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Dynamics of economic relations development among Russia and African countries in the beginning of the 21st century has been analyzed. At that time there was the economic relations strengthening among Russia and African countries, which was caused by several factors: 1) the interest of Russian companies in the resource potential of Africa; 2) the support of the Government of the Russian Federation for the export of goods and services to African countries; 3) the growth of trade among Russia and African countries; 4) the increase in investments of Russian companies in African countries. At the beginning of the 21st century, Russia and African countries strengthened their cooperation in the economic sphere. It had a positive impact on both sides, contributing to African countries development and Russian companies’ expansion in this market, and strengthening regional stability. Acting on the dual front of bilateral diplomacy and multilateralism, Russia, through the BRICS forum, must find its place on the continent. Central Africa has strengthened its economic relations with China, India, and Brazil while developing its own activities on the continent.

France and Germany have historically played pivotal roles in formulating and advancing the economic policy of the European Union. The conceptual frameworks of German ordoliberalism and French dirigisme underpin the dual foundations of European economic integration. The United Kingdom’s departure from the EU has reconfigured the composition of the Union’s core, amplifying Germany’s significance. This shift simultaneously elevates the Franco-German partnership while rendering France’s position within the Union increasingly contingent upon its tangible economic strength. This article seeks to examine the evolving role of France within the EU’s economic architecture, identify critical long-term trends, and forecast possible realignments in the balance of power within EU economic governance. The analysis includes an overview of France’s intellectual and executive contributions to European economic and monetary policies, followed by a comparative assessment of international statistical data, emphasizing GDP dynamics, demographic trends, per capita income, trade balance, and R&D investment.The findings reveal that, despite being the EU’s second-largest economy, France has exerted a disproportionate influence on the Union’s economic governance, surpassing that of any other member state. French representation in the upper echelons of EU economic and financial policymaking has been unmatched. In the contemporary geopolitical landscape, French dirigisme is experiencing a resurgence of relevance.Nevertheless, France’s share of the EU’s overall GDP has been progressively declining, even as its demographic contribution to the Union has grown. With respect to per capita income, France ranks 10th among EU member states, marking the lowest position among the core economies. The aftermath of the global financial crisis and the eurozone debt crisis has led to a significant erosion of France’s international competitiveness. Should these trends persist, projections indicate that France’s GDP per capita will fall below the EU average by the end of the decade, potentially signaling a shift from core to semi-peripheral status. This development would exacerbate the asymmetry within the Franco-German axis, complicating efforts to recalibrate EU economic governance and policy direction.

The 18th century represented a transformative era for the Russian Empire, characterized by substantial internal reforms and notable foreign policy achievements. Amidst sweeping modernization efforts, Russia secured significant victories on the international stage. Under Peter I, Russia "opened a window" to Europe, while Catherine II's reign expanded Russia's geopolitical reach to the Black Sea, facilitating access to fertile southern territories and establishing crucial maritime routes for international trade. These strategic advancements considerably enhanced Russia's influence and strategic capacities. During Catherine II’s reign, Russia also initiated its first forays into North Africa, a region previously beyond the empire's strategic horizon. Prior to gaining maritime access to the Black and Mediterranean Seas, Russian interaction with North African territories was negligible. However, the geopolitical landscape of Catherine's era prompted the necessity of engaging with Egypt, Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, and Tripoli.This article investigates the principal foreign policy initiatives of Russia toward North Africa during the latter half of the 18th century. These efforts served as ancillary operations to Russia's overarching conflict with the Ottoman Empire. Throughout the Russo-Turkish Wars, Russia exploited separatist movements within the Ottoman periphery to weaken its adversary strategically. In times of peace, Russian priorities shifted to safeguarding merchant vessels in the Mediterranean from attacks by Barbary corsairs—specifically from Tunisia, Algeria, and Tripoli. To mitigate these threats, Russia employed diplomatic pressure on the Sublime Porte and sought to negotiate peace agreements with North African states. Nevertheless, these early Russian engagements in North Africa were tentative and often marked by limited success and instances of diplomatic adventurism, leaving several initiatives unrealized.Utilizing archival documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AVPRI) and the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA), this article provides a detailed examination of Russia’s diplomatic decision-making and negotiations with North African states. While prior Russian and foreign scholarship has analyzed specific events and countries in this context, this study seeks to offer a more holistic understanding of Russia’s foreign policy objectives and actions in North Africa during the 18th century.

This article analyzes the distinctive features of the contemporary cyclical inclusive growth model within the European Union (EU). As an integration entity, the EU contends with a series of internal challenges that impede its development, arising from the divergent economic interests of member states and the uneven distribution of the costs and benefits of the 'twin transition' in the context of Europe’s declining global competitiveness. Exploring the nuances of inclusive growth in the EU, particularly the role of citizen participation in societal progress, offers a valuable framework for understanding the social and economic contradictions both within and between member states. The study commences with a critical review of existing definitions of inclusive growth, laying the groundwork for an in-depth analysis of the EU model.The research employs quantitative methods to compare EU member states using the UNCTAD Inclusive Growth Index and additional indicators of social and economic development and well-being. It also evaluates the outcomes of the 'Europe 2020' strategy, which aimed to establish inclusive growth targets for the EU by 2020. The findings reveal that the highest levels of inclusive growth are concentrated in northern and continental European countries, whereas Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) exhibit significantly lower levels. The analysis further uncovers key contradictions, such as the tension between reducing socio-economic inequality and promoting economic growth, the generational conflict over the ‘green economy,’ and the misalignment of interests between smaller and larger EU economies.Despite the initiatives under the 'Europe 2020' strategy, the study observes a shift in the priorities of EU citizens concerning inclusive growth. The research identifies fundamental characteristics of the EU's inclusive growth model, marked by a cycle of emerging and resolving social and economic contradictions at the Union level. A notable aspect of this model is the increasing complexity and multiplicity of contradictions, alongside a growing emphasis on subjective well-being and the fulfillment of intangible individual needs. The insights derived from this analysis have practical implications for developing inclusive growth support measures within the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and can aid in defining priorities and mechanisms for the social and economic policies of EAEU member states.

This paper explores the complexities surrounding the acceptance of the European Union (EU) Proposal in the ongoing Belgrade-Pristina dialogue. The incongruence between Belgrade and Brussels is shaped by several interrelated factors. Central to this discord is the premature transfer of authority from the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) to the EU. This transition was prompted by UNMIK's failure to safeguard Kosovo's non-Albanian population and the breakdown of status negotiations, culminating in Kosovo’s unilateral declaration of independence. Although the EU has facilitated technical agreements that have supported the region's trajectory toward European integration, it has also encountered significant challenges. Notably, the withdrawal of Kosovo Serbs from political, judicial, and law enforcement institutions, compounded by the destabilizing effects of the Ukraine conflict, has intensified the crisis. These dynamics have accelerated a reliance on informal agreements, which circumvent domestic legislative processes and are characterized by a lack of transparency. The EU Proposal seeks to expedite the normalization process but contains a contentious provision that implicitly demands Serbia's acceptance of Kosovo's independence—an issue perceived in Serbia as a transgression of its core national interests. While the proposal lacks formal legal bindingness, the EU wields considerable influence, applying pressure on Serbia through mechanisms such as economic sanctions. However, such measures risk exacerbating anti-EU sentiment within Serbia. The paper argues that the EU’s strategy, which emphasizes informal agreements and seeks to avoid overt confrontation, may yield eventual progress but also risks entrenching political tensions within Serbia and Kosovo. The long-term implications of this approach remain uncertain, posing potential challenges for the stability of the EU and the broader Western Balkans region.

The article focuses on assessing the capital of the global Chinese diaspora (overseas Chinese). Its objective is to estimate the absolute volume of this capital and analyze its potential impact on the economic development of individual countries and regions, including China itself. The author aims to compile and synthesize existing estimates of Chinese diaspora capital, covering studies conducted from 1949 onwards, to examine the methods used in these assessments and to propose an updated approach for evaluating this capital for the period from 2015 to 2023. Additionally, the study seeks to create original maps illustrating the geographical distribution of diaspora capital across countries and regions, both in absolute terms and as a percentage of regional GDP. Furthermore, it identifies key sectors of business activity and evaluates the influence of the Chinese diaspora on industry markets in specific countries and regions. A comparison is also made between the shares of diaspora capital and China’s accumulated outward foreign direct investment relative to the GDP of host countries and regions.The analysis is based on Chinese and international statistical data. The calculation of Chinese diaspora capital for 2015–2023, along with its geographical distribution, draws on data regarding the market capitalization and valuation of major overseas Chinese enterprises. For these calculations, the author identifies eight key countries and regions with significant overseas Chinese business activity (Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, the Philippines, the United States, Hong Kong, and Fiji). The study estimates the share of large enterprises and SMEs (small and medium-sized enterprises) among overseas Chinese businesses within these locations and globally, adhering to the assumption that 75% of Chinese diaspora capital is concentrated in these eight regions of high business activity.For qualitative evaluation, a comparative analysis method is applied. The current estimate of Chinese diaspora capital, as calculated by the author, is at least $5 trillion (excluding assets in Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan unrelated to the Chinese diaspora). This capital spans five continents, holds substantial influence over the economies of more than 50 countries (including China), and serves as a significant external financial resource for China, especially in countries where China’s direct economic involvement is limited.

This article examines current trends in financial governance within the European Union (EU), focusing on the regulation of foreign direct investment (FDI). The adoption of supranational mechanisms for EU FDI screening through Regulation 2019/452 not only highlights the expansion of multi-level governance, as promoted by the European Commission, but also reconfigures the EU's role as a global actor in investment transactions. This shift directly impacts a wide range of stakeholders.The study aims to explore the institutional architecture established by Regulation 2019/452 and address the research question: Why has the EU transitioned from a neoliberal approach favoring free capital movement (negative integration) to a framework emphasizing common European monitoring rules (positive integration)? The theoretical framework combines the concept of multi-level governance and securitization theory, underpinned by new institutionalism, which facilitates an analysis of how institutions, particularly the European Commission, articulate and advance common interests within political frameworks. The findings reveal that the securitization of Chinese FDI served as a critical tool for the Commission to legitimize its push for supranational regulation. Regulation 2019/452 is identified as “entry-level legislation,” designed to be amended through its built-in revision mechanism, ultimately broadening the Commission’s exclusive competencies in this area. This trajectory was partially confirmed by the Commission’s January 2024 proposal to strengthen the Regulation. The analysis situates this shift within a broader global context, demonstrating how the EU's move from neoliberalism to protectionism mirrors trends in other major economies, such as the United States, China, and India, all of which employ FDI monitoring mechanisms. The article also identifies key events that acted as catalysts for the EU’s geopolitical reassessment of foreign investment—from a stance of openness to recognizing potential threats to collective security and public order. It draws a parallel with the Commission’s use of securitization discourse in the energy sector, which contributed to the partial communitarization of energy policy through multi-level governance.

The ideological dimension of international relations and foreign policy represents a distinct area of interaction, often situated at the intersection of political theory and philosophy. This study explores how metaphors, particularly Rousseau’s Organic Metaphor and its adaptation by Woodrow Wilson in his conceptualization of nationalism, function as powerful cognitive tools within the political sphere. These metaphors can act as "cognitive keys" that shape the perception of socio-political realities, influencing both the understanding and actions of political actors. However, while they provide a framework for understanding the internal logic of events, they also limit cognitive freedom by acting as implicit filters. This article traces the instrumental use of these metaphors in U.S. foreign policy, particularly how Wilson’s conceptualization of nationalism, derived from Rousseau’s metaphor, was utilized to reshape the ideational landscape of European politics in the 20th century and is now being applied in Eurasia. The concept of nationalism allowed for the fragmentation of competing political entities, aligning with the U.S. strategy of divide et impera to oppose integration movements. The article further examines how these strategies, which once targeted European empires, are now being employed against emerging integration unions in Eurasia, thereby highlighting the continuity of ideological tools in American foreign policy across different historical contexts.

Book Review: Crossman J. 2024. Superstition, Management and Organisations: Irrationality, Randomness, and Chaos in Decision Making. Palgrave Studies in Workplace Spirituality and Fulfillment. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 267 р. DOI: 10.1007/978-3-031-59020-7.

In the 1920s, the young Soviet state pursued several, sometimes mutually exclusive, goals in its policy towards China. On the one hand, the Soviet leadership did its best to achieve international recognition and sought to protect its vital interests. On the other hand, it actively promoted the idea of a world revolution. Under those circumstances, the country’s foreign ministry needed experienced, flexible, and pragmatic diplomats. In this regard, the activities of L.M. Karakhan, who was sent as a Soviet emissary to the Republic of China to address these sensitive issues, are of particular interest. The figure of L.M. Karakhan is all the more remarkable because, being one of the architects of the USSR’s foreign policy towards China, he himself has not received much attention in either Soviet or Russian historiography. On the basis of new archival documents and Chinese primary sources the paper attempts to give a comprehensive assessment of L.M. Karakhan’s tenure first as a plenipotentiary and then as an ambassador of the USSR to China. The first sections consider the tasks of L.M. Karakhan’s diplomatic mission in China and the vicissitudes of the negotiations on the Soviet-Chinese agreement on the establishment of diplomatic relations. To that end, the Soviet diplomat, following the directives from Moscow, flexibly maneuvered between various groupings of Chinese elites and resisted the pressure of other great powers’ representatives. The following sections examine L.M. Karakhan’s activities as a Soviet ambassador. The author concludes that L.M. Karakhan consistently defended the national interests of the USSR, skillfully combining a fine diplomatic game and assertiveness, even rigidity at times. The latter was vividly manifested in the most challenging issues of Soviet-Chinese relations, such as disputes over the status of the Chinese Eastern Railway and Outer Mongolia. At the same time, the ambassador took an active part in organizing and supporting the revolutionary movement in China. In fact, L.M. Karakhan served as a central coordinator of the Soviet aid to the Kuomintang, determining both its forms and substance. The author concludes that L.M. Karakhan proved himself not merely as an agent of the Soviet leadership, but also as a politician in its own right capable to effectively address a wide range of tasks, some of which had not originally been intended by his mission. That said it is worth mentioning that the assertive, tough style of the Soviet diplomat often raised a lot of criticism among foreign representatives, since it was at odds with the declared USSR intentions to break with the foreign policy practices of tsarist Russia.

The book under review is a new monograph by L.S. Voronkov ‘Liberal values in theory and practice. On the issues of intellectual decolonization of Russia’, published in 2024. The reviewer discusses in detail several key topics and central ideas of the book under consideration. The first section covers the author’s views on a set of problems related to the specifics of power relations and the role of political elites in Western liberal democratic states. It also highlights the political and economic contradictions inherent to the liberal democratic model of social development, propagated by the countries of the ‘collective West’ in order to maintain their own dominance in the system of international relations. It is shown that, along with economic and political instruments, Western elites do not disdain practices of cultural hegemony, arising from the colonialism and neocolonialism. The second section considers L.S. Voronkov’s views on the issues of intellectual colonialism. Special attention is paid to the role of Western approaches within the theory of international relations in legitimizing and promoting the interests of the United States and its allies. It is shown that these approaches, positioned as strictly scientific, actually represented a sophisticated system aimed at concealing the real economic interests of Western countries. In this context, the book by L.S. Voronkov is of particular interest since it makes a strong case for the development of Russia’s own perspective on international relations, with due regard to its specific historical features. Although some author’s conclusions and observations can be contested, L.S. Voronkov’s monograph will hopefully contribute to the emergence of Russian sovereign international relations studies.

In the 21st century, the Arctic has rapidly been transforming from a ‘zone of peace and cooperation’ into an arena of interstate rivalry, where the Russia– NATO confrontation is currently playing a pivotal role. These developments determine the growing interest of both the Russian and foreign academic and expert communities in the problems and prospects for regional security. This paper examines the dynamics of military-political situation in the Arctic within the framework of evolution of the Russia–NATO relations. The first section outlines the key military and political security developments in the Arctic before the Ukrainian crisis. The author emphasizes that already at this stage NATO clearly manifested its desire to limit the Russian presence in the region. In the second section the author offers an original periodization of the Russia–NATO relations in the Arctic after 2014 and in so doing identifies three stages. They are all marked by a gradual yet steady escalation of international tension, manifested in the active efforts undertaken by the NATO member states to remilitarize the region and cultivate a narrative about the Russian threat. This course has been reflected in a whole series of alliance’s military exercises, which, as shown in the article, are becoming increasingly extensive and regular year by year. The author concludes that the Ukrainian crisis has only laid bare the true aspirations of the NATO countries seeking to contain Russia in the Far North and refusing to consider its interests and build a constructive dialogue in the field of military and political security. According to the researcher, this circumstance prevents the normalization of relations between Russia and NATO countries in the years to come.

In recent years, the military and political landscape in the Arctic has changed significantly. This region has been rapidly losing the status of a ‘zone for peace and cooperation’, turning into an arena of increasingly intense interstate rivalry. The accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO became a landmark event in the evolution of the military and political situation in the Arctic. This article attempts to identify the causes and driving forces behind these processes, as well as to assess the threats they pose to Russia’s national security. In the first section the authors argue that the NATO countries under the pretext of the growing hybrid threat from the Russian Federation have themselves launched an active information campaign in the spirit of hybrid warfare aimed at demonizing Russia and enforcing on public a Cold War-style black-and-white picture of reality as a ‘zero-sum game’. Moreover, the authors emphasize that this anti-Russian campaign began long before the aggravation of the ‘Ukrainian crisis’. As such, it reflects the American elites’ awareness of the growing decline in the U.S. influence and the erosion of the ‘rules-based order’. The second section examines the specific steps taken by the United States and its allies in order to build up their military and political potential in the Arctic and accelerate the militarization of the region. Special attention is paid to the bilateral agreements on security cooperation between the United States and Norway, Sweden, Finland, and Denmark. According to these agreements, Washington was able to deploy personnel, equipment and weapons in these countries on a permanent basis and conduct military exercises. In these conditions, the main threats to Russia’s military security in the Arctic, according to the authors, include: deployment of the U.S. / NATO military infrastructure and troops in the region; the formation of an anti-Russian bloc of Scandinavian states under the control of the alliance; modernization of the Arctic powers’ armed forces; intensification of naval activities of NATO countries in the Arctic seas. In general, the military-strategic situation in the Arctic has already deteriorated significantly with regard to the national interests of the Russian Federation. However, the authors stress that both the current situation in the region and possible scenarios for its future development cannot be assessed in isolation from the general crisis of international relations, focusing solely on regional aspects of security. Apart from the Arctic, tensions are growing in other regions of the world, which also requires the West to allocate there more resources in order to maintain its influence.

The role and significance of the Arctic in international relations of the late 20th and early 21st centuries have undergone serious changes, and so have their assessments in the academic literature. To date, the Arctic has already turned into the scene of bitter international rivalry, albeit not yet a theater of military operations. In order to provide a better understanding of the scale, dynamics, and potential consequences of these developments, the author examines them through the lens of the hybrid warfare concept. The first section provides a thorough review of the key approaches to the definition of the hybrid warfare and its specific features. The author pays special attention to the NATO’s theoretical advances in the methods of the hybrid warfare and their practical implementation in the Arctic region. The second section examines the specific forms and manifestations of hybrid warfare in the Transarctic. The researcher notes that the population of the islands of Svalbard and Wrangel is exposed to a remarkably large-scale hostile hybrid influence from the NATO countries, and concludes that Russophobic narratives peddled to the peoples of the Subarctic pose a serious risk to regional stability. The author argues that in order to counter hybrid threats from the collective West, Russia needs to develop a comprehensive Arctic strategy. The latter should include, inter alia, an effective system for monitoring geopolitical threats not only against Russia, but also against its BRICS+, SCO, EAEU, CSTO partners; measures to strengthen cooperation with Eurasian, international and intergovernmental structures and business communities unyielding against sanctions pressure; programs for the development of indigenous peoples aimed at preserving their civilizational identity.

The accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO came as a shock to many politicians and experts, who until the last moment had believed that these two states would not renounce their traditional neutrality policy. The surprise effect was further enhanced by a remarkable coherence of the countries’ approaches to their membership in the alliance. In order to provide a better understanding of this fundamental shift in Sweden and Finland’s foreign policy courses, this paper examines the evolution of their policies of neutrality during the tribulations of the Cold War. The first section considers the formation of the non-aligned strategies of Finland and Sweden in the aftermath of World War II, which took the form of the so-called Paasikivi-Kekkonen and Unden doctrines, respectively. The author emphasizes that, despite the formal resemblance, the approaches of Sweden and Finland to the neutrality policy varied substantially, since their ambitions and aspirations, as well as their role in the emerging bipolar order were also very different. However, the two states had tended to coordinate their foreign policies already back then and this trend only strengthened in the following decades of the Cold War. The second section shows how the Finnish neutrality model, initially focused on building special relations with the USSR, and a more flexible Swedish non–aligned policy, facilitated convergence of the two states, as well as their cooperation with the Nordic members of NATO. The third section outlines the determinants of the foreign policy transformation of the Northern European neutrals in the aftermath of the Cold War. The author notes that it was the collapse of the bipolar order that paved the way for the comprehensive engagement of Finland and Sweden in the activities of the alliance. It is shown that apart from this cooperation with NATO, a number of regional initiatives involving the Nordic and Baltic countries strengthened foreign policy coordination and contacts between Finland and Sweden. The formal accession of both to NATO thus became only the end point of these processes and the result of the conscious refusal of these countries’ leadership from the original and time-tested non-alignment policy. The consequences of this decision have yet to be assessed by politicians and experts, but one its immediate effect is clear — the emergence of a new security dilemma for the countries of the region.

The book under review is a collective monograph by the Russian International Affairs Council ‘International relations: Facets of the present and the future’, published in 2023. The reviewer emphasizes the high relevance of this work since all leading states (including Russia) are facing a need for a deeper rethinking of current trends in the development of international relations and establishment of new strategic priorities. The book under review differs from numerous recent Russian and foreign publications on the matter by a truly broad thematic scope and comprehensive approach. The monograph touches upon both the ‘classical’ factors of international relations (military power, energy, trade) and a number of new ones, which have acquired particular importance as the international system entered a period of profound transformation. These new factors include artificial intelligence, education, digital security, the climate crisis, ‘soft power’, etc. The reviewer concludes that this monograph can serve as a beacon in the raging ocean of modern world politics and as such may be of interest to both international experts and diplomats, as well as to a broad reading audience.

The development of social sciences in the post-Soviet space is perceived as a rather unexplored layer of knowledge, representing a whole range of problems that arise in societies in transition (starting from the educational system to the publication of specific academic works). From this perspective, the article is analyzing the case of development of social sciences in Armenia starting from 1991, when it received independence after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The article argues, that in the case of Armenia (as well as some post-communist societies), we can see a change in discourse with shifting the emphasis from the historiographical paradigm to the sociocultural or humanitarian one. The following situation arises: the existing theories of political science and international relations overlap with the realities of transitional societies crises of political development in the country. As a result they may not always give the necessary results, since the scientific community has not yet developed a specific approach in the context of the development of academic schools of thought and localized general theoretical approaches. Based on the above the article tests the main hypothesis, which is that the development of social sciences in Armenia is characterized by fragmentation or excessive obsession with specific issues of international relations. In terms of the development of political science in Armenia the article checks three domains: development of political science as a scientific discipline after the disintegration of the Soviet Union; teaching of political science and international relations; as well as the level of think tanks and expert community. The article concludes that despite a 30-year development process, political science in Armenia remains fragmented and needs, one the hand, more cooperation inside the field, and, on the other hand, more state support for better concentration and efficiency.

The article explores the development of the concept of «civilizational» multipolarity in Russian religious thought from the 19th century to the first half of the 20th century. This notion of «civilizational» multipolarity suggests that power centers, beyond forming a geopolitical balance, also represent distinct civilizations. During the first half of the 19th century, Russian conservatism was predominantly Eurocentric and semi-colonial. However, in the latter half of the century, Russian religious thinkers began to recognize the plurality of civilizations and their potential to emerge as independent power centers, thereby reevaluating Russia's role in the world. Thinkers like Nikolay Danilevsky, Vladimir Lamansky, and Konstantin Leontyev progressively moved away from a colonial mindset, leading to the crystallization of the idea of «civilizational» multipolarity.At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, thinkers such as Vladimir Gringmut, Lev Tikhomirov, Prince Esper Ukhtomsky, and Sergey Syromyatnikov further advanced these ideas. They identified an «awakening of the East» and advocated for Russia to align with Eastern civilizational powers in anticipation of an imminent world war. Post-1917 revolution, the concept of «civilizational» multipolarity persisted in the Eurasianist thought of the 1920s and 1930s, which is a focal point of this article. Leaders of the Eurasianist movement, such as Prince Nikolay Trubetskoy and Petr Savitsky, developed the doctrine of autarkic «worlds»-civilizations, envisioned as large economic blocs unified by common culture, ideology, and centralized authority. Religious ideas and rhetoric, including the trope of «Babylonian confusion», played a significant role in the Eurasianists' justification of their preferred international order.

The article analyzes the causes and consequences of the post-Soviet breakdown of economic ties between Russia and Africa. The post-Soviet period (since 1991) has led to a breakdown of economic ties between them. It means that trade, investment, and other forms of economic cooperation between the two sides have been significantly reduced or stopped completely. After the collapse of the Soviet Union at the initiative of Mikhail Gorbachev, Africa really became a “non-subject” for diplomats and military personnel stationed in the region, and some economic actors witnessed Moscow’s first initiatives. It was only in early 2018, on the occasion of the arrival of the first shipments of Russian weapons and dozens of “advisers” from Moscow in Bangui, that the French media learned of Russia’s “great comeback” in Africa. This Central African prism powerfully shaped perceptions in Paris: Russian involvement would be a new phenomenon echoing the confrontation between East and West, and Central Africa would be a crucial link in a grand strategy on a continental scale, where Russia would be on its way to establishing itself as a major player. The severing of economic ties between Russia and Africa has negative consequences for both regions, including reduced trade, investment, and political influence, and Russia’s lack of resources and changing political priorities since the collapse of the Soviet Union are the main reasons for it.

The analysis and economic evaluation of the prerequisites of demand for Russian language teachers in the education system in Tanzania show the Russian and Tanzanian interstate projects growth, which require not only political and legal, but also educational support. The activities of domestic structures (Rossotrudnichestvo, Ministry of Education of the Russian Federation, and business structures) in Tanzania create economic prerequisites for demand for the Russian language in the country’s economy. Considering the increased level of interstate relations between the two states, due to the changes in Russia’s foreign policy course, it is possible to predict increasing demand for specialists in the field of Russian language, as well as knowledge of the language as a competitive advantage in Tanzania’s labor market. As a result of the analysis of the presence or planned presence of the structures associated with Russia, it is advisable to open centers for Russian language teachers training in the administrative districts of Tanzania, such as Zanzibar, Kigoma, Pemba, Rukwa, Mbeya, Arusha, and Mwanza. In these administrative units the interaction between the two countries is carried out or is planned, which will lead to an increase in demand for specialists speaking the Russian language, whose training is carried out as part of the main professional activity by Russian language teachers from among locally trained specialists.

Theoretical research indicates that foreign interference, and even allegations thereof, cause long-term negative effects: they erode trust, damaging the bilateral relationship, and lead to a greater polarization of the political system and society due to the securitization of the relationship with the presumed interferer. The article examines the case of how the Australian government and society have reacted to the perceived attempts of interference by the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It tests theoretical hypotheses by answering the question of what are the implications of the above-mentioned issue for Australia - China relations and Australia’s politics. The study has identified that the rhetoric about foreign interference by the PRC into Australia’s internal affairs has been publicly attributed to a complex of attempts at unwanted influence not only in politics but also in other domains such as society, economics, education and mass media. This issue served as a critical juncture in initiating a downward trend in bilateral relations by significantly eroding Australia’s trust in China and public opinion about it as well as by prompting the Australian government to reassess its policy vis-à-vis the PRC against the background of challenging geopolitical landscape of the Asia-Pacific. The securitization of cross-border links with China has become a notable phenomenon. As a result of these events as well as other foreign policy factors, Australia - China relations deteriorated significantly. The Australian government promptly took a hard stance against the perceived foreign interference, becoming the first to adopt a special legislation to combat it. This issue was instrumentalized in political competition, especially by the Liberal Party of Australia. However, there has been no polarization of the Australian political system and society. The result has been a broad public and bipartisan consensus on the need for a greater transparency and public scrutiny over the links with China, as well as the establishment of an effective system to counter foreign interference. The Australian case demonstrates that the instrumentalization of the interference issue may lead not to a polarization but, on the contrary, to a domestic consensus over standing up to a perceived threat.

Using the example of the Far Eastern Federal District, the article examines the role of Confucius Institutes, educational institutions that China has established in various countries since 2004 to teach Chinese language and culture. The relevance of the research is linked to the growing criticism of the dual function of these organizations. On the one hand, these Institutes are considered as a soft power instrument capable of creating China’s positive image and increasing its global influence through cultural and educational contacts. On the other hand, there are cases of Confucius Institutes acquiring hard power functions, allowing China to implement its strategic goals in other areas unrelated to education and culture. This has prompted reproaches from partner countries. These moments are especially relevant in the Russian Far East, given its close proximity to China, the considerable length of the Russian-Chinese border, and the critical demographic situation in the Russian Far East. The goal of the research is to identify whether regional factors support the criticism leveled at the Confucius Institutes and, subsequently, to propose measures to mitigate China’s hard power influence in the region. By analyzing the Institutes’ activities in the Russian Far East, the authors reveal three main aspects confirming their hard power functioning. The Confucius Institutes promote China’s ‘peaceful’ expansion; they increase the internationalization of Chinese education and contribute to the development of national culture. The authors conclude that when analyzing the pros and cons of Confucius Institutes, it is important to take into account the economic and political situation in the region where they operate. Otherwise, they risk being accused of serving as a Trojan horse. The article is based on recent Russian and Chinese sources, including academic writings and mass media publications, as well as the authors’ empirical research.

The article examines the conceptual foundations of China’s geoeconomic strategy and the features of its implementation in the context of the “awakening” of the Global South. The author employs a geoeconomic approach, which is used to examine various spatial economic-political phenomena, such as global economic projects, regional integration structures, economic and technological partnerships at various levels. The article identifies the key goals and objectives of China’s geoeconomic strategy in the context of the development of US-Chinese rivalry and increased international competition. It also provides an analysis of various aspects of China’s geoeconomic strategy, including diplomatic, trade and economic, financial, energy, resource, transport and logistics, scientific and technological, and digital. The study examines the Chinese interpretation of the concept of the “Global South,” with a particular focus on the positions of key states of the Global South in China’s geoeconomic strategy. It also analyzes China’s foreign policy approaches to developing interaction with key states of the Global South, including Indonesia, Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Türkiye, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, and Brazil. The topical issues of connecting Chinese economic projects with the national interests and international initiatives of key states of the Global South are considered. The article analyzes China’s strategic approaches to the development of non-Western-centric multilateral international associations, in which the People’s Republic of China (PRC) plays one of the leading roles (for example, BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization). At the same time, China’s initiatives to enhance engagement with regional and global international associations of states of the Global South and groups of countries are being explored. As a result of the study opportunities and limitations for China’s implementation of its geoeconomic strategy at the present stage are identified. The author concludes that the People’s Republic of China is seeking to intensify a new phase of globalization to address the long-term challenges facing its national development. As part of this phase of globalization, the economic potential of states in the Global South should be unlocked through their involvement in sustainable supply chains oriented towards China.

For several decades, the issue of human rights has been an instrument of Western pressure on China, and also serves as a pretext for foreign policy decisions (such as the imposition of sanctions). As part of its discursive policy, China has recently shifted from a defensive to an offensive position, including on the issue of human rights. This dynamic is considered in this study using the example of three issues that have been most actively discussed in Western discourse in recent years - Hong Kong, the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region and methods of combating COVID-19. The relevant discourse of China not only defended the right to its own development model, but also highlighted the shortcomings of Western systems. This discursive practice corresponds to the fundamental differences in the understanding of human rights in China and Europe, which are shown in the analysis of the provisions of the second chapter of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Constitution, the Charter of the European Union on Human Rights, and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. Despite the fact that European politicians see themselves as the main proponents of democratic rights and freedoms in the world, sociological surveys show a low level of satisfaction of respondents in the United Kingdom (UK), Germany, France and Italy with how the principles of democracy are respected in their own countries, against the backdrop of deep dissatisfaction with their economic situation. Moreover, in many ways, Europe’s position does not seem to be principled, but opportunistic, since China’s position on the topics mentioned above has not changed, but now European criticism has practically switched to the “Taiwan issue.”

China is the single largest state-based international actor that is a major threat to the continued hegemony of the United States’ unipolar order. As such, a campaign of obstructive foreign policy is being waged against China through the obstructive marketing of China as a sinister threat and unreliable actor against the ‘rules-based order.’ By attempting to undermine China’s soft power potential, it is hoped that China’s global rise can be constrained and contained. Drawing on an integrative type of literature review, this article examines attempts at ‘knowledge production’ through geopolitically subjective interpretations and representations by the U.S. and its allies of the modern type of geopolitically-influenced international conflicts - hybrid warfare. In the English language imagination, hybrid warfare is a politically charged and loaded term that assumes ill intent by the user upon the intended victim. According to the research estimates by foreign experts, the current foreign policy of international activities by China displays a hybrid character. The country is publicly accused of carrying out operations in the economic, cybernetic, geographical, geopolitical, psychological, information and ideological spaces. Currently, the notion of “Chinese hybrid warfare” is starting to become an increasingly popular mass communicated trope. However, the aggravation of Sino-American relations against the backdrop of the South China Sea, the Taiwan issue and the Russian special military operation gives us an opportunity to predict that China will increasingly be projected as an increasingly dangerous source of hybrid threat in the Western-centric discourse to contain its global rise and by default to try to preserve US global hegemony through a negative information campaign.

Since the early 2000s, China has been putting consistent efforts to push its way into the Arctic and secure a position as an equal participant in international political and economic processes in the region. The relevance of this research lies in the crucial importance of the Arctic for the Russian Federation and, consequently, the necessity of developing a balanced foreign policy approach based on an objective assessment of the strategies of major “players” in the region, including China, which is gradually expanding its presence in the Far North. Despite the considerable number of studies conducted by Russian and foreign scientists on various aspects of China’s Arctic policy, the long-term goals of Beijing in the Arctic in the context of its strategy to transform the global governance system remain insufficiently researched. This study aims to identify the key drivers of China’s Arctic policy and to assess the way the implementation of China’s approaches to the core issues of the future development of the region could pose a threat to Russia’s interests. The study is based on the theory of offensive realism, which allows to justify the high degree of competition between the world powers in the geopolitical space of the Arctic and to explain the significant offensive potential of China’s foreign policy, including its northern dimension. The author employed a combination of institutional, logical, and expert assessment methods. The cornerstone of the methodological framework of the research is the systematic approach, through which the Arctic policy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is analyzed in a variety of its components with respect to the changing international environment, as well as in the broader context of Beijing’s global foreign policy strategy. Based on the analysis of China’s Arctic policy over the past decades, the author identifies the risks associated with the increased involvement of Chinese capital in the infrastructure projects in the High North and the integration of Russia’s northern logistic route into China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which aims to transform the global economic system and the structure of international relations to China’s advantage.

In this study, the author examines the foreign policy of Y.V. Andropov and assesses the impact of his personal position on the Soviet-US and Sino-Soviet relations during his tenure as the leader of the Soviet Union. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity, and reliance on sources. It is proved that Y.V. Andropov adopted the foreign policy of the USSR from the position of the “hawks” in the Soviet leadership, which were represented by D.F. Ustinov. According to such a position, foreign policy should be absolutely subordinated to the interests of national security, which can only be guaranteed by the superiority of both nuclear and conventional forces over potential adversaries. Military power should be at the forefront of foreign policy decisions. Therefore, no matter on the issue of Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) in Europe, or on the issue of the armed forces on the Sino-Soviet and Sino-Mongolian borders, regardless of the objective changes in the situation, Y.V. Andropov always maintained a tough position. Author proves that the Soviet leader persistently rejected the reasonable proposals of diplomats and was unwilling to make any concessions that contradicted the ideas of military supremacy. This primarily concerned the issue of the INF deployment on the territory of Eastern Europe, which was a key topic of discussion at the Geneva negotiations. As a result, the Soviet Union could not avoid being drawn into the new round of the arms race provoked by the U.S. President Ronald Reagan, one of the results of which was the deployment of the American INF in Western Europe. In the East, he missed the opportunity to improve relations with China, which had begun to reorient itself away from confrontation with the USSR to building a balance in relations with the United States and the Soviet Union and continued a pointless confrontation with it. The foreign policy heritage that Y.V. Andropov left to his successors was an isolated and tense external environment in which there was few freedom of action. In addition, the growth of military expenditures caused by his tough line on foreign affairs aggravated the stagnation and crisis in the social-economic development of the USSR.

The study dedicates to the genetic problems of geopolitical doctrines associated with the attribution of institutional attributes to space. It analyses the ontological foundations of geopolitics and the possibilities of its effective use. The work demonstrates that the apparent instrumentality of the geopolitical method of research is based on myths taken on faith, that is, it lies outside the boundaries of scientific knowledge. Panideas, thalassocracy and tellurocracy, the concepts of Heartland and Rimland, etc., are used as basic mythologemes. The use of geopolitical argumentation in practical politics only serves as a cover for specific foreign policy actions. And that is why the study of geopolitics is of special interest to science. The article examines the category of additional space, which sometimes complements the concept of imaginary space and subsequently forms an important part of geopolitical theories. Examples of geopolitical constructs that have emerged in the Middle East, the Indo-Pacific and the South Atlantic are used to explore both their connection to classical geopolitics and the specificity of their own concepts. From this perspective, the Sinocentric concept of the world “Community of Common Destiny,” the geopolitical aspect of the Indian concept of Hindutva, Iranian and Turkish constructs based on panideas, the South African concept of the “Island of Africa,” the Japanese geopolitical projects of the “Great Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” and the “Security Diamond,” axial constructs of Brazilian and Indonesian geopoliticians. The methodological basis of the study is critical analysis, which means correlating the methodological basis of geopolitics with specific concepts and doctrines. As a result, the author concludes that the spread of geopolitical ideas formed in Western countries outside the Old World has only expanded and diversified the scope of their application, without bringing something new to them. In general, geopolitical constructs based on imaginary spaces, despite a certain demand in the world of science and politics, do not give an acceptable effect in both areas.

This study examines the importance of Myanmar for the formation of a Sino-centric macro-region through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The authors rely on the transit of power theory that helps to analyze systemic imperatives and internal characteristics of China’s foreign policy. The authors applied the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliability. In the first part of the work, the Chinese Belt and Road initiative is studied as a geostrategic tool of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The authors consider the features of its development and the strategic results of its implementation. In particular, the article emphasizes that this initiative is aimed at the formation of a Sino-centric macro-regional space. Based on this, the role of Myanmar is characterized as essential. The geographical location of this state allows China to gain access to the Indian Ocean, a transit region for energy resources, as well as to overcome one of the strategic vulnerabilities of its geopolitical position - the ‘Malacca dilemma.’ Moreover, as a border state, Myanmar is an indispensable link in the implementation of land and gas energy transport corridors of macro-regional importance. Finally, in the context of strategic competition between the United States and China, the importance of ensuring stability in critical proximity to the PRC’s state borders is growing, especially in the absence of a stable internal state situation in Myanmar. Among the additional factors, the authors highlight the importance of the mood of state and local elites for the development of this initiative. In this regard, the analysis of China’s reaction to the military coup in Myanmar in February 2021 was particularly indicative that Myanmar is of key importance because of its strategic location between China and the Indian Ocean, as well as its resource potential.

Zhao Tingyang is Professor of Philosophy at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Senior Research Fellow at the Berggruen Institute (USA). The research interests of Professor Zhao Tingyang include ontology, political philosophy, and the philosophy of history. His works on Tianxia theory have been translated into many languages, including German (Alles Unter dem Himmel, Suhrkamp, Germany), English (All-under-Heaven: The Tianxia System for a Possible World Order, University of California, USA; Redefining a Philosophy for World Governance, Palgrave Macmillan, UK), French (Tianxia tout sous un Meme Ciel, Cerf, France), Spanish (Tianxia: una filosofia para la gobernanza global, Herder, Spain), Italian (Tutto Sotto il Cielo, Ubalddini, Italy), and Polish (Nowa Filozofia ladu Swiatowego, Time Marszalek, Poland). In his interview, Zhao Tingyang reveals the details of his “Tianxia” concept, the essence of which is to establish a system of coexistence of peoples and states based on a renewed understanding of politics as “the art of transition from hostility to hospitality.” In such a system, as Professor Zhao Tingyang notes, the hegemony of one power over others is excluded, the risks of conflicts and large-scale crises are minimized, but opportunities are created for the development of all states on the principles of equality, rationality and improvement.

The sharp deterioration between Russia and the West that began in February 2022 has posed a serious challenge to the advancement of Arctic cooperation, which has become increasingly intense, fruitful, and, to a large extent, mutually beneficial for its participants over the past several decades. China, which has demonstrated to the world that it has ambitions in the region, is facing difficult challenges. In this regard, some research questions about Beijing’s Arctic strategy need to be addressed. Will the strengthening of cooperation with Russia harm the building of interaction with the other Arctic states? To what extent will the security crisis and the gradual transformation of the established system of international cooperation in the Arctic affect China’s plans to integrate the region into its global strategic projects? What role can China play in the future Arctic governance system? The objective of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of the changes currently taking place in China’s Arctic policy. The methodological foundation of the study is the theory of regional security complexes by B. Buzan and O. Wæver. It has been determined that the policy of building an Arctic identity, one of the key components of which is the securitization of the climate discourse, is meeting increasing resistance from Western countries. In the context of the current crisis, Beijing is also forced to balance its bilateral relations with Russia and the states of Northern Europe. The erosion of the existing international Arctic cooperation framework is highly undesirable for China, as it allowed Beijing to legitimately take a limited role in the governance of the region, as opposed to the regulatory regimes of total domination of the Arctic states (sectoral approach). However, at the doctrinal level, there has been a shift in the focus in China’s Arctic policy toward a more global vision of the region’s development. The foreign policy shift has been driven by a number of external factors, including the aftermath of the coronavirus pandemic and the intensifying Sino-American strategic confrontation.

The study examines the nature of the bilateral cooperation between Cambodia and Russia within the framework of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The authors employ the neorealist theory, which allows explaining the foreign policy of states by the desire to ensure their national interests. The principles of historicism and scientific objectivity are used, which allowed establishing how Cambodia and Russia build bilateral relations, relying on such an authoritative regional organization as ASEAN. The most interesting aspect of relations is the political one, since in the modern realities of globalization, in addition to the military and economic aspects of bilateral interaction between states claiming a significant role in the system of international relations, it is the political aspect that is of particular importance due to the need to create a new model of global governance. The purpose of the article is to determine the role of cooperation between Russia and Cambodia in the development of the international regime under the leadership of ASEAN, which is the core of regional integration processes. To achieve this goal, the authors analyze the evolution of relations between Russia and ASEAN from their inception to giving them the status of a strategic partnership in the context of Russia’s turn to the East. The authors then focus on the dynamics of Cambodia’s participation in ASEAN in the context of the national interests that this state seeks to implement in its foreign policy. In the final part, it was established how the Russian Federation and the Kingdom of Cambodia interact on the ASEAN platform. The authors emphasize the large-scale structure of cooperation between Russia and ASEAN. Based on the results of the analysis of the development of the bilateral dialogue, it was revealed that Cambodia’s accession to ASEAN became an impetus for the formation of mechanisms of bilateral cooperation, which was often carried out “on the sidelines” of the Association’s events. ASEAN’s core values have influenced Cambodia’s foreign policy, contributing to strengthening its cooperation with Russia at the present stage.

National symbols, such as flags, coats of arms and holidays are an essential part of national identity and a fundamental tool for forging collective identity. Catalan intellectuals who participated in the Renaixença movement with a view to reviving the Catalan language and literature sought to establish Catalan national symbols in the second half of the 19th century, although it was not until 1920s that the symbols system of Catalan nationalism was fully developed. The symbols of the rich and diverse Catalan cultural heritage include the National Day of Catalonia, or Diada (September 11th), the senyera flag, the anthem «Els Segadors», the sardana dance, the traditional hat called the barretina, the Montserrat Abbey and mountain, the cult of Saint George. When Miguel Primo de Rivera’s dictatorship was established in Spain in 1923, restrictions were imposed on Catalan intellectuals, which affected their professional life and the development of the whole region. The situation changed in 1931 when the Second Spanish Republic was proclaimed and the country experienced a cultural boom. Following the victory in the Civil War of 1936–1939, Franco’s regime implemented a repressive policy towards Catalonia, its cultural autonomy, language and traditions. As a result of the measures taken to unify and centralize the state many Catalan symbols took on a tragic meaning. The democratic transition, the new cultural boom and the liberal discourse that dominates contemporary Spain marked a new stage in the evolution of Catalan symbols. The national symbols that emerged in the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century are still important for Catalan society, its identity, historical and cultural heritage.

The first inhabitants of America must have come from Siberia, from the extreme north of Asia, and entered the American continent during the last glaciation, which began 110,000 years ago and ended around 10,000 BP. They had a magical worldview, felt closely connected to nature, and expressed their way of thinking through various rituals, ceremonies, offerings, songs, melodies and dances, while the new environment prompted them to create traditions, cults, and myths about their origin. At the same time, the indigenous people of America introduced a pantheon of deities for each event, for each fact of their existence, hence demonstrating that although humans are different because they are mortals, they speak the same language as their deities and ask them for sustenance and protection. In Mesoamerica and the Andean region, there are groups that still perform ceremonies and rituals to honor different deities. The indigenous world of America has been sustained in a parallel dimension where magical traditions and rituals help people to adapt and survive in the modern world. However, the religious interference of the Catholic Church during the Spanish colonial period affected indigenous groups, even the most radical ones, and led to a syncretism based on a new understanding of traditions. Nowadays, people perform rituals in the same snow-capped mountains where their ancestors worshipped deities and communicated with them. Images of Christian saints and the liturgy conducted in temples built by the Catholic Church were combined with the magical ideas of the indigenous population about common origin and the world. Thus, Christian doctrine transformed by incorporating traditional beliefs and ceremonies of the indigenous peoples, as it is these rituals that help them live harmoniously.

The synchronic analysis of the contemporary cultural life in the Latin American communicative community shows that the art of embroidery, traditionally transmitted from generation to generation mainly by women, undergoes significant changes in terms of values. Embroidery has come to be perceived not as an applied art but as one of the fine arts as it has evolved from a simple decorative process toward the transmission of meanings, emotions, and ideas through methods of working with fabrics and threads specific to a particular nation. Since the second half of the 20th century, the «intimate» art of embroidery has become collective. It has spread beyond people’s homes to be practiced in garment workshops, hence fostering a space of communication between artisans and allowing them to work together, in unison. The public space created around embroidery gradually goes beyond workshops and begins to embrace broader sectors, encouraging numerous dialogues, namely those between seamstresses and authorities, between artisans from different workshops, from different towns, cities and countries. By exposing injustice and the denial of human rights embroidery has become an international instrument of social and political struggle. The authors of this study examine embroidery within the framework of Latin American artivism and define it as a traditional form of protest art in the region. The diachronic analysis of Latin American embroidery of the past century is instrumental in shedding new light on certain events of regional history. Thus, embroidery has become an invaluable encyclopedia of people’s heroism in their struggle against inequality and oppression.

Traditional folktales are an essential part of the Spanish folklore heritage. Folktales have echoes of the ancient mythological worldview and people’s experience accumulated over centuries. In Spanish, the term cuento is used in combination with the following adjectives: cuento folclórico, cuento popular, cuento tradicional. The traditional features of a folktale include a concise prosaic form, fantastical elements, a special chronotope, static characters, a fixed composition, language rich in traditional elements and mnemonics. Animal tales are considered the most ancient, then other types of folktales arose. Spanish folklorists distinguish such genres as cuentos novelescos, cuentos maravillosos, cuentos humanos varios, chistes y anécdotas, cuentos ejemplares y morales, cuentos religiosos, cuentos de nunca acabar, cuentos de fórmulas fijas. Spanish researchers’ interest in folktales grew in the 19th century, when a substantial body of folklore was accumulated thanks to the work of costumbrists and positivists. The philological study of Spanish folktales begins with the collections of A.M. Espinosa. Animal tales, as well as magical ones, are similar to the texts of the European tradition. The former often have a plot derived from antiquity and medieval bestiaries, while the latter share a unique compositional structure analyzed by V. Propp. The language of Spanish folklore is rich in formulas. The initial formulas open the world of the folktale, the intermediate ones serve to develop the plot, and the final ones emphasize the fictional features of the story. Household tales highlight national peculiarities the most as they depict traditional Spanish occupations and details of everyday life, explore moral issues and popular humor.

Since the first half of the 19th century, Russian theater appears to be genuinely drawn to Spanish dramaturgy, starting to convey the ideals of Spanish culture and incorporating Spanish mythologems. This intense and long-lasting passion for Spain can be attributed to the Russian culture seeking to acquire some of its features. Thus, Pedro Calderón’s play «The Surgeon of his honour», staged in 1830 by the great Russian actor Vasily Karatygin, was a manifestation of Russian «hispanophilia» in the 1820s, nurtured by the Russian Romantics’ interest in the revolutionary events in Spain. In the 1860s–1870s, during the era of liberal reforms initiated by Alexander II of Russia, performances based on the works of Lope de Vega resonated with the most pressing socio-political issues of Russia. In 1915, in the midst of World War I, Vsevolod Meyerhold staged Calderón’s play «The Constant Prince» which highlighted the world’s beauty and vulnerability. The success of Spanish comedies in the late 1930s and 1940s stood in stark contrast to the era of harsh trials. The directors of the second half of the 20th century sought to distance themselves as much as possible from the stereotypical way of staging Spanish performances that emerged in the USSR in the 1940s: Andrey Goncharov wanted to present Spain as a country of «dusty roads and braying donkeys», while Sergey Barkhin alluded to Spanish mannerism in Leonid Jeifets’ performance «Jealous of Herself». Consequently, the tradition of staging Spanish plays in Russian theaters manifested itself in attempts to go beyond the «popular» Spain, to find another Spain and new forms of portraying it on stage.

The diversity and heterogeneity of onomastic concepts is a driving force behind research into anthroponymy, one of the most important areas of scientific knowledge. The art of studying and describing linguistic and extralinguistic characteristics by systematizing proper names, deserves the attention of linguists, ethnologists, culturologists, cognitive scientists, sociologists and other specialists. The anthroponym is a phenomenal component of the onym, a symbolic and unique construction, which is inextricably linked to a person’s outlook and ethnocultural world view. The proper name, whose functions include identification and differentiation, is a tool for self-understanding and recognizing one’s individuality. Anthroponymy, in turn, has an anthropological, historical, sociological and linguistic dimension and plays an important role in people’s understanding of their past and present. Until early eighties of the 20th century, onomastics was terra incognita for Ibero-Romance researchers, although the concept of anthroponymy was introduced in 1911 by the Portuguese ethnographer J. Leite de Vasconcelos Pereira de Melo, who pointed out that it was essential to study the multifaceted semantic content of Ibero-Romance personal names, patronymics and surnames. The semantics of the anthroponymic model involves cultural and historical characteristics typical of the current period, pinpoints telltale signs that the name bearer belongs to a certain social class, and contains information about local traditions or ideology. With that in mind, Russian and foreign researchers of the 21st century maintain that anthroponymy expands the boundaries of linguistics and has the potential to unite many humanities, as it provides a starting point to analyze particular aspects of various disciplines.

Rodeo is considered an important national symbol in Chile. The evolution of this cultural phenomenon throughout history reveals that it has not always enjoyed the recognition it has today. The first rodeos in Chile were held in the second half of the 16th century, but this word used to have a different meaning at the time. In the colonial era of Spanish America, «rodeo» referred to herding cattle (derived from the verb rodear meaning «to surround»), a hard and dangerous task in the vast expanses of the New World. Four centuries later, on January 10, 1962, the Chilean Olympic Committee officially recognized rodeo as a national sport that nowadays means a lot more to Chileans than a mere spectacle. Reflecting on how and why Chilean society, especially the intellectual elite, changed its attitude towards rural life helps to understand the fundamental characteristics of Chilean national identity. In the late 19th and early 20th century, when Chilean society sought national self-determination, criollista writers turned their attention to rural life and found that the huaso rider, the protagonist of the rodeo, embodied Chilean ethnotypic spirit. The idealized image of the Chilean cowboy, born on the pages of books and immortalized in early 20th-century cinema, resonated with different strata of society. Today rodeo, which used to be a key element of everyday life in Central Chile, has become part of the entire country’s intangible cultural heritage and a significant symbol of the Chilean nation, which began to take shape in times of the Conquest.

This paper analyzes the concepts of time and consciousness in three works by Jorge Luis Borges. In «The Garden of Forking Paths», the phenomenon of a rhizomorphic labyrinth produces a limitless net of times, forking, converging and parallel to each other. It supposes a huge series of events, developing and coming out simultaneously as a multiplicity of scenarios. Since such kind of a labyrinth has no primary vector, its every point can generally connect to any other point. That is why the inner novel, a world of pure fiction inserted by the author into the main story can interfere with the life of its main characters. «A New Refutation of Time» is at first glance supposed to prove in all possible ways the inexistence of time at the level of metaphysics. However, as a human being, Borges declares himself unable to oppose and resist its implacable course. The third work considered here, «The Rose of Paracelsus», is distant from «The garden of forking paths» as regards the time of publication; nonetheless, it helps to establish unexpected intertextual relations, while the representation of facts as a myth is among its highlights. The reality of creation and destruction constantly present in the work of Borges is described and interpreted as a series of events that occur in the course of time; hence the tale «The South» is also discussed from this point of view. Generally, the works examined emphasize the complexity of time as a multifaceted phenomenon and make the reader think about how unique every moment is.

In Colombia and Peru, national music and national musical instruments are essential elements of cultural heritage, yet their importance goes beyond culture. The promotion of national musical instruments also pursues the two countries’ social, economic and political development goals. Traditional music, shaped in Colombia and Peru by the customs of indigenous peoples, African rhythms and the legacy of the Spanish Empire, embodies the rich history and culture of the indigenous peoples, helps to preserve traditions and national identity. The study seeks to answer the following questions related to the development and implementation of national instruments in Colombia and Peru: what are the key features of the national instruments in these countries? How are they developed and implemented? What are the challenges and opportunities arising from using them? How do they contribute to achieving the two countries’ development goals? The popularization of national music and musical instruments fosters the feeling of belonging and social cohesion, promotes tourism and plays an important role in education. Music is also related to political processes, as it has become an element of electoral campaigns and a factor to be taken into account when elaborating a national policy on culture and tourism. At the same time, the promotion of music and national instruments poses a number of challenges, including insufficient state funding, lack of official structures to promote local traditions, social and political barriers. Still, music is of paramount importance for Colombia and Peru: musical instruments are not only part of the entertainment industry but also national symbols that harmonize development and cultivate cultural pride.

Book review: Catlos B.А. Kingdoms of Faith: A New History of Muslim Spain. – Moscow: Medina ID, 2024. – 608 p.The Muslim period in the history of Spain is mostly associated with Moorish art and the brutal but just Reconquista that culminated with the fall of Muslim Granada. However, the book «Kingdoms of Faith: A New History of Muslim Spain» by B. Catlos tells a very different story of the Muslim Spain known as al-Andalus. The author intends to offer a new vision of the Arab-Berber conquest of Spain with readers who might not be closely familiar with this period, focusing on the sociocultural interaction of the religious communities that inhabited the Iberian Peninsula at the time. The work combines well-known and little-known historical facts into a single narrative line that encapsulates nine centuries of Iberian history, from the Muslim conquest of the Visigothic Kingdom in 711 to the expulsion of the Moriscos (Muslims converted to Catholicism) from Spain in 1614. This is a review of a book that reconsiders common myths about the Arab-Muslim state of al-Andalus, Reconquista and the phenomenon of convivencia.

The article analyses the current state and development of International Relations research in Turkey, with an emphasis on the possible causes of its periphery status and the growth points for the formation of independent theoretical approaches. The author considers the features of the development of International Relations study and education and the reasons for the lack of attention given to local theories. The analysis uses official statistical data, results of surveys, biographical profiles of leading Turkish researchers in International Relations, and their reflections on the identified problem, as well as Turkish publications in the field of International Relations with theoretical novelty. The author concludes that the prospects for Russian-Turkish relations are determined, among other things, by the ability of the Turkish International Relations school to defend its independence and develop original theoretical approaches, or to begin with, adapt non-Western theories. At present, Turkey in theoretical terms still remains in the Western orbit, but demonstrates a strong political demand to overcome this dependence. The Turkish academic community has not yet overcome the phase of critical rethinking of Western-centrism; it is only preparing to show an interest in non-Western theories of International Relations, and searching for grounds for constructing theories based on their own local environment, history and culture. The underdevelopment of theoretical research in International Relations in Turkey, despite the negative influence of its pro-Western dependence, provides scope for cooperation and positive integration for the Russian and Turkish academic environment. The acquaintance of Turkish researchers with Russian traditions and approaches to International Relations is essential for the successful development of Russian-Turkish relations.

In recent years, researchers of far-right radicalism have shown interest in the contribution of radical conservatives to the modern theory of international relations. This study focuses on the ideas of the German intellectual movement of the New Right in the FRG in relation to the challenges of world politics. The aim of the study is to analyze the evolution of the political language of the movement’s representatives according to two stages: the Cold War phase of the second half of the 20th century; and the modern stage of development from 2013 to the present. The methodological basis of the paper is the analysis of political texts within the framework of the Cambridge School of the History of Ideas. This method allows us to identify the political problems and opponents of the New Right, to reproduce the political contexts in which the theorists acted, and to identify the cultural resources of the ideologues’ political language. The findings of the study illustrate that the main challenge of the New Right throughout its existence is to ensure national security and increase the political power of the Federal Republic of Germany. The fulfillment of this goal required the development of a foreign policy concept that would ensure the dominance of the FRG in Continental Europe. Despite the fact that the intellectual sources of the ideology of the New Right were not directly related to the theory of international relations, the theses of the theorists are closest to the school of political realism. At the same time, the pro-European ideological positions of the New Right appear to be constrained and, as a consequence, irrelevant among right-wing populists of Europe and the United States. This conclusion allows us to reject the assertion that the goal of the New Right is to revolutionize the existing system of international relations.

This paper examines the epistemological approaches employed by Georgian researchers in the field of Political Science over the past five years. It is grounded in an initial, generalized study of a topic that has been largely overlooked by both local and international scholars. Through a review of the literature and an analysis of the research conducted by leading local scientists, the paper posits that there are no well-established or deeply rooted political schools of thought in Georgia, as traditionally understood, due to the country’s Soviet past. As a result, universities and the entire field of Political Science are products of the democracy proliferation reforms.These reforms were implemented with strong support from Western strategic allies, particularly the United States and the European Union. Currently, the field is heavily influenced by dominant Western theories of Political Science and International Relations, such as liberalism, neoliberalism, and liberal institutionalism. Moreover, the discipline is inherently oriented toward Civic Education, with a primary focus on democracy promotion rather than critical studies. Georgian scholars tend to research topics and apply theories that align with mainstream Western narratives. This tendency is significantly influenced by financial and logistical dependence on Western grants and scholarships.

This study examines the landscape of Russian International Relations (IR) scholarship, offering a quantitative analysis of thematic trends in Russian IR publications using data from the OpenAlex bibliographic database. We employed Structural Topic Modeling (STM) on 13,705 articles published between January 2000 and May 2024, ensuring methodological rigor through language standardization, text preprocessing, and exclusion of irrelevant texts. While prior research on Russian IR has mostly been descriptive, often focusing on typologies or prescriptive arguments, our study uncovers several underexplored attributes. Notably, Soviet-era legacies persist thematically rather than paradigmatically, and developmental issues such as inequality and justice are disproportionately represented. The systemic approach remains dominant, with Russian scholarship striving to integrate regional perspectives into the global context. Traditional focuses on Russian foreign policy and its great-power status persist, with a shift from identity issues to reinforcing this status. Despite strained relations with Europe, it remains a key focus in Russian works. Interestingly, topics on education and culture now surpass those on conflict and security, although this may be influenced by data characteristics or OpenAlex indexing.

This article is devoted to the problems and prospects for the development of international relations science in Tropical Africa. The study examines the phenomenon of African agency (subjectivity) at two levels: foreign policy expertise and practice, with a special emphasis on the first level. African agency is a conceptualization of the continent’s dependent development in the context of the agent-structural problem in international relations, which allows, through a constructivist approach, to more realistically convey the main features of international relations on the continent.The article presents the instrumental and even manipulative aspect of the “African agency” narrative, with special attention paid to the limits of agency. Among them is the insufficient level of distribution of high-quality secondary and higher education, especially in national languages.The Soviet experience of Mali’s social science emerging from the “intellectual cocoon” of the former metropolis is shown. The problem of financing leading African think tanks on international relations, including their dependence on Western and Chinese sources, as well as the increasing hierarchy of international relations science, which negatively affects the state of affairs on the continent.An analysis of the participation of African researchers in international conferences, including within the framework of the International Studies Association (ISA), is conducted. Much attention is paid to positive examples of the development of African agency, e.g. five International Congresses of Africanists in the 1960–1980s, as well as the activities of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA). The main elements of the successful development of CODESRIA in the 1970–1980s are presented. Conclusions are made on the prospects for strengthening agency in international studies of Africa in the context of modern geopolitical transformations.