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In the course of its postcolonial development, the African continent has faced many challenges, ranging from socio-economic crises to political instability and the proliferation of terrorism. The lack of security, which remains a source of constant concern for Africans, and the gradual disengagement of the international community, primarily the United Nations (UN), from armed involvement in the resolution of military conflicts on the continent in the 1990s, led to the emergence of the concept of “African solutions to African problems.” The phrase, which reflects the determination of Africans to solve their problems without the participation of external actors, has become a source of their pride; however, the possibility and ability of the inhabitants of the continent to implement this approach still raises justified doubts for a number of reasons that are to be discussed in this paper. The concept of “African solutions to African problems” has now become the main principle that determines the level and nature of the peacekeeping activities of the African Union (AU) and African regional blocs; the verbal adherence of the AU member states to this maxim has been noted by many Russian and foreign researchers. However, a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the unsuccessful implementation of this concept has not yet been carried out by Russian scholars, so the present article aims to fill this gap. In particular, the paper examines attempts of Africans to solve their problems in the field of security independently. The study allows us to claim that the African continent, primarily due to its insufficient integration and lack of consensus on a number of issues of political development and security, is not yet ready to carry out full-fledged peacekeeping operations without external support, although the gradual acquisition of relevant experience, the decrease in economic dependence on the West, and the diversification of foreign policy will contribute to laying a solid foundation for the idea of “African solutions to African problems.”

Silences in the discipline of International Relations on genocide amount to a form of genocide denial, which is one of the foundations of future genocide. The paper posits that in the era of militarized global apartheid, progressive scholars are challenged to critique and expose the past and current crimes against humanity that are occurring in Africa. Drawing from the consolidation of an alternative analysis in the context of the Bandung Project, the paper analyzed the contributions of the ideas that emerged out of the anti-apartheid struggles and the struggles for reparative justice. Struggles from the Global South had culminated in the World Conference against Racism (WCAR) process, elevating the anti-racist battles as a core challenge of Africa’s International Relations. This rejuvenation and energies coming out of the protracted struggle for bread, peace and justice took the form of the transition to the African Union leaving behind the concept of the noninterference in the internal affairs of states. The paper analyzed the ways in which afro-pessimism was being reinforced by the constructivist path in African International Relations. The contributions of radical African feminists are presented as one new direction where there is the coalescence of the progressive anti-imperialist intellectual traditions with radical feminisms. These two traditions open possibilities for an emancipatory project. This project has taken on extra importance in the period of the fragility of global capital when the precariousness of capitalism threatens new and endless wars and destabilization in Africa. Modern humanitarianism forms one component of the weaponization of everything and it is within this ensemble of ideas that scholars need to deconstruct the discussion of ‘failed states’ in Africa.

Leadership and political systems in most of Africa have been described in several negative ways. Paternalism, clientelism, dictatorship, corruption and such pejorative labels have been used to described the type of politics prevalent in most of Africa today. A number of studies have explained Africa’s political challenges in the context of the choices of postcolonial African leaders. Others have pointed to European colonial exploitation and its destructive legacies as the foundations of the perverse political culture that define contemporary Africa. While these factors play important roles in defining the type of politics that has endured in the continent during the past half century, this paper takes a look at another epoch that had significant impacts on Africa’s political culture. The paper argues that the foreign policies of the United States and USSR - two major actors in Africa during the Cold War - had some of the most significant impacts on the political culture that evolved in postcolonial Africa. In pursuit of ideological supremacy, these foreign actors focused on undermining each other, with little consideration on how their actions in Africa were shaping the continent’s political development. By providing military support to opposing forces in African countries, the Cold War actors institutionalized a violent political culture in postcolonial Africa.

The paper explores the role and the power potential of Nigeria and South Africa with special attention to their comparatively high military, economic, political capabilities that enable them to shape and dominate regional agenda. It also analyses the internal, regional and external dynamics within Africa, particularly in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and Southern African Development Community (SADC). The paper further thoroughly examines the hegemonic contest for the UN Security Council membership among the dominant African states through the lens of Ezulwini Consensus, as well as the Pan-African credentials of Nigeria and South Africa in accordance to their contribution to ensuring peace, stability and development on continental and sub-regional levels. Nigeria and South Africa are the most important actors on the African continent, but there are obvious constraints undermining their ability to play an effective regional role. Thus, the research was guided by the comparison case-study of Nigeria and South Africa in crucial for understanding power potential areas. The study concludes that although Pan-Africanism stands of Nigeria and South Africa are commendable, both powers mostly follow this strategy for advancing their national interests. Taking into account the whole set of internal and external factors, both countries need to unite their efforts and practical strategies to advance the common goal of Africa development, peace and security.

Silences in the discipline of International Relations on genocide amount to a form of genocide denial, which is one of the foundations of future genocide. The paper posits that in the era of militarized global apartheid, progressive scholars are challenged to critique and expose the past and current crimes against humanity that are occurring in Africa. Drawing from the consolidation of an alternative analysis in the context of the Bandung Project, the paper analyzed the contributions of the ideas that emerged out of the anti-apartheid struggles and the struggles for reparative justice. Struggles from the Global South had culminated in the World Conference against Racism (WCAR) process, elevating the anti-racist battles as a core challenge of Africas International Relations. This rejuvenation and energies coming out of the protracted struggle for bread, peace and justice took the form of the transition to the African Union leaving behind the concept of the noninterference in the internal affairs of states. The paper analyzed the ways in which afro-pessimism was being reinforced by the constructivist path in African International Relations. The contributions of radical African feminists are presented as one new direction where there is the coalescence of the progressive anti-imperialist intellectual traditions with radical feminisms. These two traditions open possibilities for an emancipatory project. This project has taken on extra importance in the period of the fragility of global capital when the precariousness of capitalism threatens new and endless wars and destabilization in Africa. Modern humanitarianism forms one component of the weaponization of everything and it is within this ensemble of ideas that scholars need to deconstruct the discussion of failed states in Africa.

The article raises the question of whether German participation in resolving the armed conflict in Mali is a special case or, on the contrary, is a transition to a new political‑military strategy in Africa. In this regard the author issues the key parameters of Bundeswehr`s usage in Africa from 1990‑s until the middle 2010‑s and pays special attention to Somalia. The paper analyzes the features of German military presence evolution there. In comparison with Somalian one the author explores German approach to the resolution of the Malian armed conflict at the period of 2013‑2015 and since 2016. The paper pays attention to the Bundeswehr`s usage in EUTM Mali and MINUSMA missions and the results of this process. The article underlines the huge increase of German military presence since 2016‑2018 in Mali and shows the reasons of this tendency. Considering German activity in Mali, the paper explores its «spillover effect» with the examples of German relations with Algeria and G5 Sahel countries. In this regard the scientific research pays special attention to German bilateral relations with Burkina‑Faso and Niger. The paper underlines that by the beginning of the 2020‑s FRG concentrated its efforts in the African states which belong to traditional sphere of French interests. In the conclusion the author shows the importance of Sahel region for the testing of new German politicalmilitary strategy in Africa.

The paper analyzes the processes of transformation of leaders of rebel movements and tribal militias (warlords) into leaders of political parties and senior government officials after the end of the Civil War (1991‑2002) in Sierra Leone. It is argued that the opportunities for an anti‑government (or, on the contrary, pro‑government) armed group to become an officially recognized political organization, and for erstwhile field commanders to become its leaders, emerge either in the event of a rebel victory or after the signing of a peace agreement (as it happened in Sierra Leone) and the beginning of the integration of former militants into the post‑war society. It is usually the implementation of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs that allows former rebels and their leaders to escape punishment for crimes committed during conflicts. At the same time, the opportunity to “earn forgiveness” is not the only incentive for a warlord to evolve into a peacetime politician. Indeed, gaining political power in African countries entails access to various sources of enrichment, and since running armed groups requires their leaders to possess organizational and entrepreneurial skills and charisma ‑ naturally, along with less positive character traits ‑ many warlords who have not yet fulfilled their political ambitions or secured their financial situation try to “adapt” their wartime skills and experience to peaceful life. A proven way of gaining power peacefully is by participating in presidential and parliamentary elections. It is assumed that the development of a political career by former rebels in the context of peacebuilding should prevent the unfolding of another spiral of violence, but this is far from always the case: accustomed to achieving goals by military means, they often attempt to solve political issues through violence in peacetime. The paper considers the reasons for certain former rebel leaders to remain committed to peacebuilding and for other warlords to prove unable to achieve political goals by peaceful means.

Historically, Africa is known to be backward in adoption of technology. History has it that Africa trailed behind in the use of new technology for newsgathering. Africa is the 2nd largest continent after Asia with over 60% of its population living widely dispersed in hinterlands whose insecure terrains, inaccessibility, and distance from cities, make it impossible for journalist and media broadcasts to cover their socio-economic, cultural and political activities. In addition to these factors, scarcity of journalists, costs and conflicts, inability of media industries to train and/or recruit enough journalists, government indifference and pro-urban communication policy made newsgathering in African hinterlands almost impossible. However, the evolution and reign of Internet-based technologies, which enable citizens to contribute to news-making, and information gathering and exchange became a solution. Nevertheless, it is confronted with pro-urban middle class relevance due to epileptic power, poor network, low level of education and technology skills, and lack of formal framework for newsgathering in the hinterlands. This paper, therefore, explores the dynamics of newsgathering in the technologically-driven internet era, with a view to identifying inherent limitations in African hinterlands, and therefrom offers profitable recommendations. Geographically, the study considers African rural communities. Thematically, the paper is an investigation into the acquisition and use new information technologies particularly phones with internet facilities to generate and circulate news from African hinterlands, factors hindering the practice and possible ways of enhancing it. Periodically, the study covers the 21st century i.e. 2000 to date, which has witnessed ICTs massive penetration of the hinterlands and their use as primary medium of communication. In exploring the digitalisation of communication in rural Africa where majority of the population lives without regular or formal connection to organs and channels of governance and events in the entire world, this paper is significant to the extent that it assess and exposes the challenges modernisation is facing in trying to provide solution to the scenario. It explores areas of investments in media and communication in rural Africa, and attempts to provide viable alternatives to the problems hindering internet-mediated-technologies approach to newsgathering in rural Africa. It provides approaches to the democratisation of newsgathering and circulation, which opens up rural Africa to the global community and for participation in e-governance, global dialogue and discussions in every aspect of human development, rights and politics. This paper adopted logical inquiry, survey of literature and expost facto methods of data gathering. Central to these methods, extensive literature review was primarily adopted as data gathering processes. This is because of the wealth of literature, debates and criticism available on the new media, newsgathering, and the African experience particularly the hinterlands. This will explicate new areas of investments in communication technologies and provide valid framework for newsgathering across Africa, which will inevitably advance globalisation into and enhance development in African hinterlands.

The paper is devoted to the study of Russia’s export specialization in the countries of Africa in the period from 2001 to 2017. A comprehensive analysis of the dynamics, the commodity and geographical structure of Russian exports to the African continent has been carried out. Using bilateral trade data for product groups at the level of two digits of the Harmonized Commodity Description and Coding System (HS), this study examines the main patterns of comparative advantage in Russia’s trade with the countries of the region in the early 21st century. Based on the calculation results of the bilateral revealed comparative advantage index (RCA), authors identified a group of Russia’s trade partners in Africa, characterized by the largest number of export specialization product groups: Algeria, Angola, Guinea, Egypt, South Africa. Comparative analysis of Russia’s export specialization in Africa with the main partners in terms of trade turnover indicates, that Russia has more diverse comparative advantages in trade with some African countries (17 product groups), than with European ones, such as Germany (9 product groups) and Netherlands (8 groups). The study shows that Russia has export specialization in the following main product groups in African countries: HS 84 ‘Nuclear reactors, boilers, machinery and mechanical appliances; parts thereof ’, HS 85‘Electrical machinery and equipment and parts thereof ’, HS 87 ‘Vehicles other than railway or tramway rolling-stock, and parts and accessories thereof ’, HS 48‘Paper and paperboard’ and HS 10‘Cereals’. The authors revealed, that the intensity of Russia’s export specialization in African countries increases with the augmentation of the technical complexity of products exported. It proves that Russian industrial products have competitive advantages in the African market. The development and strengthening of economic cooperation with Africa is one of the most important direction of non-commodity and non-energy exports expansion and geographical diversification of Russian trade. The paper concludes by discussing the promising avenues for the future Russian-African export partnership.

The first complete overview of the African fauna of Lispe is published. The paper consists of 3 parts. (1) The alphabetical list of 55 taxa of the African fauna is given with references, distribution data and, where necessary, taxonomic remarks or descriptions. (2) Addendum with 26 African taxa of Lispe which are not included in the main alphabetical list (as synonymies or for other reasons). (3) Identification key for Lispe of Africa. The paper is illustrated with 47 figures. Six new taxa of Lispe are described: Lispe alkaline sp. nov.; Lispe andrefana sp. nov; Lispe confusa sp. nov.; Lispe patersoni sp. nov.; Lispe polonaise sp. nov.;. Lispe selena sp. nov. Nine new taxonomic statuses in genus Lispe are proposed: Lispe flavicornis Stein, 1909 = L. silvai Paterson, 1953 syn. nov.; L. niveimaculata Stein, 1906 = L. sineseta Zielke, 1971, syn. nov.; L. pectinipes Becker, 1903 = L. xantophlebia Seguy, 1950, syn. nov.; L. scalaris Loew, 1847 = L. flavipes Stein, 1913 syn. nov.; L. wittei Paterson, 1956 = L. ethiopica Vikhrev, 2012, syn. nov.; L. geniseta macfiei Emden, 1941= L. macfiei Emden, 1941, stat. nov.; L. geniseta setigena Vikhrev et Pont, 2016 = L. setigena Vikhrev et Pont, 2016, stat. nov.; L. ochracea Becker, 1910 = L. canis Malloch, 1922 stat. nov.; L. tentaculata draperi Seguy, 1933 = L. draperi Seguy, 1933, stat. nov.

The history of North Africa has been always tightly connected to events occurring in Eurasia. Human migrations in both directions are well-documented in written sources and archaeological records. To gain a comprehensive understanding of historical processes, it is essential to study the remains of individuals who inhabited this region during various time periods. A lack of cranial metric data on the Medieval population of North Africa impedes thorough investigation of the population history of the region. This paper presents a craniometric study of the sample from the Southern necropolis at Deraheib. This study contributes to filling the existing void in the understanding of the Medieval population of North Africa. According to written sources, the site was a center of gold mining, known as the city of al-Allaki, dated to the 9th to 15th centuries AD. The city attracted a diverse population seeking economic opportunities. Besides this, Al-Allaki served as an important point on the caravan route which was utilized by merchants and pilgrims traversing the Nubian Desert on their way to Jeddah. The study analyzes cranial metrics of a total of 23 individuals (14 male and 9 female) skulls recovered from the southern necropolis Deraheib sample and employs 55 linear dimensions, following Martin's/Howells craniometric protocol as well as some additional measurements. Statistical analyses were performed using the R language packages and the Multican software. Our results revealed heterogeneity of the sample in male and female parts of the sample at the intragroup level: an observation aligning with existing archaeological and historical evidence. The limited size of the sample warns against any firm conclusions regarding affinities of the Deraheib population. Our intergroup comparison has shown that the cranial sample from the Southern Necropolis of the Deraheib site displays morphological features that are more similar to neighboring Caucasoid populations rather than equatorial groups from East Africa.

The article is dedicated to the struggle for resources in Africa and Arab East, and especially the China’s role in this struggle. Announced by the Beijing in 2002, the course of “going abroad” was marked by the economic expansion of Chinese companies in Africa and Arab countries, largely due to the interest in raw materials, primarily in oil. At the same time, the African and Arab countries are among the foreign policy strategic priorities of the leading Western powers, whose activity in this region has also increased. As shown in the article, the competition for access to natural resources contributed to the emergence of conflicts in the region. The methodological basis of the study is a comparative political approach, methods of analysis and synthesis. The scientific novelty of the paper is that, although the problem of the struggle for resources in Africa and in Arab world is reflected in publications in our country and abroad, the peculiarities of China’s position in this matter have not been yet the object of serious research. The analysis of the topic is relevant in the conditions when Western countries attempt to regulate crises by force, often bypassing the Security Council and the UN Charter. Some analysts view the USA and NATO actions in Libya and the French campaign 2012 in Mali in the light of West desire to displace China from Africa. They also connect crisis in Syria and Iraq with US actions. As the paper shows, Beijing remains committed to the principle of non-interference in internal affairs of other states and stands for political solution of conflicts. But at the same time, it pays an increasing attention to strengthening its military presence in Africa and Arab countries. The author comes to the conclusion that the realization of the initiative “One belt - One road” increases China’s needs in resources for the implementation of ambitious projects in the space of the “belt and road”. The Western countries will resist, so the struggle for resources will not weaken.

In the middle - second half of 2010s the Euro-Atlantic community faces with the necessity to struggle against international terrorism at the huge arc of unstable states including Mali, Libya, Syria, Iraq and Afghanistan. Unlike the first Western coalition (2001-2014) designed to fight al-Qaeda, focused on the struggle against ISIS the second Western coalition does not become the unifying mechanism of a significant part of anti-terrorist military efforts by Western countries. The article covers the reasons of this tendency on the example of Germany as the emerging power. The key methods of the investigation are the exploration of the important military steps (contingents’ deployment, the change of their tasks and the number of troops) in the format of event-analysis and comparative analysis. The paper aims at exploration of the features of military tools’ usage by Germany in the struggle against international terrorism in conjunction with the activity of the second Western coalition. The article considers the reasons of the late German joining the activity of the second coalition at the Syrian and Iraqi theatres of war. In this regard the scientific research covers the main forms of mostly non-military Bundeswehr usage in Mesopotamia and focuses on the cooperation with France. The article also explores the determination of these tendencies. The paper pays attention to German military build-up under NATO activity in Afghanistan and shows that the reasons of it are the strengthening ISIS positions in the country and the failures of Germany and its ISAF partners in the process of Afghan security forces creation in 2002-2014. The scientific research explores the forms of Bundeswehr usage for the struggle against international terrorism at the phone of extension of the areas of this activity at the continent. The author tries to create the scheme of Bundeswehr usage for the struggle against ISIS and its friendly oriented forces at the arc of unstable states from Mali to Afghanistan. The article concludes about the contours of German perspective military presence in the countries which are going on the road of internal stabilization.

Globalization and the post-industrial economy, combined with a growing number of the youth, has increased the demand for higher education in Africa. Online learning breaks down temporal and geographic barriers creating a digital learning community that offers an opportunity to expand access and meet skills and training demands. Deployment of technology is a principal consideration in implementing an online learning programme, given its centrality in the teaching and learning process. The integration of technology requires a decision-making matrix that provides a phased review of the suitability of solution as well as locally placed contemplation of relevance and user accessibility. Higher education institutions in low connectivity areas need to be deliberative and innovative in selecting which technology best fits their environment and accommodates their students’ limitations. This paper discusses the decision-making process of integrating technology for an online learning pilot project analysed through Rogers’ Diffusion of Innovation (DOI) theory applied to educational technological adoption. The approach of the project considered local infrastructure, university ICT capacity, and user Internet accessibility in the selection of online learning solutions. The process provides insights and understanding of the decision matrix, not only on online learning solutions but also in the broader issue of integrating technology into brick and mortar institutions. Acknowledgements. The paper is based on online learning program implementation in East Africa as part of the university partnership between the U.S. and East African universities funded by the U.S. government.

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This paper is focused on an overview of Turkey’s increased engagement towards Africa, especially in terms of its potentials, future perspectives and limits of the relations. It portrays and examines the main essence of Turkey’s foreign policy in Africa, and equally analyses the main reason or aspects behind the relations with Africa within the 21st century. It tries to answer the questions of why Turkey has so much interest in Africa now. In other words, it explores more the economic interaction (diplomacy) that fosters the relations between Turkey and Africa in the 21st century. It equally shows the economic aspects as key instrument in building relations between Turkey and Africa. This continent known as Africa in the 90s was never a concern to Turkey as it is in this 21st century, since Turkey paid more attention to its relations with the West, and its close neighbors like Middle East, Balkans, the Caucasus and Central Asia. It discusses some of the main political, economic, religious, cultural and strategic motivations behind Turkey’s interest in Africa, as well as some of the challenges face along the line in the 21st century. This paper consists of three main sections. The first section presents the relations between Turkey and Africa during Ottoman Empire, Turkish foreign policy toward Africa in Cold War period. It also gives an overview of Turkey’s relations with Africa, Turkey’s policy in Africa and the main elements shaping relations between Turkey and Africa. Then, the various approaches, mainly economic diplomacy approach in maintaining relations between Turkey and Africa in the 21st century are presented.Turkey’s increasing use of soft power strategies drive a great desire to tie both the economy of Turkey and Africa more closely. From the aforementioned, Turkey’s soft power content ranges from professional and cultural exchange, agriculture, and humanitarian assistance.

The global economy continues to suffer the consequences of the 2020 global recession caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and the dramatic shifts in international relations in 2022 triggered by severe sanctions imposed by Western nations against Russia. Many countries have been affected by the restrictions. African economies were no exception, experiencing a strong negative impact of these sanctions because of rising global prices on cereal crops, oil, natural gas, and mineral fertilizers, which caused a decrease in their imports felt primarily by the most vulnerable population groups. In addition, the region has seen a retreat from basic gains in living standards and social problems. This situation has once again made it clear to African countries that they should pool efforts in order to minimize damage and facilitate economic recovery. In this regard, the issues of developing economic integration, such as the transition from the subregional to regional (continental) level of economic integration, which is the subject of this paper, have become more relevant. The African Continental Free Trade Area, launched on January 1, 2021, is the largest in the world in terms of the number of participating countries with a total population of 1.3 billion USD and GDP of 3.4 trillion USD, and is expected to more than double by 2050. An important achievement of economic integration in Africa is the creation in 2018 of the African Single Market for Air Transport and plans for the introduction of a single passport, which are designed to ensure the free movement of Africans across the continent. Thus, continental integration is an extremely important and necessary tool for Africa to strengthen intra-regional ties, increase labor productivity and enhance the competitiveness of African goods. In addition, the promotion of integration helps to strengthen Africa’s economic and political positions in the world, which objectively contributes to the movement towards a multipolar world.

For more than 30 years (1990–2021), Chad was ruled by Idriss Deby, one of the most prominent African leaders, who came to power at the head of an armed insurgent group and established a rigidly authoritarian, de facto military regime, but with the elements of electoral democracy expressed in the holding of presidential and parliamentary elections. As in other African countries (Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, South Sudan, Sierra Leone, etc.), where former rebels became heads of states and governments, ministers and parliamentarians, in Chad under I. Deby there was an atmosphere of permanent political instability amid the constant expansion of powers of law enforcement agencies.Until the late 2000s, Chad was essentially a repressive state with an underdeveloped economy, entirely dependent on financial assistance and military-political support of the West. Its army was split into competing factions and was characterized by a lack of professionalism. The situation began to change in the 2010s owing to an increase in oil revenues, which allowed to implement a reform of the armed forces. As a result, Chad’s army became a powerful military force in Central Africa, the Sahara-Sahel zone, and the Lake Chad basin, where the country played an important role in weakening the Islamist group Boko Haram.The paper examines the military-political situation in Chad during the rule of Idriss Deby and, after his death in April 2021, the rule of his son and successor Mahamat Deby. The authors establish the continuity of the two regimes in terms of, firstly, the militarization of the socio-political life and, secondly, the methods of resolving the collision between the government and the opposition.

In the second half of the 19th century, the rising interest in the partition of Africa translated into a growth in the number of essays, articles and travel diaries on the ‘dark continent’ published in Russia. This paper examines how black Africa was represented in the popular illustrated journal “Vsemirnaia illiustratsiia”, intended as educational material for a newly-formed middle-class readership. Through written texts and pictures, the journal constructed an image of black Africa quite dependent on Western colonial stereotypes, using colonial-consolidated rhetoric techniques and European sources. While the Tsarist Empire’s politics used to meddle in European colonial enterprises, the present analysis highlights how the literary and visual construction of black Africa as backward, savage, and ahistorical may have served to justify Russia’s long-debated belonging among Western nations.

The purpose of the research article is to represent and analyze the China's political and economic interests on the African continent and the China's strategy towards Africa in 21st century as well as to analyze the strategies and priorities of other influential world powers in Africa. There have been used such scientific methods as an analysis, a synthesis, a content analysis etc. in the research article. By researching bilateral and multilateral cooperation between China and the African states, the author thoroughly analyzed the Chinese government policy paper «China's African Policy»; identified the political and economic interests of the official Beijing in Africa; revealed the China's foreign policy tools, in particular, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation; focused on the aspects of cooperation between China and the African Union, the Sino-African cooperation in the youth sphere, rivalry in Africa between China and the United States of America, and other influential countries of the world etc. The main results and conclusions of the research article are: 1) the comprehensive development of China's relations with the countries of the African continent is one of the priorities of the foreign policy and foreign economic strategy of the Chinese President Xi Jinping; 2) the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation and other bilateral and multilateral forums and organizations are the implementation tools of the foreign policy and economic interests of China on the African continent; 3) such influential world powers as the United States of America, Great Britain, France, India and other nations as well as the European Union will continue to compete with China to gain more influence in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Islamist group Boko Haram (BH) was founded in the early 2000s and in less than two decades has transformed from a “Nigerian” movement into a regional one. Tactical, strategic and ideological differences between the leaders of BH have repeatedly led to its splits into separate factions; the most serious occurred in 2016, when the group split into the Islamic State in West Africa Province and Jamaatu Ahl-is-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad, the latter being still referred to as “Boko Haram” for convenience.The present paper examines the reasons for the splits in BH, the goals and military tactics of the two factions, and the prospects for the development of the security situation in the region of the Lake Chad basin (LCB), where armed conflict is fueled by large-scale poverty, socio-economic and political marginalization, and ineffectiveness of local authorities against the background of intertribal tensions and massive migration.The LCB has now become a huge human reservoir for jihadist recruitment. The situation in the region is further complicated by the fact that a significant portion of the population supports the Islamists, while the majority of locals are targeted by them and seek to leave their homes.The authors note that the division of BH into separate factions has made it more difficult for the LCB armed forces to conduct anti-terrorist operations, and for the LCB governments to negotiate cease fires or retrieve hostages, although, simultaneously, the split has led to a certain decline in the level of violence and to the weakening of the influence of the Islamists on the socio-economic development in the region.

In the 2010s, the issue of separatism in Africa gained special significance in connection with the emergence in 2011 of a new state – the Republic of South Sudan (RSS), where a military and political conflict has continued throughout the entire period of independent development, accompanied by massive casualties among the civilian population. The situation in the RSS underscores the weakness of secessionism as a tool for solving the problems of national identity, socio-economic development and political marginalization, and also raises the question of whether separatism in Africa is able to lead to stability, an improvement in living standards and an increase in the level of security of citizens of breakaway territories. The present paper examines the historical background of separatism in South Cameroon and of organizations and armed groups fighting for the separation of the region from the Republic of Cameroon and for the independence of the self-declared Republic of Ambazonia. Currently, the country is engulfed in a military and political conflict, the parties to which are the central (Francophone) government and the Anglophone secessionist movements, which include dozens of armed groups with varying goals and interests and which fight among themselves for influence on local communities, resources, and the right to represent Cameroon’s Anglophone minority in the international arena. In fact, South Cameroon is now in a state of war of all against all. The situation in South Cameroon is compounded by the fact that President Paul Biya’s government simultaneously has to fend off attacks by Boko Haram terrorists in the far north of the country and deal with a socio-economic crisis, which is accompanied by rising unemployment, which, in turn, allows insurgents to expand their ranks with relative ease. The authors note, however, that the separatists do not enjoy the support of the world community and, unlike many other African rebel movements, receive hardly any financial or military-technical assistance from outside, which dooms their armed struggle and increases the consequence of a peaceful agreement with the government.

Academician Apollon B. Davidson is an outstanding Soviet and Russian expert in African history, British Studies, also known as a specialist in Russian Silver Age literature. He is an author of more than 500 scientific papers, including 11 monographs, most of which are devoted to the new and recent history of the countries of Tropical and South Africa. Graduate of Leningrad State University (1953), Professor (1973), Doctor of Historical Sciences (1971), Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences (2011). Under his leadership, at the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences a scientific school of African history based on archival documents was created. He prepared more than 30 candidates and doctors of sciences, among famous students - A. Balezin, S. Mazov, I. Filatova, G. Derlugyan. In 2001-2002 two volumes of documents “Russia and Africa” [Davidson 1999] were published under his editorship; the book “USSR and Africa” [Davidson, Mazov, Tsypkin 2002], in 2003 - the volume of documents “Comintern and Africa” [Davidson 2003]. In 2003, a two-volume edition of the documents “South Africa and the Communist International” [Davidson, Filatova, Gorodnov, Johns 2003] was published in London in English, and in 2005-2006 - the fundamental three-volume “History of Africa in Documents” [Davidson 2005-2006]. In 1988, he participated in the South African program at Yale University. In 1991, he lectured for several months at universities in South Africa and worked in the archives of this country. In 1992-1993 he worked at the Rhodes University, in 1994-1998 organized and chaired the Center for Russian Studies at the University of Cape Town. In 1981-1991 he visited Ethiopia, Angola, Lesotho, Botswana and several times - Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. From 1977 to 1991 he participated in the Soviet-American Dartmouth conferences as an expert on Africa. In his interview he talks about the outcome of decolonization for southern Africa, the actual problems of the modern development of the continent, the role of China in Africa, and the Afro-Asianization of the world. Special attention is paid to the problems and prospects of the development of Soviet and Russian African studies and Russian-African relations.

This paper analyses the role of the arms trade in the growth and spread of transnational crime in Africa. The work shows that the proliferation and ready availability of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) on the continent is contributing in no small measure to political, economic and social insecurity in Africa. Major transnational crimes that the work identifies in Africa include drug trafficking, human and people trafficking, environmental crimes, arms trafficking and stolen vehicle trafficking. The work uses qualitative research methodology, which involves the extensive collection, collation and analysis of secondary data, to capture the essence and scope of the impacts of SALW on the growth and spread of transnational crime on the continent. A major and significant contribution of the work is the crucial connection that it establishes between the proliferation of SALW and the high incidence and recurrence of transnational crime in Africa. The work shows the destabilizing impacts of the proliferation of SALW in Africa and how these is contributing to the recurrence of conflicts and criminal activities on the continent. In its conclusion, the work recommends that in order for states on the continent to be able to proactively tackle transnational crime and the proliferation of SALW, they will have to do the following: carry-out an extensive and critical survey to create a database that will identify the nature of the different transnational crime that is carried-out in each regions; create (where it does not exist) and, strengthen and implement (where it exist) legislations and laws designed to tackle transnational crime; and encourage interagency cooperation and coordination among the affected states in the regions.

The paper is devoted to the analyses of the evolution problems of such key for African states phenomena as globalization, regionalism and neo­colonialism. The attempts of transnational corporations to realize the “vertical” integration with the post­colonial African economies had stimulated the development of the “horizontal” inter­African integration – on regional and continental scales. In 1980­1990­s, after the extra measures for the African economies’ liberalization, the integration processes had made more active. Later they were transformed and the formal declarations about interstate cooperation were changed by the complex programs, adopted by all the members of African Union – “A global strategy to optimize use of Africa’s resources for the benefits of all Africans” (2013­2063), based on the successful practices of eight African regional economic groups, and African Continental Free Trade Area, AfCFTA (2019). New regionalism, emerged after including the problems of ecology, culture etc. in the sphere of intergovernmental cooperation, was a result of deep changes in the international division of labor. It needed the structural transformation of economies­members of the regional groups. Nowadays the growing interaction of the economic integration and globalization processes in Africa does not insure against the influence of modern neo­colonialism. Apart from this, the globalization is not equal as to “westernization” so the neo­colonialism according to, firstly, growing influence of the “East” within the world economy and, secondly, the differences between the objective process of the globalization and the static model of neo­colonial interconnections between developed and developing economics. In the “new regionalism” conditions, African countries as the parts of the world economy periphery are simultaneously the subjects of globalization and the objects of neocolonial influence. This situation contradicts with the needs of the Fourth industrial revolution, but stimulates African states to develop interactions between continental institutes and international economic organizations.

This paper presents a translation of Tertullian’s Ad Martyras into Lithuanian language and a brief introduction, which contains a short survey of Tertullian’s life, his audience, i.e., Christians of Africa, selection and motivation of provided examples in Ad Martyras.

With the coming to power of a new «government of change» in Italy, relations between Rome and Paris are constantly deteriorating. Fundamental contradictions are caused by different views on EU policies in Africa, the resolution of the migration crisis and refugees relocation, EU economic policies and, perhaps, the most fundamental differences on the future of European integration. The paper discusses the essence of disagreements between Italy and France and draws conclusions about the risks that this conflict may entail for the development of the European Union.

The article offers an analysis of the current situation with the coronavirus in Africa. It reveals the specific features of the pandemic and the socio-political and economic consequences thereof. The author concludes that, taking exploiting the pandemic, the United States and its allies are like likely to attempt weakening the PRC’s position in Africa and preventing Russia from building up its influence. The latter, especially, in view of the success of the Russia-Africa Summit and Economic Forum held in October 2019, in Sochi. However, Washington’s grand plans on the African continent are seriously constrained by the fact that Africans have long asserted themselves as full-capacity subjects in international relations and refuse to be pawns in the intricate games between the United States, China and other players for world leadership. The coronavirus pandemic will undoubtedly change the position of the continent in the new “post-coronavirus” world, but these changes largely depend on how and with whose assistance Africans are to overcome this serious test.The paper contains the results of online opinion-polling of African experts conducted by the author of the article.The author makes an attempt to explain the “Africa phenomenon” of the coronavirus pandemic, assesses the main risks of the spread of the epidemic and the possibilities of overcoming it. Special attention is paid to new opportunities for the development of the African economy in the “post-coronavirus world”, as well as the actions of the authorities to mitigate its socio-economic consequences.The author arrives to the conclusion that African countries, while less affected by the pandemic than other regions of the world, are not satisfactorily ready to fight it. The pessimistic scenario of the spread of coronavirus infection in Africa cannot be completely ruled out, and the socio-economic consequences of the pandemic can become a very serious test for most countries of the continent. At the same time, a certain redistribution of the balance of power in the region should be expected. The nations that are able in a timely manner to offer Africa significant support in the fight against the pandemic will gain. The Russian Federation has a real chance to strengthen its positions on the continent, cooperation with which may increasingly become a priority for Moscow, given the changing model of world development.

The paper gives a historical account of the negative effects of poor interpreter-translator service providers to the development of the justice system in countries of Africa generally and Zambia in particular. It recommends various practical solutions to the challenge of access to interpreter-translator service providers generally and legal interpreter-translator services in particular. These include definition of target group; mobilization of funding; building a network of experts to serve as advisors, consultants and resource persons; establishment of a statutory body to guide government on language policy generally, including translation-interpretation services (e.g. Translation and Interpretation Commission); organization of thematic seminars and workshops; media panel discussions; moving a private motion in parliament; curriculum review for consideration by Ministry of Education; and submission of a draft bill for consideration by parliament and/or Ministry of Justice.

The present paper deals with the taxonomy of several outstanding African species of the genus Singilis Rambur, 1837. Two new species are described: S. montanus sp. n. (Malawi), S. basilewskyi sp. n. (Zimbabwe). Two new species groups of the genus from tropical Africa are established: “montanus” species group and “cyaneus” species group. A key to species of both groups, illustrations of habitus and aedeagus are provided