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The aim of this paper is to analyze national narratives of the French francs of 1954-1956 from the perspective of Roland Barthes's Mythologies, which demystifies bourgeois myths produced during the mentioned period. Although Mythologies doesn't examine visual design of money, the book proposes analytical instruments that help to understand why coins and paper money qua material products of ideology depict certain images in certain historical periods. The main character on French coins in 1954-1956 is Marianne, the personification of French Republic. Together with the image of Gallic rooster they represent revolutionary ideals of the First Republic. These connotations are of special significance following the WWII when the Vichy regime used the symbols signifying relations with the Nazi Germany. The banknotes in circulation during 1954-1956 in France have two trends in visual design. The early post-war series portray famous persons, ordinary people, allegories and ancient gods, including female images which, in contrast to feminine Marianne, are designed mostly as androgynes. The new series of banknotes promotes the national narrative of masculine «Frenchness» and depicts such persons as Victor Hugo, Cardinal Richelieu, Henry IV, Napoleon Bonaparte and Moliere. The only woman to be included in visual design of French banknotes in 1994, although not French by birth, is Marie Curie. Visual design of banknote series issued for the former French colonies (Africa and Indochina) draws on highly exotic images of local people and rarely includes characters from metropolitan discourse, which correlates with the photograph of African soldier in French uniform analyzed by Barthes in his «Myth Today». Another interesting point is that during the WWII the Vichy regime issued banknotes with the images of colonial people as well as of French people, which makes them equal in the visual representations loyal to the Nazi Germany. To conclude, although most French coins and banknotes of 1954-1956 portray famous people or figures that appeal to national idea, these images do not constitute the unified myth system and instead demonstrate different aspects of «Frenchness». After the Euro was introduced in France in 2003, French national narratives could only be promoted with Euro coins depicting the portrait of Marianne (which became a tradition in French visual design of money). The portrait of Europa, included in the Euro banknote series in 2014, also follows this tradition and frames European discourse in chronological, geographical and political senses. However, in the context of dematerialization of money the tendency to use visual design as an ideological tool is problematic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Stratum Plus Journal is the property of P.P. Stratum plus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper discusses the peculiarities of the English loanword loser, which, according to the author, has become one of the key concepts in the usage of contemporary society. The paper focuses on the usage of this word in different languages, and to be more precise, in the practice of different cultures while placing considerable emphasis on the Russian discourse. Also, general cultural reasons for the word being so popular across different cultures (the feeling of the world crisis, the prevalence of virtual models of behaviour, life in "the society of performance") and an attempt to distinguish different modifications of the notion in the Russian language are presented in the paper. It is claimed that in the Russian language the word loser and other concepts connected with it are a construct of the fight among different life ideologies, whereas due to the "appeal to moral evaluations" (Wierzbicka) this word becomes an element of moral discourse. Having become the description of all possible life problems, the word loser becomes an instrument for people to regularly reflect on their "life project". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious populism has gained momentum in the last decade. Extensive research covers the evolution of it from both religious and political leaders perspective. However, limited attention is paid to religious populism in Orthodox states. This paper adresses this gap in the literature and aims to emphasize the populist religious narratives, from the perspective of Slavic Orthodoxy. It uses Russia as a case study due to its Orthodox majority, its particular internet infrastructure and active Orthodox Church at the socio-political level. The analysis draws on a new data set: online speeches disseminated by Ortho-bloggers in the orto-sphere of Russian RuNet. The results indicate the presence of populist religious narratives, on background of a particular ideology and a specific relationship between the Russian state and the Russian Orthodox Church. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper describes and comments some philosophical-anthropologically oriented discourses emphasizing important COVID 19 epidemic related topics. The related ideas and theses of some Bulgarian and foreign philosophers, known intellectuals, sociologist, writers are outlined. Among the most debated problems are focused: the epidemic as a consequence of the ideology of activism, consumerism and unlimited developing society; the epidemic and the contradictions of globalization; the epidemic, freedom and the state control; the epidemic and the low level of trust in political elites; social innovation, social destruction, normality and the epidemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. Calendars for schoolchildren are a type of extracurricular literature intended to form in students a complete picture of the world in accordance with ideological, scientific, moral and ethical concepts accepted in society. Pedagogical and educational material in calendar publications is placed in chronological order to serve as a source of information about the alternation of months and days of the week, significant dates and public holidays, as well as astronomical phenomena. In addition to the dates of the general calendar, school calendars include dates and events that are significant for children. These include children's holidays, anniversaries of children's writers, dates of the creation of children's and youth organizations, dates of life of young heroes, etc. Analysis of historical material allows to see the specifics of a successfully implemented calendar project and outline the prospects for its use in modern educational and pedagogical practices. Purpose – analysis of the history of the calendar project for schoolchildren of the XIX-XX centuries and prospects for its use in modern conditions. Materials and methods. Historical and genetic method based on the use of historical artifacts and their analytical study. Results. Studying the history of calendars for schoolchildren and high school students shows the role and significance of the calendar format in the system of domestic education and upbringing. The significance of the calendar for schoolchildren, presented today on various media (paper or electronic), is not limited to its history. The calendar remains an important form of systematization of knowledge about the world, based on the chronological principle. The continuation of the calendar project is moving in the direction of spiritual and historical education of schoolchildren and has good prospects for implementation.

Objective: to compare the ideologies of liberalism and socialism in economic science in the context of the current stage of their evolution. For this purpose, the paper identifies the goals of these ideologies by analyzing the scientific narratives of economists. The study is also aimed at identifying similarities and differences between the ideologies of liberalism andsocialism. Methods: qualitative methods, narrative analysis, review of scientific literature. Results: the comparison of common interpretations of the “ideology” concept in various branches of economics and in other social sciences shows differences in terminology. The comparison of the liberalism and socialism ideologies in economics shows the difference between the declared goals of liberals and socialists. The goal of liberalism ideology is human freedom,and of socialism ideology – distribution equality. The ideologies considered are internally heterogeneous and have evolved over time. At present, liberalism is continued in neoliberalism, which aims at increasing the population wealth rather than freedom as an end in itself. There are non-egalitarian interpretations of the essence of socialism, which reduce it to the economy governmentalization. There are also debates about the advantages of the market over centralized planning in socialism. The extremes of the ideologies of liberalism and socialism can be clearly distinguished, but in practice, many studies take an intermediate position. A common feature of liberalism and socialism is their modernist character and criticism of archaic economic institutions designed to redistribute wealth from the poor to the rich. Scientific novelty: it consists in identifying the economic goals proclaimed by the ideologies of liberalism and socialism, based on the analysis of the relevant theoretical narratives in scientific literature. Practical significance: it is determined by the need to understand the factors influencing the economists’ worldview. Studying the ideologies of liberalism and socialism is useful for understanding the intent of the authors of recommendations for improving the institutions of the modern Russian economic order.

Copyright of Pregled is the property of University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the peculiarities of the correlation between popular culture and society in the space of ideologies: both on the level of social daily occurrence and on the level of the dynamic of reflecting these ideologies in narratives and genre clichés of popular culture. In particular, the paper deals with how popular culture utilizes historical material. For instance, history gains specific significance for the speculative fiction genre. The real history transformation becomes a foundation for critical analytics of the current state of affairs, while history itself mirrors modernity. Exploring Ukrainian texts, the author of the article argues that alternative history (for the 1990s-2000s) was a platform for constructing metaphors of the sense of cultural incoherence after going beyond the unified cultural and ideological Soviet space. Further, the development of the alternative history genre in Ukraine has been connected with the formation of historical memory. At the same time, texts about “popadancy” have been dominating in Russian-language science fiction in the last two decades. The transformation of this area developed from dealing with psychological issues of “a small person in the atomized society” to transforming this genre into a propaganda machine that exploits revanchist sentiment in modern-day Russia. The important element of the process of mutual influence between popular culture and society becomes fandom – socially active consumers of popular culture content. Fandom grows in the shadow of popular culture but becomes a channel that connects ideologies actualized in this culture, and society. The article considers general changes in post-Soviet fandom as well as attempts to identify the connection between these changes and the transformation of the ideologies in Ukraine and Russia. In particular, the paper concludes that Ukrainian fandom gains autonomy and cultural gap with the unified cultural space in the post-Soviet area in the background of the beginning of the Russo- Ukrainian war in 2014.

Using discourse analysis, this paper examines the female readers' attitudes towards fashion and clothing which were expressed in their letters published in the journal Women's world: the organ of Serbian women's charity associations. The first part of the paper describes the programme and dominant ideology of fashion that was promoted in the journal. That ideology is then compared to opinions and attitudes that are expressed in the letters of female readers. Final analysis observes the connection between fashion and notions of tradition, moral, and emancipation of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The biographical essay is dedicated to the literary situation with Alexei Remizov in 1926 connected with his activities for the new journals — Blagonamerenny and Versty. Based on previously unknown materials from Remizov’s personal archive, correspondence and memoirs of his contemporaries involved in the events, the paper interprets Remizov’s position as an active participant of literary process. The paper describes the writer’s creative tasks that were realized in the above-mentioned periodicals, and his mission as a promoter of young talents in Soviet Russia and in emigration. Detailed analysis of the critical articles that accused the editors of both journals as well as their co-worker Remizov of destroying the Russian literary diaspora ideological integrity and aesthetic canons, allows to define the main contradictions in the émigré literary life that had accumulated by 1926. The essay also reconstructs previously unknown episodes in the history of Blagonamerenny and Versty using letters of Remizov, D.A. Shakhovskoy, L. Shestov, N. Berberova that are being introduced into scholarly discourse.

Ideology is an important component of text production and reception, and therefore of translation. In the paper, we address the translation of ideology through the prism of the intergroup threat theory. The resulting intergroup mediation perspective is a practical framework aimed at helping translators to evaluate whether an ideological recontextualisation may be desirable when dealing with divergence in ideological contexts between the author, the source text readership and the target text audience. The framework includes ideology shifts analysis in terms of the roles ideology can play in a text: it can constitute a part of the message (foreground) or belong to the background. Although applicable rather generally, the framework is derived from an example-based study of news translation. The study focuses on translation between French, English and German using examples form online versions of major European news media, such as the French Le Monde and Le Figaro , the German Zeit Online and Die Welt , and the British The Independent , The Telegraph and Guardian . The paper allows for a better understanding of ideology-related problems in translation, helps identify essential factors influencing translator’s choices and could be used as a guidance in translation practice. Also, considering the formal character of the framework, it could eventually serve as a basis for handling ideology-related issues in machine translation in the news industry.

Introduction. The paper attempts to clarify the relation between ideas and concepts in philosophy seen as science and worldview. The author analyzes these forms of philosophical thought and reveals their epistemological similarities, as well as their essential and notional differences.Materials and Methods. The paper draws upon monographs and papers by Russian and foreign scholars focusing on issues connected with the analysis of philosophical ideas and notions. The methods implemented are comparative analysis, historico-philosophical synthesis, generalization, idealization, abstraction, and interpretation.Results. The central issue explored in the paper concerns similarities and differences between philosophical ideas and concepts. Philosophers do not have serious disagreements over the notion of a concept, but there is no consensus on what an idea is. While many thinkers seem to reduce ideas to representations, a philosophical idea is clearly different from a common opinion. Most notably, it must be expressed in form of a concept – the fact that characterizes it as an act of thinking. Analyzing these forms of thinking, the author arrives at the following conclusions: 1. Concepts reflect essence, ideas reflect aim (an ideal). 2. Concepts are a form of knowledge and are limited to the cognitive sphere; ideas pertain to understanding and are impactful. 3. Concepts are value-neutral, ideas are value-oriented. 4. Concepts are more static, ideas are more dynamic. 5. Philosophical concepts are usually anonymous, ideas are authorial. Ideas endow concepts with their original essence, while concepts endow ideas with their theoretical form. Without the creative power of ideas concepts degrade into banal epigonic thoughts. Thus, ideas and concepts are forms of thinking that have different purposes, but are still deeply connected and interchangeable.Discussion and Conclusions. The understanding of ideas proposed in the paper goes against the currently dominant epistemological tradition which regards ideas as opinions, views, or representations and in doing so renders the term conceptually indeterminable. The heuristic and creative potential possessed by ideas that influence and stimulate the development of philosophy should be adequately evaluated. The essential role that ideas play in history should not be ignored as well. While ideas express interests of different social groups, they should not be equated with interests, as philosophical ideas are meant to express fundamental issues of human essence and existence.

The paper examines the phenomenon of cosmopolitanism in the modern world. The article presents the work of various theorists and political philosophers to develop the author's terminology for each of these concepts and integrate the subjectivist approach into these designations. Modern researchers have different approaches to the theory of cosmopolitanism and the idea of realizing world citizenship, which leads to actualization of the topic itself. And due to the fact that the topic of cosmopolitanism is polemical, the search for the foundations, nature, status of the cosmopolitan idea, and its interpretation, is currently becoming the main task of supporters of universal citizenship, while the goal of critics of the presented theory is a consistent critical analysis of modern projects and the idea of the world civil status itself. Aim. To identify the specifics of the ideology of "cosmopolitanism" and the critical characteristics of the utopian idea of "world citizenship". Object. Representation of political ideologies. Subject. The specifics of emergence and development of ideas of cosmopolitanism. Results. It is proved that the modern information society was created to implement the concept of cosmopolitanism and world citizenship. In the modern world, thanks to globalization, the lines between ethnic, confessional and cultural identity are blurred. There are prerequisites for a new citizenship – world citizenship. Conclusions. Two of the most obvious negative aspects of cosmopolitanism were identified, which give the ideology a utopian design: firstly, the loss of individualism and identity; secondly, the weakening of the national and cultural characteristics of a particular state that have been developing in this territory for centuries, adherents of patriotism treat cosmopolitan ideas negatively, believing that they undermine their values.

This paper will illustrate how discourse analysis had been incorporated in Translation Studies. Discourse Analysis originated in Applied Linguistics and refers to the investigation of language in use. Depending on whether the term ‘discourse’ is understood in a narrower or a wider sense, discourse analysis aims at examining the structure and the function of lan­guage in various contexts and/or at revealing patterns of belief and habitual action, as well as social roles and power relations (Critical Discourse Analysis). Since translation can be char­acterised as an act of communication across linguistic and cultural boundaries, with source text and target text representing language in use, concepts and methods of discourse analysis have been found useful for Translation Studies. The paper will provide some examples of such research.

The article is devoted to the phenomenon of political modalization, which is an integral feature of the modern media discourse and can be defined as an ideological interpretation of facts and events reported in the media. The relevance of this paper is due to the interest of scientists to the political function of language, the study of which inevitably raises the problem of the relationship between language and politics. The aim of the work is to describe the linguistic means involved in the implementation of political modalization in the English media discourse. This goal is achieved by applying the methods of seme, contextual and linguistic stylistic analysis, as well as the method of critical discourse analysis. The research is based on British and American media 2014–2018. The paper claims that the basis of political modalization is the ideological assessment influenced by the factor of acceptance or rejection of a particular phenomenon. The author analyzes such means of political modalization as manipulation of nominations, evaluative vocabulary, ideologemes, antonymic oppositions, contrast, conceptual metaphors, irony, morphological means, means of expressive syntax. This analysis expands the understanding of both the mechanisms of political modalization and the linguistic creativity of English-speaking journalists who use various modal units to represent the political reality that meets the interests of certain political forces and contributes to the spread of their ideology. These results are relevant for the development of discursive and political linguistics, as well as pragmalinguistics and linguistic stylistics as they identify effective ways of English-speaking journalists’ influence on a mass audience. The article can be useful for linguists, journalists and politicians in both theoretical and applied aspects.

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper focusses on the influence of ideological (political) issues on linguistic studies, specifically on the long debated issue of substratum heritage of Romanian. Though often downplayed, the ideological (in most cases political) dimension of humanistic studies is obvious, and it explains some of the approaches to history and, in our case, to historical linguistics that one observes. The general situation is described through some case studies. In the second half of the 19th century, the field was dominated by the outstanding personality of Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu. After his death, there was no significant approach to the complex and difficult problems related to the substratum of Romanian, or to other problems in comparative analyses. No consistent and coherent approach to these issues emerged until the late 1960's, i.e. almost a century later! Between 1969, when the first relevant analysis was published, and the 1980's, when most such studies were published, little of value appeared, despite the volume of material published. Their results were more amateurish than reliable. Though the study of the substratum heritage it is often associated with extreme nationalism or other forms of political extremism ('extreme right' or 'extreme left' or whatever), including those recent variants labelled 'thracomania' or 'dacomania' and other amateurish approaches to the topic, the problem of Romanian's substratum heritage is nonetheless a complex, difficult and fascinating one. It will continue to present a challenge as long as there is no consensus among linguists. Substratum influence has more often been underestimated than exaggerated; the number of substratum elements seems to be considerably higher than the currently accepted 200 hundred words, a total that seems to have been uncritically copy-pasted from one author to another. This paper tries to give a new impetus to research in the field. The author has discussed other aspects of the field elsewhere.

The following study examines the critical interplay between ideology, mediated reality, and the role that individuals’ perceptions, beliefs, and actions play in this process. In doing so, the study delves into the examination of the way power structures and dominant narratives proceed into influencing cultural expression and, consequently, impact social action. It is thus argued that in contemporary society, the Situationist notion of “the spectacle” has replaced any understanding of reality and created a reified social world dominated by commodities that reinforce dominant ideologies and determine subjective perceptions. Furthermore, the paper addresses the impact of this mediated reality on personal subjectivity and agency. Drawing on Marx’s metaphor of the “camera obscura” as ideology, it argues for a transformative “reversal of perspective” that changes how individuals view and engage with their environment. Ultimately, this study underscores the profound impact of “the spectacle” on social relations, ideology, and perception. It argues for a transformative and creative approach that challenges individuals to resist the grasp of the spectacle, reclaim their agency, and develop new perspectives for interacting with the world. The extensions of the gaze subtly refer to the basis of economy manifested as “false consciousness” reflected by the camera obscura as an inverted image but readjusted with the tools of spectacles and mirrors within the reflective apparatus.

Human e/migration across the Mediterranean increased significantly in the first part of the 21st century. At the mercy of people smugglers, migrants who succeed in crossing the seas face uncertain futures in Europe. Such immigration is at the heart of political debate in Europe, where right-wing populist parties have made significant gains because of their opposition to it. These parties tend to view human migration as a negative phenomenon, using familiar and by now even clichéd cultural and socio-political arguments against it. This study explores some of these discursive tropes. Rather than following studies that use a critical discourse paradigm, the paper’s main aim is to identify positive discourse and practice that might represent models for future behaviour in this context. It focuses on a discussion on recent migration involving Italy and, by applying tools of pragmatic analysis, united to knowledge of the socio-political background, traces some underlying trends in migrant reception. The data analysed were gathered by interviewing an Italian mayor who has attracted hostility from right-wing media for his novel approach to migrants, whose needs are met by finding them a place in the local social context. Findings suggest that, in certain circumstances, the migratory phenomenon may benefit not just the subjects involved but also the places concerned. The study thus foregrounds the degree to which welcoming the cultural other counters social discourses that currently appear triumphant in mainstream media and electoral processes.

Donetsk is a young industrial city. This is captured in the history of its naming, reflective of the transformations of the politics of the two empires: Yuzovka - Stalino - Donetsk. There are few fictional works devoted to Donetsk in Soviet literature. It is local, regional literature, created by natives of the region from the 1930s to the 1980s. Donetsk's art-journalistic metatext was formed along with the city transforming itself from a worker's settlement into the capital of industrial Donbass. After October 1917 the city and metatext of Donetsk consistently "did not remember", "did not see" its origins - Yuzovka - but was concentrated on the Soviet present of the region. The historically conditioned multinational of Yuzovka, under the pressure of Soviet policy and ideology, was transformed into an internationality based on the dominance of the Soviet (essentially Russian) man and his local kind: the Donbasovets. The aspirations to level out the national diversity of the region, to obscure the role of people with Ukrainian roots, and to replace it with the politicised internationalization in the fabric of the works have found their semantic and ideological limit. This limit intensified when the depersonalisation of national-cultural features of the city, region was artificially imposed and it manifested in speech, everyday realities, and the memorial culture of the common people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nowadays the Ukrainian historical and philosophical science is going through a harsh crisis of methodology, caused bydistortion of universal coordinates of scientific thinking allegedlyproviding the condition of the so-called methodological pluralism. Numerous discussions focus on the question about the very scientific nature of history of philosophy as a branch of knowledge. The tendencywhich appears to prevail in such disputes defines history of philosophy as philosophy in contrast to the opinion that history of philosophy should be rather seen as approximate to social history. This paper aims at revealing relevant methodological instruments of historical reconstruction of philosophical forms in the concreteness of their existence, conditioned by lives of real people with their real ends and drives. Thus we address Herbert Marcuse's critique of Martin Heidegger's philosophy, since once being a Heidegger's assistant he adopted a highly critical position towards his master's philosophy. Heidegger's Being and Time attracted Marcuse by existential analytics of Being-in-the-world of Dasein and the perspective on historicity of humane condition. In Marcuse's eye Heidegger had come close to the breakthrough towards maintaining of concrete philosophy, providing possibilities of philosophical approach to social realities. By 1932 Marcuse's attempts to reconcile categories of Heideggerian paradigm with strategies of Marxism proved to be a failure. After 1932 Marcuse finds the resources of theoretical enrichment in Marx's Economical and Political Manuscripts of 1844 and distances himself from Heidegger. Nevertheless Heideggerian moments appear to be employed further on in his thinking. Marcuse's critique provides us with an efficient assessment ofHeidegger's key concepts as neutralized terms, unable of reaching out to the very reality of human existence, being ideological doubles of sociologicaly valid terminology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper interprets the media construction of a new gender model of woman in Serbia as a consequence of a change of dominant national ideology. An example is found in a talk show "Women" and the analysis is focused both on the traditional elements of the genre (its unbreakable connection to the idea of femininity and female public) and on the novelties which this particular talk show produces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each country has a different administrative tradition, such as those found in China and Indonesia. The two countries are close to each other and have good relations to date. Chinese Confucian teachings that are still preserved today have brought this country to change. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method using a document or literature analysis approach. The use of this method aims to obtain material and empirical data obtained through journals and scientific papers, reports, books, and other documents related to the research being conducted. The results of the study explain that the evolution of administration in China occurred from generation to generation, giving the characteristics of each dynasty. Similar to China, in Indonesia, the people also adhere to Pancasila values and include these values in the administration of government in Indonesia. The Indonesian nation upholds ethnic differences and tolerance of religious differences. However, national values still refer to Pancasila ideology and do not use Confucian teachings in administering government in Indonesia.

The paper examines the phenomenon of the regionalist rhetoric in the Russian mass media space and the activation of regionalist groups and its supporters in Russia in 2012. The author explores the relationship between regionalism-supporters and the civil protests “For Fair Elections” of that period. The paper points out the main arguments and goals of regionalists in Russia. It notes that the regionalists transfer the idea of cultural and political autonomy even to the regions where ethnic Russians are in the majority. The reasons for the regionalist sentiment weakening after Crimea’s return to Russia and the beginning of the war in south-east Ukraine are also explored. The paper examines the phenomenon of regionalism from two different perspectives: on the one hand, it’s a political technique of constructing a new regional identity and a new regional image (in this case regionalism can be compared to the rebranding of regional sociocultural landscape); on the other - it’s an ideology, which launches this technique. The author reviews regionalism as the ideology of cultural, economic and political independence of a region in the modern global world, figuring as one of the forms of the ideology of globalism, levelled against the historic phenomenon of the nation state. In this case regionalism is compared to a new form of nationalism serving the idea of post-Westphalian world order. Additionally, the paper notes that regionalist ideologues in Russia make attempts to use this conception to strengthen domestic protest movements’ agenda.

This article deals with a specific document base on the history of Evangelical Christians-Baptists in the USSR in the 1960–1980s, namely scientific-atheistic and propagandist literature. Employing several ideas of M.Yu. Smirnov and K.M. Antonov about the Soviet algorithm of work with religious material, the paper studies speech patterns and concepts which were used to interpret the activity of those Baptists who supported the Council of Churches of Evangelical Christians-Baptists. The adopted approach of source criticism allows us to disregard for the time being the issue of scientific value of the bulk of atheistic texts and to focus on those themes and plots that attracted attention of Soviet historians, sociologists of religion, as well as proponents of atheism who condemned supporters of church schism. The paper demonstrates that characteristic features of this phenomenon developed under the influence of political and legal evaluations of that time. Atheistic texts emphasised the illegitimate character of activities of Initsiativniki, blaming their authorities for anti-Sovietism and religious extremism. However, the Soviet treatment of Initsiativniki included a research dimension, due to which historical events were recorded and study methods of the schism within Baptism were enhanced. By the beginning of the 1990s, the Soviet antireligious discourse disappeared. The content of the terms “Initsiativniki”, “religious extremism” altered. However, if the name of Initsiativniki transformed into a historical term, religious extremism remains a concept imbued with negative connotations. The paper makes a conclusion about the topicality of critical study of antireligious discourse of the period from the 1960s to the first half of the 1980s.

In the domain of the Ukrainian history of philosophy one can clearly observe symptoms of eclecticism, contamination, and corruption. Such situation is rooted in continuous insufficiency of the methodological framework of Ukrainian philosophy, split by the demise of Soviet ideological structures. Critical condition of humanitarian epistemology is aggravated by the urgent need to overtake foreign studies in the corresponding field, which constantly increase in number and evolve in character. All of the aforementioned symptoms are indicative for historical and philosophical reception of Martin Heidegger's legacy by the Ukrainian academy. Heidegger studies have already formed a separate trend in the world philosophical discourse. We focus on critical assessment of certain reflexes, i.e. definite interpretative strategies providing different transcriptions of the same referents, i.e. definite philosophical forms, texts, or problems. In the general contour of Heidegger studies I differentiate the following reflexes: reflex of immanent hermeneutics, reflex of reductive interpretation, reflex of genetic historiography, and reflex of ideological historiography. In this paper I continue to identify transcriptions of "Heidegger's controversy" (the referent of historico-philosophical thought), provided by the reflex of ideological historiography. As I have recently identified the transcription of political implications of Heidegger's philosophy in the terms of sociology of knowledge, so now it comes to biographical transcription of Heidegger's political engagement, elaborated by Hugo Ott and Victor Farias. Critical assessment of their methodological approach revealed imposition of biographical objectivity on philosophy discourse, simplification of the complexity of philosophical form, and the pathos of elementary humanism as the ideological criterion of their research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the content of Soviet propaganda and agitation used in working with the Red Army personnel in the European theater of military operations at the final stage of World War II. The author identifies the interdependence between the ideological work among the Soviet troops and political relations of the USSR with the European countries which the Red Army planned to enter and with guideline documents on organization and carrying out of outreach activities. It is demonstrated that the communications work ensured an appropriate moral and psychological state of Red Army soldiers and officers, contributed to establishment of adequate interrelations with local communities of foreign countries, allies in arms of other nationalities and military units of European countries. For the sake of objectivity in treating this issue, however, it should be pointed out that there were some cases of pillage, moral and physical humiliation of inhabitants of the 'liberated' countries. Their repercussions adversely affected the postwar image of the Soviet Union and dwell within the hearts of contemporaries. It is concluded that during the work of Soviet propagandists on the eve of the Red Army entering the territory of European countries the genetic patriotism inherent in any person in circumstances which threaten his or her life, existence of his or her family and Motherland was developing into the patriotism with notes of political understanding of the goals of the Soviet Union in the European theater of military operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on rendering the ideological component in translation, which engenders significant difficulty for a modern translator. Taking political and gender aspects into consideration, the authors aim to emphasize the importance of correct ideological translation, which is understood as creation of authentic texts in one language based on the original texts in the other language. The material of the study is comprised of authentic German-language media publications posted on the Internet in 2022–2023 and devoted to the topics of “special military operation” and “gender”. As a result, it was revealed that in most texts about the special military operation, the translation of the ideological component is carried out not through decoding, but by means of reformulating the information, which leads to its distortion. In feminist discourse, the blurring of gender identity as an element of ideology contributes to the emergence of non-equivalent lexical units, the use of which does not always correspond to the rules adopted in institutional communication in a particular linguistic culture. To implement effective communication, the authors recommend to focus on the ethical principles of interaction. It is concluded that the multiplication of incorrect ideological translation becomes a new challenge for the professional community. In order to respond to it, the translator is to have profound knowledge in the field of culture, history, linguistics and regional studies, which determines the degree of accuracy in information interpretation that occurs while working with any foreign cultural text.

The article presents some results of the project that is aimed at constructing a mediatised model of the Soviet society in periodicals for children. The data has been drawn from the Pioneer magazine published in the 1970s. This paper focuses on its structure and contents, as well as typical genres that construct the representations of the Soviet society and socio-cultural practices. The degree of ideology is defined that characterises various genres. In terms of methodology, the study draws on constructivism, critical discourse analysis, theory of journalistic genres, theory of speech genres, and semiotic analysis. Genres are interpreted based on their ideological charge, types of socio-cultural practices they represent, and the semiotic resources employed. The findings show that the ideological charge can be graded from being non-existent to dominating the factual information. The ideological component is secondary in genres of popular science and general education, whereas genres that reproduce adults’ institutional socio-political practices demonstrate a high degree of ideological charge, which is conveyed through specific semiotic resources. At the same time, the magazine adapts the representations of Soviet values for adolescents through the use of everyday language and visual images of routine life.

Objective: to consider the importance of studying the influence of ideas and ideology on economic development. Based on the concept of three fundamental conditions and two prerequisites necessary for the modern innovative development of the economy, the ideas are proposed that may be in demand for their implementation.Methods: the article uses historical and qualitative methods to analyze and hypothetically reconstruct the influence of ideas on economic development. The approaches of narrative economics are applied to the study of the economic policy justification.Results: it is shown that, under modern conditions, narratives widely spread in society are significant for promoting ideas regarding economic reform. Narratives are an evolutionarily established way of packaging ideas and broadcasting them in the society. To promote effective narratives, they must be consistent with historical experience, as well as associated with significant historical figures. The paper considers the seemingly paradoxical hypothesis that in modern conditions Lenin’s legacy can serve as a basis for the promotion of progressive ideas. Such ideas are primarily related to the modernization of the economy and social relations based on technological innovations, the development of entrepreneurship and market mechanisms, as well as the development of education and science.Scientific novelty: it consists in the application of the synthesis of institutional and narrative economics methodology to the study of the dissemination of ideas and related narratives and their impact on economic development.Practical significance: the provisions and conclusions of the article can be used for further analysis of the influence of ideas and ideology on the implementation of economic policy and institutional changes aimed at economy modernization.

This paper aims to explore the traces of ideology in court decisions from the Communism period in Albania. A court judgment on a certain case, except from playing a role in setting the punishment, it also reinforces the ideological stance of dictatorship. As recent studies of Discourse Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis highlight, ideology is linguistically mediated. The CDA methodological tools are used to analyze the linguistic categories that are marked by ideological traces. The paper also examines conceptual metaphors and the metaphoric scenarios employed in the above legal discourse fragments, which help communism construct its own legal and political reality. All the findings of this research prove that ideology outreaches the political realities, and it may also affect the legal discourse, especially during the lead of a communist dictatorship.

The paper examines the terminology used by the Byzantine authors of the 10th and 11th century as regards the Samuel’s State, which was largely shaped by the Byzantine ideology and momentary aim of the political propaganda. The analysis of the Byzantine sources shows that by the end of the 10th century Basil II became known as “Scythicus”, because of his military achievements against Samuel’s State. The same context derives from Basil II’s verse Epitaph which contains ideological message about the accomplished mission given to Basil II by Christ himself in defeating the “Scythians”. Hence, Basil II was known and wanted to be remembered, among other, as the victor over the Scythians, thus designating the enemies coming from the Samuel’s State. Following this notion, in his narrative Michael Psellos portrayed Basil II as the vanquisher of the Scythians. Psellos even provided ideological context of the subjugation of the Samuel’s State, remarking that by this Basil II actually converted these people and turned them towards God.

This study examines the phenomenon of the so-called ‘Vojvodinian historiography’ which flourished in the Socialist Autonomous Province of Vojvodina from the late 1960s until the early 1990s as a special kind of party historiography. The paper focuses on the ‘Vojvodinian historiography’s’ institutional framework, theoretical and methodological features and general ideological profile as well as its outcomes. As a result of its close ties with the ruling Communist League of Vojvodina, the political collapse of the Vojvodinian communists marked the disappearance of this extremely ideological kind of historiography.

he article examines the communicative strategies of ideological influence implemented by the military-political leadership of the United States through global media structures within the framework of diplomatic relations and intercultural exchange of the countries of the collective West with the People’s Republic of China. Linguistic and rhetorical features of intercultural interaction and political communication are considered in textual examples in English and Chinese, reflecting the content of negotiation practice between representatives of public authorities, as well as based on materials of socio-political events, reflecting the opinions of experts and individuals. The authors’ research focuses on verbal forms and means of indoctrination identified in the communicative strategies implemented by the US military-political leadership with the help of global media structures, as well as discursive practices of the party and political elite of the PRC, explicated in responding to threats and challenges in the consentient sphere. Based on the results of semantic-structural, pragmatic, and cognitive analysis of the text, the authors identify verbal markers of argumentation, persistence and manipulation that form the methodological basis of ideological influence in the context of global informational and psychological confrontation. As a discourse paradigm, the paper considers sociocultural and significant interpretations of reality that coexist at the present stage of modern history, broadcast in the English-language macro-discourse of the American mass media during the establishment of an intercultural dialogue with China. During a comprehensive linguistic analysis, the pragmatic potential of verbal means of establishing an intercultural dialogue between the collective West and China in the format of civilizational coupling is assessed, in the process of which the target audience is imposed precisely those value orientations that are designed to form the conceptual basis of ideologically determined mass consciousness. In the light of the Linguistic Rhetorical Paradigm, the thesis is postulated that discourse-syntagma is represented as a cognitive-interpretative conflict manifested by linguistic means of heterogeneous discursive practices, because of which the addressee creates an understanding of reality determined by the intention of the actor of ideological discourse, which in the future may serve as a ground for manipulating consciousness and regulating the behavior of the addressee. The conclusions of the study confirm the theoretical positions of the Sochi Linguistic Rhetorical School that competing socio-political discourses enter paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations with each other, and that the same subject of speech can use his linguistic rhetorical tools of ethos support both in a negative and in a positive direction.

This paper analyses how ideology influenced the linguistic landscape in Banská Bystrica, specifically in terms of the diachronic development of the Banská Bystrica urbanonyms in the broader city centre from historical times until the 1990s. During the investigated period, multiple political regimes took turns in generating pressure to change the names of streets and squares from the position of power. Ideological pressure was at work during the period of Austria-Hungary, after the First Czechoslovak Republic was established in 1918, during the Slovak State period (WWII), after the Communist putsch of 1948 and the totalitarian period that followed and lasted until 1989, and even after the democratic changes took place.

The antagonisms in the development of modern social relations make working out the idea of creating comfortable life conditions for a person in society topical again. This circumstance suggests reconsidering the theory of a just state within the context of the philosophical conception of the institutional person with a substantial comprehension of the institutional organization of society comparing it with the variability of the tasks of modern democracy. The philosophical concept of the institutional person concerning a just state as a rational concept-construct for a human life and the organization of society continues a series of scientific articles on the concept of the institutional person: the ontological and value foundations which reveal its new possibilities for the analysis of social being. When considering the problem of the formation of a social state as a rational concept-construct for a human life and the organization of society through the prism of the philosophical concept of the institutional person, the principles and mechanisms of its solution are revealed. The paper draws attention to the natural processes of the formation of the middle class and the development of value consciousness which, while maintaining functional differentiation in society, form its social and class homogeneity defining the common tasks of modern democracy aimed at aligning the private interests of the domestic bourgeoisie with the national and regional interests of the country’s development and the personal interests of a human being, and to the painless transformation of domestic oligarchs into aristocrats, into allies of the middle class.

Taking the example of two 1960s popular spy films this paper explores how social semiotics can make a contribution to the analysis of film music. Following other scholars who have sought to create inventories of sound meanings to help us break down the way that music communicates, this paper explores how we can draw on the principles of Hallidayan functional grammar to present an inventory of meaning potentials in sound. This provides one useful way to describe the semiotic resources available to composers to allow them to communicate quite specific ideas, attitudes and identities through combinations of different sounds and sound qualities, by presenting them as systems of meaning rather than as lists of connotations. Here we apply this to the different uses of music and sound in Dr No and The Ipcress Files which allows us to show how we can reveal different ideologies of spying.

Mental peculiarities of man of IT-civilization are being theoretically reconstructed in the article. The relevance of the topic is determined by the impact (which is apparently controversial and frequently even causing concern) of newest technologies on people’s psyche and somatic features, their private and social life. In methodology the authors rely on non-idealistic dialectics that is correlated with the content of critical social theory. In the stated methodological paradigm, priority is given to a positive non-classical dialectics which is being distinguished from both a classical dialectics and a negative one. The paper is primarily focused on specificity of social consciousness which categorical status is mostly related to Marxist intellectual tradition. The latter is chosen as a paradigm in the given text. Along with that, Marxist problematization of consciousness and its neighboring realities – ontological, epistemological, social ones – is interpreted with historically actual objective and subjective circumstances in mind. In this regard, the role of socio-cultural templates of modernity, modernism and postmodernity is being highlighted. We specify the content of conceptually significant concepts: social consciousness, information, ideology, propaganda, and consumer society. Consumer society itself is identified as capitalism of new technological and mental mode. The negative character of information and computer technologies’ influence on human psyche is being accentuated and elaborated. On the basis of adduced arguments, it is stated: consciousness of digital society’s man is prone to destruction, eclecticism and is susceptible to being manipulated which is fraught with totalitarian outcome. The resistance strategy is being defined. Its important component is an ability to detect innovative forms of exploitation and control concealed behind technological novelties.

The use of literary translations as an ideological weapon in the Cold War era has received considerable attention from translation scholars. However, the same tendency in today’s world remains underestimated, and research tends to be limited to political and media discourse. This paper examines the use of literary translations in the contemporary RF for contesting Ukrainian nationhood, fueling anti-Ukrainian sentiment and providing public support for the Russian military aggression against Ukraine. The research combines analysis of translated texts with examining factors that influence (non)translation and reception of works highlighting Russian-Ukrainian relations. The study focuses on translations of works by Taras Shevchenko, Nikolay Gogol and Oksana Zabuzhko and the Russian public debate concerning the role of literary translations in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

This paper explores connections between Ecolinguistics and Positive Discourse Analysis, focusing on an eco-friendly farm in Norfolk which features in a long-running BBC programme, ‘the Countryside Hour’. Both ecolinguistics and positive discourse analysis, as relatively new disciplines, stand in some need of definition, especially regarding their relationship with the more consolidated paradigm of CDA which, of course, is itself not characterised by general agreement on methodological matters (Flowerdew 2008, Stibbe 2017). This study applies some of the notions found in the practical toolkit of CDA such as framing, presupposition, metaphor analysis, pragmatics and relevance theory and explores their functioning as heuristic methods in data that is regarded as ecologically ‘positive’. Unlike traditional critical studies of harmful environmental practices which expose deviant discursive practices, the starting point is discourse that concords with current mediated notions of environmental sustainability. The aim is not simply to give such contexts, and such discourse, publicity, and nor is it to seek solace in ‘discourse that inspires, encourages, heartens, discourse we like, that cheers us along’ (Martin 1999, pp. 51–52). Rather, it is to shed light on underlying processes at the level of ideologies (in the sense of Fairclough 2003: 9); to make manifest thoughts, feelings and discourses which are felt to be ‘positive’, in a mirror image of what occurs in CDA studies.