it. Third, the CSDP institutional system embodies a specific approach towards crisis management, elaborated by the EU - a combination of both military and civil instruments of peacemaking (the so-called "civil-military synergy"). Thus, there are two chains of units within the CSDP, designed for planning and conducting military operations and civil missions respectively. Having analyzed political and operational units of the CSDP the author concludes that, overall, the created institutional system is well-suited to the ambitions of the EU in the field of crisis management. However, the EU member states cannot use the potential of this system to the full because of the political differences that divide them.

The article deals with the system of EU's functional units responsible for conducting crisis management within the framework of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). It analyses their structure and particular features. The author puts forward three main factors, which affected the shape of this system. First, it is the exclusively intergovernmental nature of the CSDP and the veto-power of EU member states in this field. Second, the EU-US and the EU-NATO relations have also influenced the shape of the CSDP organizational structures. On the one hand, the Alliance has served as an example of a successful security organization for the European integration strategists. On the other, Washington has always sought to embed the European security and defense integration into NATO and to control it. Third, the CSDP institutional system embodies a specific approach towards crisis management, elaborated by the EU - a combination of both military and civil instruments of peacemaking (the so-called "civil-military synergy"). Thus, there are two chains of units within the CSDP, designed for planning and conducting military operations and civil missions respectively. Having analyzed political and operational units of the CSDP the author concludes that, overall, the created institutional system is well-suited to the ambitions of the EU in the field of crisis management. However, the EU member states cannot use the potential of this system to the full because of the political differences that divide them.

Abstract: Shanghai Cooperation Oprganization is a multi-functional interstate regional organizaton. One of the main priorities in the activities of the SCO is a cooperation in providing regional security and stability in the areas of counteraction against terrorism, separatism, extremism, drug tarfficking, other types of trans-border organized crime and against use of information-communication technologies in destructive purposes. There are all grounds to suppose that in forthcoming years the SCO, especially considering broadening the circle of its permanent state-members, will do some steps in direction of practical application of its latent potential in prevention and settlement of conflicts. Development of the SCO own peacekeeping instruments fully corresponds to the character and scales of security threats and tendencies of their evolution on the modern stage. Such a mechanism in arsenal of the SCO could play deterring role regarding latent local conflicts in its zone of responsibility. Obvious «plus» of involving the SCO in the peacekeeping sphere lays in the fact that its key members China and Russia - both are permamnent members of the UN Security Ciuncil, large powers, possessing serious financial capabilities, military and military-technological resources and rich experience of participation in peacekeeping operations. This is exactly Russia and China who would be able to share main responsibility of organization and financing the SCO peacekeeping operations. Emphasis on promoting settlement of conflicts, peacekeeping and strenhthening of confidence in the military sphere could become one of key vectors of converting the SCO into the regional security community and even become a foundation for the new system of security of Eurasia in the future.

Abstract: Shanghai Cooperation Oprganization is a multi-functional interstate regional organizaton. One of the main priorities in the activities of the SCO is a cooperation in providing regional security and stability in the areas of counteraction against terrorism, separatism, extremism, drug tarfficking, other types of trans-border organized crime and against use of information-communication technologies in destructive purposes. There are all grounds to suppose that in forthcoming years the SCO, especially considering broadening the circle of its permanent state-members, will do some steps in direction of practical application of its latent potential in prevention and settlement of conflicts. Development of the SCO own peacekeeping instruments fully corresponds to the character and scales of security threats and tendencies of their evolution on the modern stage. Such a mechanism in arsenal of the SCO could play deterring role regarding latent local conflicts in its zone of responsibility. Obvious «plus» of involving the SCO in the peacekeeping sphere lays in the fact that its key members China and Russia - both are permamnent members of the UN Security Ciuncil, large powers, possessing serious financial capabilities, military and military-technological resources and rich experience of participation in peacekeeping operations. This is exactly Russia and China who would be able to share main responsibility of organization and financing the SCO peacekeeping operations. Emphasis on promoting settlement of conflicts, peacekeeping and strenhthening of confidence in the military sphere could become one of key vectors of converting the SCO into the regional security community and even become a foundation for the new system of security of Eurasia in the future.

The article reveals the views of the well-known international law expert L.A. Kamarovsky (1846–1912) on the disarmament problem and analyses the scientist’s detailed proposals dealing with the fight with any militarism manifestation. The author of the article has come to a conclusion that Kamarovsky considered the process of disarmament to be the most important and necessary stage of appeasement of Europe which could be concluded with international organization foundation. At the same time he urged to carry out the disarmament gradually and simultaneously by a number of representative governmental conferences owing to which the most difficult international conflicts could be regulated and the final result of the conferences could be subscription of the binding treaty on disarmament. At the same time it is clear that Kamarovsky underestimated the profundity and complexity of modern regional conflicts. Besides, criticizing the militarist opponents the scientist permitted the possibility of “just” defensive wars and active colonial expansion.

The recent events in the Vatican, i. e. the voluntary resignation of the Pontiff of the Roman Catholic Church (numbering some 1.2 billion members) and the election of a new extraordinary Pope, have created a sensation of a truly global scale. They make it clear that one more step forward has been made from the divide between the past and the future wrought by the Second Vatican Council of the Catholic Church half a century ago. The history of Christianity spans more than two millennia, but it is only now that its followers have come close to a real turning point in their relations with each other and, no less importantly, in their relations with the rest of the world. For the first time ever they are really revising their approach to spiritual search within their own institutions, their approach to coexistence, dialogue, and cooperation with people of other faiths and the atheistic citizens of this planet. All this forms the theme of the present article.

The article analyzes the main trends and approaches to the understanding of the concept of peacemaking and peacekeeping activities and their evolution. The main specific elements of peacemaking are outlined as an institution of international law. The powers of international and regional organizations in peacekeeping are studied.