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Connectivity has been one of the most challenging issues for developing trade cooperation between Russia and India. Due to the geographic distance separating the two nations, along with the unstable security environment in Afghanistan and border disputes between India and Pakistan, the creation of a direct and shortest transport route has proven difficult, thereby rendering it impossible to implement crucial projects in energy infrastructure.This paper briefly outlines the functioning logistics between Russia and India, which has relied primarily on shipping through the Suez Canal, with an emphasis on the developments in the wake of conflict in Ukraine. The author briefly explores the prospects for maritime connectivity between the Russian Far East and Indian ports, and highlights several challenges for launching a regular Vladivostok-Chennai corridor.The US and European sanctions against the Russian economy, combined with subsequent difficulties in transporting goods by sea, has reinvigorated Russia's efforts to complete the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). This corridor holds significant potential for Russia to expand its reach to India, the Persian Gulf, and East Africa. Additionally, it is believed that the project may facilitate India's connectivity with countries in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe. Therefore, this paper particularly examines the case of the land corridor, exploring its current progress in implementation, the geoeconomic factors involved, existing challenges, and opportunities for compatibility with other initiatives, such as the Europe-Caucasus-Asia Transport Corridor (TRACECA), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and the Chabahar port.The author argues that, although the implementation of connectivity projects between the two countries will not solve structural problems in their trade relationship, both have a vested interest in promoting infrastructure development for a deeper engagement with new regions. To qualitatively boost Russian-Indian trade, affordable logistical solutions should be developed simultaneously with the resolution of other issues like the settlements for financial transactions, and the elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers.

The Indian banking sector has reached greater heights in recent days because of adopting and involving in the Digitalisation of banking. Though India is moving forward with digitalisation process, our nation faces several setbacks and opposition, which has to be crossed specifically in the rural banking system. The current research work has attempted to examine these challenges and setbacks which are found commonly in rural banking digitalisation. This paper aims in analysing the impacts and influences of Digitalisation in rural banks of Madurai city, Tamil Nadu. Moreover, the study is surveying multiple influencing factors like literacy rate, education qualification, income quality, gender equality and socio-economic position. Finally, some suggestions and conceptions to increase the maximum reach of knowledge and importance regarding the Digitalisation of banks in rural regions are suggested to the government and banking sectors. Regional based loan schemes and mechanisms and procedures must be encouraged by banks. Income assessment, repayable capacity in the rural areas of Madurai has to be initiated. The study focuses on research-based on quantitative tools. The Study aims in explaining the various positive outcomes of bank digitalisation via digital banking and financial inclusion here in India. The present study provides the awareness of the digital world and the advantages of adopting them in rural India for various banking services. The paper concludes that there is a need for digital establishments and digital banking in most rural areas all over India.

One of the most often evoked episodes of 20th century Russian-Indian interrelations is a short correspondence between Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869 –1948) and Leo Tolstoy (1828 –1910). The correspondence lasted from October of 1909 up to November of 1910, that is during the very last year of Tolstoy’s life. The “corpus” of this correspondence consists of seven letters: four from Gandhi to Tolstoy and three from Tolstoy to Gandhi. Those letters have been published more than once and translated into various languages. But the circumstances of this correspondence, the history of its study, and the contents of the letters themselves — all this has been researched rather little. This paper is a preliminary study of several friends and associates of Gandhi during his stay in South Africa (1893 –1914). Those people were connected, one way or another, with the correspondence between Gandhi and Tolstoy. Here are their names: 1. Joseph John Doke (1861 –1913), a Baptist priest; he wrote the first biography of Gandhi; 2. Henry Solomon Leon Polak (1882 –1959), a journalist; Gandhi called him “a blood brother;” 3. Pranjivandas Jagjivandas Mehta (1864 –1932), a commersant; he financed a number of Gandhi's “projects;” 4. Louis (or Lewis) Walter Ritch (1868 –1952), a businessman; he corresponded with Leo Tolstoy before Gandhi; 5. Hermann Haim Kallenbach (1871 –1945), an architect; he built a house for Gandhi in Johannesburg; 6. Sonja (Sophia) Schlesin (1888 –1956), Gandhi's secretary and, sometimes, deputy; in his letters Gandhi addressed her as “my dear daughter;” 7. Pauline Podlashuk (1881 –1971), an immigrant from Lithuania; in 1910, she translated for Gandhi from Russian into English the last letter of Tolstoy. The personalities and legacies of these people, including their more or less voluminous correspondences with Gandhi, have been studied rather little. In this paper, problematic issues are defined and perspectives of further research are suggested.

The relevance of national approaches to the study of corporate responsibility in the field of sustainable development is based not only on the expansion of methodological tools for assessment, but also on the need to provide it with a global perspective. Of particular interest is the study of corporate responsibility in developing countries that lag behind in terms of adoption but have distinct national characteristics. India, as the first country to oblige its companies to allocate funds for corporate social responsibility (CSR), demonstrates its intentions to form a national concept of sustainabledevelopment. The BRICS partnership between Russia and India provides opportunities for deeper co-operation in the field of sustainable development in general and corporate responsibility in particular. The paper chooses reports related to sustainable development and corporate social responsibility expenditures, as well as public initiatives of Indian companies as objects of research. An indicator characterising the national corporate approach to sustainable development is proposed.

The Global Depository Receipt (“GDR” or “DR”) is a structured financial instrument denominated in foreign currency and Indian companies issue equity shares/securities underlying the GDR to international investors. Many companies have used GDRs for manipulative and fraudulent practices and the Indian regulator, SEBI has penalised them. This paper aims to evaluate the legitimacy of the GDRs and malpractices associated with them and to find if there is any need for reform in the GDR Scheme, to see if the GDRs are beneficial to the economy or are inherently manipulative instruments and looks at the need to reform the laws governing GDR. The authors have employed the methods, literature review and empirical research. The authors have conducted empirical research of the participants in the Indian GDR industry in April and May of 2021 by way of an online Questionnaire and unstructured telephonic interviews. The study results in the author’s conclusion that the GDRs are legitimate instruments but the participants abused the Scheme and led to malpractices. The authors failed to conclude about the need for reforms in the GDR laws. The paper recommends the suitable amendment of the DR scheme with an intention to plug its loopholes and allow it in foreign jurisdictions with the highest compliance requirements while keeping in mind the cost of such compliance.

The paper explores basic political relations between the European Union and India which are at theoretical level almost “terra nullius”. The paper starts from the present epochal situation and enters the realm of EU–India geopolitics from the perspective of Gandhian moral practice on one side, and challenges presented by the impact of Coronavirus politics on the other. Our question is – on which platform is strategic negotiating between the EU and India possible? Despite their Lisbon summit in 2000 as well as virtual summit in 2020, it is obvious that until today the EU and India could not find a common denominator. Our idea is that the missing link of a better understanding partly lays in the new perspective that may be unexpectedly found from the Balkans’ point of view. Only unprecedented cognizance today may set up the roadmap for the times to come.

“Demonetisation” means the removal or rejection of one or more legitimate payment methods in the economy. This term is as old as the use of currency, which can be traced back to 7th and 6th centuries BCE. The Indian government conducted an unannounced demonetization in 2016. Similar cases were observed in India in 1946 and 1978. Overall, the world has witnessed dozens of demonetisations in different countries, which were carried out for different reasons. Many were successful, but many were not. We need to understand why demonetisation has been implemented over the world. This study used a literature review method to determine the causes of demonetisation in nations such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Libya, Ghana, Myanmar, Zaire, Russia, North Korea, Pakistan, Sweden, Zimbabwe, and Belarus. It also describes the goals of Indian demonetisation in 2016 and determines whether they have been met. As a result, the authors found that pre-announced demonetisation were usually effective, whereas most undeclared demonetisation failed and had an impact on the economy and population. The results of this paper can help governments, policymakers and scientists to understand the purpose of demonetisation and the need for caution. The authors concluded that demonetisation could have both positive and negative effects, depending largely on the intentions of the country’s leadership and on the preparedness for demonetisation.

China and India face similar challenges in maintaining their aggressive rates of economic growth. While both countries attained economic independence in the late 1940s, each followed a different path in terms of growth. China preferred to open up its economy to foreign direct investment much earlier and only in recent times has it turned towards domestic capital. India, on the other hand, began by attempting to develop local talent and shifted its focus to foreign participation in 1991. This paper examines the politicoeconomic background and the resultant corporate governance paths undertaken by each of these countries. These paths, while diverse, lead to a convergence. In particular, given the nature of concentrated shareholdings in Chinese and Indian companies, by the State in China and by family promoters in India, the second agency problem and the requisite protection of minority shareholders assume considerable importance in both jurisdictions. However, given the nature of corporate governance norms having been transplanted from advanced economies to emerging economies, this convergence may not be suitable or even desirable. This paper posits that emerging economies such as China and India ought to develop and implement corporate governance norms that are separate from those of advanced economies to combat the unique issues arising out of shareholding patterns at home.

The present paper traces the status of impostors in school education in India. Moreover, the paper assesses the level of fear of success among the adolescents which creates undue pressure on the students to excel and compete with their peers. The sole objective of the school educational system has turned out to be job oriented as the numbers of quality educational institutions are very less which ensures better career prospects for the students. A group of n = 140 high school students were chosen for the current study. The variables like, family background, gender, educational level, age etc do have relationships with impostor phenomenon and fear of success. The results of the study justifies the scenario wherein high achievement in comprehensive examinations is directly proportionate to fear of success as the high achievers demonstrated different values than the low achievers. The results also indicate that the students with fear of success have equal ability to achieve academically as well as in non- academic tasks. Moreover, the impostors show direct relationship with fear of success. The study proposes the need of more intervention programs and a educational policies which ensures multi-dimensional counseling programs to meet all the attributes of success/ performance fearing individuals.

Declining contribution to employment of the steel industry, which used to be the number-one sector in the city of Durgapur (India), leads to a search for alternative employment sources. The article aims to identify the criteria and sub-criteria to reveal the business competence through Porter’s model and ranking of business competence of each industry through the analytical hierarchy process (AHP) for Durgapur. Porter’s Five Forces Framework is used as the methodological basis to find the best alternate industry option based on their competitive position and provides the framework and subsequent criteria to analyse competitiveness. The key research method is the analytical hierarchy process that helps to measure the criteria qualitatively. The empirical evidence comes from the survey of 126 respondents: 36 experts who are well-versed in the industrial development of the city and fixed the weightage of the criteria through the AHP, and 90 industry-specific experts provide the range value for each criterion for each industry, which is used to generate the final value. The paper demonstrates the quantitative framework to establish the competition level of major industries in Durgapur, the strategic framework to support the industrial transition, and a brief about their dual nature of competition. We have figured out nine employment-generating industrial sectors within the city of Durgapur, among which are steel production, information technology (IT), education, healthcare, etc. The IT industry was found to be the most competitive sector that provided additional employment opportunities; it was followed by non-metal production, healthcare, and education.

This paper addresses the effectiveness of a state-supported startup ecosystem in India in the context of economic and social development challenges. By conducting a detailed study of Indian entrepreneurs, investors, and relevant government documents pertaining to startup ecosystem development programs, as well as reports from research and analytical centers providing key industry indicators, the author concludes that the current startup ecosystem in India, despite several achievements, lacks effectiveness due to persistent challenges of administrative and regulatory nature, as well as socio-economic factors. The unprecedented growth witnessed in this sector in 2021 has highlighted existing problems, demonstrating the inability to establish a sustainable support mechanism for startups while disregarding the limitations that hinder the entrepreneurial and consumer potential of the Indian economy. The findings of this research showcase the immense potential of the Indian startup industry, which undoubtedly serves as a driving force for economic development in India, despite its vulnerability to certain elements. The experiences of India, including the challenges encountered in building a robust startup ecosystem, can provide valuable insights for other countries such as Russia.

Since the 20th century, international discourse has gradually become a hot topic in the study of political science and international relations, and its impact is especially important in new areas such as space, cyberspace and polar regions, where stable rules and governance system have not yet been developed. In this paper, the influence of international discourse is classified as verbal, structural, institutional and moral. Based on this classification, the increasing influence of India's international discourse on its Arctic policy through its verbal expression, national strength, institutional involvement, and sense of values is examined. The difficulty of developing a strategy in the Arctic is due to the fact that India is not an Arctic country, so there is a cautious attitude of the world community towards it. Northern countries believe that India can use the Arctic for additional natural resources or even political benefit. In addition, there is little coverage of Arctic policy in the Indian media and government activities. Therefore, due to the possible misunderstanding by the international community of India's involvement in the Arctic and the country's weak awareness of Arctic issues, its influence on the international Arctic discourse should be improved in several ways: government officials should participate more actively in international organizations (UN, Arctic Council); the media should fully cover the country's activities in addressing Arctic issues; academically, integration of research, creation of special educational programs should be required, etc. Last but not least, the interests of Arctic Indigenous peoples should be taken into account. The resolution of all these issues can enable India to strengthen its position in the Arctic and increase the country’s potential.

This Research Communication examines how and why India’s interest in Arctic affairs has evolved since it became an Observer state to the Arctic Council (AC) in 2013. The paper also asks what strengths India can offer to support AC member states to resume joint scientific research involving Russia? The study is based on the analysis of reports and media texts. The graphical method is used to present research results. Our findings demonstrate that India’s interest in Arctic affairs has grown since 2013 and today, in 2023, through achievements in scientific works, India has a goal to establish itself as an influential presence within the Arctic. Since 2011 India has been conducting studies on climate change in the Arctic. After becoming an Observer state in the AC, India actively participates in meetings of the Senior Arctic Officials, contributes to the six working groups of the AC and sustains engagement with the Arctic Energy Summit, Arctic Science Ministerial and Task Forces. India’s focus on cryospheric research has helped improve Arctic oceanography, atmosphere, pollution and microbiology. The study showed that the Arctic region is crucial for India as processes in this region affect atmospheric, oceanographic and biogeochemical cycles of the Earth’s ecosystem, especially in the Himalayas, commonly referred to as the Third Pole. The Arctic and the Himalayas are interconnected and share similar concerns. In considering how India’s activities can aid the Arctic region, we found that India has one of the most advanced space programs in the world and can offer expertise in providing satellite communication in remote areas. We also paid attention to how India may contribute politically to stability between the AC states. We conclude that with India taking over the G20 Presidency in 2022 it is likely that India could potentially act as a creditable and legitimate mediator to restore stability within the Arctic region. The G20 is extremely relevant to the Arctic, as six of the eight AC Permanent members and 12 of the 13 AC Observers are represented at the G20 Forum, and the G20 Forum’s agenda includes climate change, sustainable development, and the environment all of which are threatened by the downsizing of scientific research in the Arctic.

This article summarises the characteristics of the current platform for BRICS scientific research and cooperation in the Arctic. The BRICS countries’ activities for the development of the Arctic region are analysed. The Arctic cooperation platform is explored through an analysis of official documents, a review of ongoing official events. The BRICS countries are implementing relevant joint projects to develop and explore the Arctic, on the one hand realising their own needs, and on the other using the specific advantages of their economic systems. From time to time, they organise and hold multilateral meetings and conferences. However, most cooperation takes place in a bilateral format. It is based on the organisation of conferences, cooperation between research institutes and joint training. This helps the BRICS countries to expand their influence in the Arctic. Based on an analysis of the identified materials, including projects developed to date but not yet implemented, the author seeks to summarise the main characteristics and features of BRICS Arctic cooperation and to identify its strengths and weaknesses. The conclusions of the paper present relevant proposals for improving the effectiveness of the BRICS countries’ joint work on the Arctic agenda in the medium term.

A cartel is a group of similar, independent companies which join together to fix prices, limit production or share markets or customers among themselves. The most significant feature of this anticompetitive activity is its restriction of competition between the parties involved in the arrangement. The objective of a cartel is to raise prices above competitive levels, which can result in injury to consumers and to the economy. This is why cartels are considered not only harmful for the economy as a whole but also, as a catalysing factor, destructive for the idealized approach of maintaining a level playing field in the market. Thus various jurisdictions, or rather almost all competition regimes, declare cartels an illegal activity subject to severe fines and penalties. But it is well known that the enforcement mechanisms of laws against cartels differ from country to country, and yet the striking similarity is that almost all competition authorities face the same uphill task of detecting and busting cartels in a manner that leads to efficient and desired prosecution.This paper focuses on an analysis of the newly introduced leniency regulations in India and the parameters of their effectiveness through a comparative analytical study of BRICS leniency regulations, specifically the experiences shared by South Africa, Brazil and Russia in the application of leniency tools and a marker system. The paper further considers the weaknesses of the existing leniency regulations in India and in BRICS and concludes by offering a future path for possible improvements in the form of certain recommendations.

The analysis of regional cooperation in the non-Western world is attracting increasing attention of IR scholars. The SCO in this respect represents a unique case. It unites two major powers in Eurasia —RussiaandChina— and four Central Asian states within one regional cooperation framework. All the members share common concerns about traditional and non-traditional security threats. This perception defines a reasonable necessity to cooperate. However the assessments of the cooperation’s practical dimension vary significantly among researchers inRussia,China,Indiaand Western countries. Therefore the paper seeks to analyze the key diverging lines in the SCO research discourse. The paper argues that the differences in the research positions are mainly driven by the previous experience of regional or quasi-regional cooperation of the mentioned actors (Russia,China,India, theUSAand the EU) and their current political, economic and security aims in cooperation with Central Asian states.

During the era of colonial domination of much of Africa and Asia, many female missionaries from Europe served in these parts of the world. They served as teachers, medical practitioners, and evangelists but were also often seen as supporters of colonial culture. This paper examines the previously unresearched work of three female missionaries from Latvia who were sent by German mission societies to China, India, and Indonesia, respectively. The study uses historical-comparative, content analysis, and hermeneutical methods to interpret the missionaries’ own texts and those written about them. It finds that the missionaries felt compelled to cooperate with colonial forces in order to carry out their ministry, even though colonial policies sometimes restricted what the missionaries could do. They also exhibited effective application of cultural frameworks and use of language skills in serving and collaborating with local populations.

Studies have revealed how millennials use social networking sites (SNS) but users aged 50 years and above have not been studied by SNS researchers in India. This paper attempts to study the verbal claim and actual content created by Indians’ aged 50 years and above on Facebook (Facebook, hereafter referred to as the “Social Media” or “SM”, is restricted by the Russian media regulator Roskomnadzor) using a comparative research design. The study was carried out by selecting one hundred profiles of Monthly Active Users (MAU) of Social Media (SM) qualifying the age criteria. Empirical evidence for comparison was drawn by conducting: a. guided telephonic interview to know MAU’s claimed SM usage and b. quantitative content analysis to identify MAU’s actual SM activity. The results show that the participant’s claims of their SM activity do not support their actual usage of the platform. The variables studied and compared include the ‘source’, ‘context’ and ‘features used’ to write the content. Conclusions reveal the dilemmas and SNS usage related preferences of older age groups in India. The study highlights the need and scope for training the older generation(s) about using SNS. Such vocational training would help them conveniently adopt and use networked technologies for communication and recreational purposes.

The paper studies the development of the Indian tax system since India became independent nation. We focus on how changes and developments in tax regulations and policies affect rapid economic growth in the country. Our focus is on direct and indirect taxes on industries in India and also on most important institutional tax problems. The key findings are as follows. Firstly, the Indian experience has shown that the tax liberalization in combination with other economic measures promote economic growth if focused not just on the general improvement of the institutional environment, but also on the accelerated development of material production industry. At the same time the existing shortcomings of the tax system is not a critical constraint to economic growth in the current period if, in principle, taxes are aimed at the development and broadly in line with local traditions of statehood. Secondly, the level of tax revenues in India nowadays is clearly inadequate to finance the state needs. At the same time, limiting its financial needs, the state contributes to the financial resources of economic entities. It is unlikely that India could surprise the world with such a high rate of economic growth if it had not happened the rethinking of the role of the tax system and its reform in order to create more favourable conditions for business. Secondly, the level of tax revenues in India nowadays is clearly inadequate to finance the state needs. At the same time, limiting its financial needs, the state contributes to the financial resources of economic entities. It is unlikely that India could surprise the world with such a high rate of economic growth if it had not happened the rethinking of the role of the tax system and its reform in order to create more favourable conditions for business. Thirdly, the implementation of tax solutions, which are considered as very effective from the perspective of the western theory and practice, has been faced with a lots of difficulties in specific institutional conditions of India. This fact is a strong confirmation that tax authorities cannot ignore or underestimate the influence of institutional and political factors on tax reform results. In many cases it turns out to be much stronger than the theoretical arguments and positive experience of other countries. And fourthly, the existing high tax rates do not reflect the actual tax burden. In the context of the formed institutional norms Indian business has developed and successfully applies its national recipe of tax burden optimization: through lobbying and using corruption schemes it achieves various tax preferences, as well as contributes to the preservation of the existing loopholes in the tax laws, and then legally avoids paying taxes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of this contribution analyze the circumstances and the history of a popular play that was staged in the Soviet Union in 1927-1928. Titled Jumah Masjid, this play was devoted to the anti-colonial movement in India. A manuscript of the play, not indicating its title and the name of its author, was found in the St. Petersburg Branch of the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences among the papers related to A.M. and L.A. Meerwarth, members of the First Russian Expedition to Ceylon and India (1914-1918). Later on, two copies of this play under the title The Jumah Masjid were found in the Russian Archive of Literature and Art and in the Museum of the Tovstonogov Grand Drama Theatre. The authors of this article use archival and published sources to analyze the reasons for writing and staging the play. They consider the image of India as portrayed by a Soviet playwright in conjunction with Indologists that served as consultants, and as seen by theater critics and by the audience (according to what the press reflected). Arguably, the celebration of the 10th anniversary of the October Revolution in Russia in 1927 and the VI Congress of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1928 encouraged writing and staging the play. The detailed picture of the anti-colonial struggle in India that the play offered suggests that professional Indologists were consulted. At the same time the play is critical of the non-violent opposition encouraged by Mahatma Gandhi as well as the Indian National Congress and its political wing known as the Swaraj Party. The research demonstrates that the author of the play was G.S. Venetsianov, and his Indologist consultants were Alexander and Liudmila Meerwarth.

The paper investigates trade and investment relations between India and its two major trading partners, viz. the U.S. and China in the 2000-2010s. On the basis of mixed method research with equal use of quantitative and qualitative, as well as historical and statistical methods, the authors estimate the possibilities for expanding interstate interactions and the difficulties the countries might face. By comparing the scale and particulars of the product structure of Indo-American and Indo-Chinese trade, the authors reveal that intra-industry trade between India and the United States is at a fairly high level, which, in turn, is not typical for the trade between India and China, which is mostly inter-industry due to the sluggish cooperation of Indian and Chinese entrepreneurs. The authors assess the intensity of the Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral trade between 2000-2018 by means of indices of intensity of Indias exports and imports to / from the USA and China, as well as indices of intensity of exports and imports of its partners to / from India. The obtained results outline the upward trend of the share of Indian exports to the U.S. relative to other countries, which indicates that India is successfully conquering the U.S. market, and Indian goods are becoming increasingly competitive. Meanwhile, the volume of Indian-Chinese trade remains on a much lower level than it could be expected with the current share of India in the world trade. In the meantime, neither for the United States nor for China, India is a dominant partner. The article also investigates major obstacles hindering the development of both Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral relations. The obtained results enable the authors to predict that in the short- and mid-term economic cooperation between India and its leading partners is likely to strengthen, with India keeping striving for standing neuter while building the two most crucial vectors of its foreign economic policy.

The main aim of the paper is to explore the performance of Indian IPOs in the context of risk disclosures in the offer documents. For the purpose of assessing the impact of risk disclosure factors on initial returns, subsequent returns and post issue risk of IPOs, the study has implemented ordinary least square regression. The study has analysed 109 IPOs that were listed in two main Indian stock exchanges (BSE and NSE) from 2015–2019. Outcomes of the present study are contrary to the previous studies which showed that information disclosure reduces the asymmetry, which is touted as the main reason for underpricing, the present study did not find any association between risk disclosures and underpricing. Quantitative risk measures showed positive association with 1-year returns, but qualitative measures failed to show any association. The post issue risk of the firms showed positive association with external risk factors listed in prospectus and negative association with liquidity. The results of this study are useful for the investors as based on the results they can make decisions about investing in Indian IPOs. Besides, the managers of issuing companies and lead managers of issues can use the results of this study to improve the pricing of issues. To the best of the authors’ knowledge no study has been done before in the Indian context which is specific to risk disclosures (quantitative and qualitative measures) and IPO performance. The present study seeks to fill this gap and contribute to the existing literature.

The article makes an attempt to explore various social customs, cultures, and religions of India and revisit the concept of ecofeminism and social ecology, which seems to be a dire necessity in contemporary times, especially in the Indian context. India is a land of variegated customs, cultures, and religions. The diversity is not limited to these realms but incorporates multi-racial, multi-spatial, and multi-eras, the ancient, medieval, and contemporary history. The pattern is intricate as these factors affect the eco-diversity in both ways: unsympathetically and chancily. It is ostensibly witnessed that India suffers deplorably in the ecological rondure. Do we need a complete set of anticipatory hermeneutics of variegated Indian customs, cultures, and religions to convalesce the ecosystem? The answer is de-facto ‘yes’. The paper indubitably confesses the arrogance and disdain shown towards nature and ecology as a whole in the country that nurtures illogical axioms those which are maintained and adopted in the name of customs, cultures, and religions; and to offer a potent solution, if not to eradicate entirely but lessen the extravagant exploitation of natural resources and building stable ecological equity. Ecofeminism and Social Ecology can be taken to task to solve the grave ecological crisis that India encounters.

The region of Southeast Asia has always gained attention from colonial powers because it sits astride major sea lines of communications (SLOCs), and also has abundant natural resources which has fulfilled the economic ambitions of the colonial powers. Following the independence of many of the Southeast Asian countries in 1940s and early 1950s, the colonial powers tried to manage the ideological fault lines given the fact that this region lies very close to China and Russia. The formation of ASEAN was primarily to counter their ideological influence, particularly communism, after riots were seen in a few Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia and Malaysia. India and ASEAN began to develop relations after the end of the Cold War. Their relationship, which was based on cultural and religious interactions, also fulfilled political objectives of stimulating the newly developing states to join the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). ASEAN and India have completed nearly three decades of interaction as dialogue partners and within the frame of ASEAN plus one dialogue process, developing strategic ties and defence relations with a number of countries in Southeast Asia. In 2012 India and ASEAN also signed the strategic partnership agreement. Their economic complementarity developed with the growth of the Indian economy, as many Southeast Asian countries needed a large market like India. This paper analyzes different facets of relationships between the two sides and also proposes how the relationship can be enhanced, looking into future challenges primarily in areas of regional security and economics.

After World War II, Great Britain's loss of power in the international system had a great impact on the start of the decolonization process (the beginning of the independence movements in colonial geographies and the acquisition of peoples' independence) and expansion of it. India, one of the most important colonies of the British Empire which is known as the empire on which the sun never sets, was also the most important representative and perhaps even the trigger of this process. The Republic of India (hereafter referred to as India) which gained independence from Britain in 1947, also witnessed the birth of another state from its territory. The newly established state of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan (hereinafter referred to as Pakistan) has maintained a high-tension relationship with India since the foundation. The main cause of this tension has been the dispute over the Jammu and Kashmir region. The controversial region has again become a conflictual geography with the decision of the Indian Parliament on the 5th of August 2019. By this, the autonomous status of the JK was abolished and Pakistan and India came to the edge of confrontation. The measures and precautions of the Indian government regarding the region has increased the tension not only in JK but also in India and in Pakistan. This study tries to analyze the Kashmir dispute in line with the recent developments and how the issue effects the regional political dynamics. In the first part of the paper; there will be a short history of the dispute, the claims of the parties, and the place of this dispute in the international system. In the second part, the current situation will be tried to investigate from the foreign policy and regional policies aspect. The general conclusion of the author is that the recent decision on autonomy of Kashmir will have cumulative negative impacts on the stability of the region in coming years.

The article looks into the Russia-India energy trade potential and its strategic significance with a particular focus on the Central Asian energy trade. Russia has become a major player in the energy market and its handling of Syrian crisis has enhanced its position in the Middle East that has impact on oil market and production scenario. India has been a growing at a rate of above 5% and its energy needs have been substantial. India and Russia share a very special relationship due to long-standing cultural and political ties and this has been a facilitator to India’s energy security needs. The Central Asian Republics hold a special position for Russia and India in terms of strategic security across South and Central Asian region. The two countries not only deeply connect themselves with the region but also find it necessary to preserve the region from religious extremism and terrorism that is worsened by the narcotics and arms trade. The Central Asian republics are a house to some of the world’s largest natural gas reserves and they have been exporting it large volumes through pipelines. However, the approach has not materialised as South Asia due to the Afghanistan situation. Therefore, Russia remains an important route to access energy resources from Eurasia and Central Asia in particular. India also has high exposure to the maritime energy trade with Africa and Latin America countries that contribute to the counting opportunity cost for accessing Central Asian energy. The paper highlights the significance of energy trade between Russia, India and Central Asian countries that could contribute to geopolitical stability across the region.

The paper examines a complex web of domestic and external issues which have both provoked a systemic crisis in Venezuela and, at the same time, determined its specificity in comparison with the wave of protests sweeping across Latin America in 2019.The authors conclude that the escalation of the conflict in Venezuela was caused not only by the standoff between the legislative and the executive branches of the government, but also by the split of the whole society into proponents and opponents of ‘socialism of the 21st century’. The contradictions have led to the formation of the parallel branches of power: two presidents, two parliaments and two supreme courts (one of them in exile) which de facto coexist in the country and each claims exclusive rights and legitimacy.The authors also stress that the situation in Venezuela has obvious regional consequences. The miscalculations of the incumbent president were used in election campaigns in other Latin American countries and became one of the reasons for the defeat of left candidates, the subsequent ‘right drift’ leading to the isolation of the republic. The new political landscape has also affected the architecture of integration associations, which failed to develop a unified position toward the Bolivarian regime.Furthermore, in a current heightened state of international tensions Venezuela has turned into a theatre of international rivalry and conflict involving all the key subjects of world politics. The United States, China, Russia and the European Union compete for the energy resources of the country and pursue their own strategic interests. The inability or unwillingness of external forces to reach compromise and to bring the parties to the negotiating table can pose a threat to peace and international security.As a result, Venezuela has become one of the most turbulent countries in the region. At the same time, the repeated outbursts of protest waves are significantly different from popular uprisings in other Latin American states. In the worst-case scenario, a constantly worsening situation may result in a social explosion which threatens to make the Bolivarian Republic another hot spot of the planet.

The article presents three Nobel Prize winners in economic sciences 2019 as well as the results of their researches. The paper highlights the primary goal of the laureates’ research aimed at improving the effectiveness of foreign aid to poor countries. Along with this, the author considered three achievements of the winners noted by the Nobel Committee: randomized field experiments, establishing new links between microeconomics and macroeconomics, the original method of research on the causes of poverty. The winners showed that financial assistance to poor countries should be accompanied, and possibly preceded, by pilot studies of the effectiveness of this assistance. The primary way to improve the efficiency of foreign aid laureates see in creating conditions for self-improvement of their situation by low-income families. And this, according to the laureates, can be achieved through solving the problems of health and education in countries receiving foreign aid. To verify that idea the laureates conducted experiments in Kenya, India, other countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. The author also provides evidence that foreign aid to poor countries is less than cash flows going in the opposite direction.

The social transformation is the process of planned changes at large scale in a given society. In other words a shift in the social consciousness at individual, collective, regional and global levels is considered social transformation through which new dimensions come ahead and help in resolving social problems. The social transformation in Indian and Pakistani society reflects a conflict between traditionalism and the modernism. The social alteration in the value system a divergence seems to have been developed between the social groups that has generated a conflict between the modern issues of self-existence and traditional values. For this paper makes consideration of the main traits of social alteration that create the conflict among the traditionalists and the modernists in India and Pakistan. Furthermore, the impact of the highly developed countries of the world, the role of mass media of communication, migration, cultural diffusion, the literacy and finally the socio-political awareness among the people to help develop secularism are considered key tools to look towards modernity that is challenging the traditional paradigms of society. This relationship forms the dialectics of traditionalism and modernity and in that sense what is paradox is that traditionalism and modernity are not mutually restricted but complementary to each other and demonstrate through elements of social changes. The process of modernization in India and Pakistan is proceeding by inventing new traditions, which is combined with economic status, caste system, ethnicity, subcultures. It also emphasizes on the impact of the transformation in the different sections of Indian and Pakistani society and level of social stability through the time. Our objective in the present article is to examine social change in India and Pakistan with the ideological perspective of modernization.

The article focuses on the impact of India-Nigeria agricultural cooperation on rice production in Nigeria. Since 2000 in the quest for food sufficiency, diversification of the country’s sources of foreign exchange, increasing employment for the rising population as well as expanding its external relations Nigeria has signed several bilateral agreements on agriculture with India. The analysis of the developments in the sub-sector, as well as media, governmental and non-governmental reports in the field and the interviews of the farmers has revealed that the Indian firms, including “Olam Group” and “Popular Farms and Mills Ltd”, have cultivated thousands of hectares of land, built mills and machinery, provided farmers in 16 Nigerian states with better rice seedlings, and engaged thousands of farmers in regular training improving employment and revitalizing communities in the country. The support given by the Indian firms has triggered an unprecedented increase in rice production. The paper concludes that the agreements, particularly the one of 2017, have further promoted, strengthened and expanded rice production in the context of food security, job creation and saving foreign exchange. The article, therefore, demonstrates how Nigeria-India bilateral ties and cooperative programs have changed the dynamics of rice production in the country and brought more profound economic consequences. Despite the fact that Nigeria is not yet selfsufficient in rice production with the gap of around 2.5 million tonnes, the agricultural programs initiated within the framework of the Nigeria-India bilateral agreements and realized as large-scale agriculture programmes including investments, training, supply of better seedlings, land cultivation promoted by powerful corporations have significantly changed the economic and social environment in Nigeria.

The article discusses the formation of the India’s national innovation system (NIS), which passes through the phases of protectionism, liberalism and duality. Special attention is paid to the peculiarities of the India’s innovation system based on efficiency indicators, such as gross domestic expenditures on research and development, exports of high-tech products, as well as foreign direct investment in high technology sector. The paper notes that India is one of the most attractive countries for investing in the innovation sector. The author also highlights the negative aspects of NIS development in India, such as imbalances in income and wages, low literacy and high levels of poverty, uneven inflow of foreign investment in different regions, lack of innovation culture in manufactured products, etc. The article especially notes that India after the start of the process of economic liberalization has grown economically in terms of GDP, exports, employment, investment, the inflow of foreign technology and investment, the ICT industry, and the internationalization of investment in research and development sphere.

The world is undergoing irreversible structural changes in global geopolitical space. The dynamic development of Asian countries has brought significant changes to the geopolitical and geoeconomic structure of the world. The COVID-19 pandemic restrictions more than ever demonstrated the role of rising Asian states not only in providing manufacturing facilities but also in maintaining the global supply chain and logistics. The role of China in this process is significant. India also working on enhancing its connectivity channels, whilst the post-COVID global supply chain reality provides new opportunities for India’s aspirations. For Kazakhstan, which integrated with China’s Belt and Road Initiative, and working to connect to India’s alternative Chabahar port, the role of connectivity is critical. Given the geographic location that bridges Europe with Asia and provides alternative roads bypassing Russia, Kazakhstan's transit potential is immense. Against this backdrop, the paper reveals Kazakhstan’s state-of-the-art in transport sector in regard to China and India. First, we analyse the theoretical framework of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Then, we explore China’s engagement with Kazakhstan, especially during the COVID-19 hindrances. We further provide India’s alternative connectivity visions from a comparative perspective. We conclude with the assessment of the current partnerships and opportunities to expand connectivity with Kazakhstan. The major argument of discussion is that although Kazakhstan has been widely integrating into China’s BRI, it still has successfully diversified its connectivity networks in line with its multivector policy.

The article is devoted to the identification of conceptually identical perceptions of musical time in the cultures of India and Indonesia. The paper considers tala, the Indian category of time, in the context of structuring the parameters of musical compositions in Indian art. Gamelans (Indonesian ensembles of musical instruments) are described in detail as well as the basic principles of organizing musical material in the compositions they perform. The aim of the work is to compare the patterns of perception of the category of time in the cultures of India and Indonesia. The research methodology is based on the principles of an integrated approach that considers the musical traditions of these countries from theoretical and historical-cultural positions. In the process of working on this article, the key role was played by the experience of studying Indian and Indonesian cultures obtained by the authors during scientific internships in India and Indonesia (T.V. Kartashova – institute Shriram Bharatiya Kala Kendra in 2004–2006 and in 2009 (New-Delhi, India); V.U. Antipova studied at the Indonesian Institute of Arts in Yogyakarta under the Darmasiswa Indonesian Scholarship program in the 2017–2018 academic year). The result of the study is the identification of the cyclical nature of musical time in the art of India and Indonesia. It is concluded that in the coordinate systems of different civilizations there are certain intersection points, and often they appear at a conceptual level. The identification of common interpretations of various categories makes it possible to comprehend deep intercivilizational ties, which makes it possible to identify the relatedness of the basics of world understanding in the cultures of South and Southeast Asia.

We are living in an age of reaffirmation and revival of religious/national and cultural identities as a reaction to the sweeping onslaught of socio-economic, cultural and technological globalization. In India the demand for a definition of national identity based on Hinduism or on Hindutva (Hinduness) predates the achievement of independence in 1947 and it was gradually reinforced by successive political crises, such as the partition between India and Pakistan, successive wars with Pakistan, the continuing separatist agitation in the Kashmir Valley and the rise of large-scale Islamist terrorism since the 11th of September 2001 if not before. Historically a distinction has been made between Hinduism, as the religion and way of life of more than a billion people in India and in other countries and Hindutva, a cultural ideology and a sociopolitical doctrine which defines a modernized version of Hindu or in broader sense Indic civilisation (encompassing Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism and other indigenous minority religions). Many Hindus do not accept the premises or least the political theory of Hindutva whereas Hindutva proponents may not be ‘believers’ in the ritual and theological aspects of Hindu Dharma and may define themselves as sceptics, materialists or atheists. However they conceive of the common Hindu national civilisation and millenary historical heritage as the cement that can bind the country’s diverse people together and they usually reject the ‘secular’ view that India is the home of a composite culture forged out of many domestic and foreign elements and consisting of diverse ethnic groups which were brought together as a nation by British colonization. This paper succinctly retraces the evolution and expansion of Hindu nationalism in the politics of the country and distinguishes between the various nuances of the ideology which is now the source of inspiration for the National Democratic Alliance led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It strives to answer the often asked question: Is India becoming a Hindu State?

Article 27.3(b) of the TRIPS Agreement provides that members shall provide for protection of plant varieties either by patents or by an effective sui generis protection or both. While WTO member countries can choose from among intellectual property strategies to protect plant varieties, they may not choose to exclude plant varieties from IP rights protection without facing trade sanctions from the WTO dispute resolution body. The open-ended language of the article creates a flexible standard of protection sympathetic to developing nations’ socio-economic priorities, provided that the effectiveness requirement is satisfied. This flexibility presents a range of possibilities from systems like the plant patent regime of the United States or specific variety protection systems of the European Union to the possibility of customized plant protection regimes suited to the needs of developing nations.India, while complying with the requirements of the TRIPS Agreement for the protection of plant varieties, enacted the Protection of Plant Varieties and Farmers’ Rights Act. The fundamental ideology of the PPVFR Act is to address India’s concerns about protecting the rights of small and marginal farming communities, while at the same time promoting plant breeding by vesting adequate IP rights protection which will boost further research and innovation in this field.This paper argues that as it is necessary to recognize and protect the rights of farmers in respect of their contribution made at any time in conserving, improving and making available plant genetic resources for the development of new plant varieties, the PPVFR Act has maintained a balance between breeders’ rights and farmers’ rights. The PPVFR Act protects farmers’ rights to save, use, exchange and share all farm produce, including seeds that fall within the purview of the Act, and it provides protection of indigenous knowledge against unwary monetization.

In order to give effect to the UNICITRAL Model Law on Arbitration and due to radical change in its economy as the result of the 1991 New Economic Policy (NEP) India enacted the 1996 Arbitration & Conciliation Act. This Act provides a pragmatic legal basis for resolution of commercial disputes outside the court procedures. It circumscribes the older laws and consolidates multiple legal norms dealing with arbitration. However, the experiences in application of this Act for the last 20 years suggest that it needs to be amended as it contains serious drawbacks primarily due to poor legal technique which necessitated excessive judicial interventions and judicial overreach having led to resentment among those willing to resort to alternative dispute resolution under this Act while keeping the seat of Arbitration in India. Several attempts were made by the successive governments aiming at amending the 1996 Act. Yet all those attempts failed. Finally the present Union Government under the leadership of the Prime Minister Mr. Narendra Modi was able to bring in sweeping changes in existing arbitration law. These changes were carried out with the commitment of the Government in doing business in India through the Ordinance route and proper legislative procedures which finally led to the amendments having come into force on January 1, 2016. This paper attempts to analyse the key changes brought through the 2015 Amendment Act and their impact on the application of arbitration law in India. Moreover, the authors overview the prospects of India to acquire the preferred position in International Commercial Arbitration in the future as envisioned by the present Modi Government.

Since the ration between production and consumption of electricity in the context of present and future demands of various countries determines the level of their energy security, it is this ration which is the main object of the research reported in the article. The case of India, with its huge population, rapid economic growth of the last decade and obvious scarcity of energy resources is of special interest and importance. The consideration of different indicators of demographic situation in the country shows that the number of population and the dynamics of its growth are still the main factors which determine prospects for solution of India’s energy security problem -The paper analyses the situation of energy demand and supply across all sources of energy available to India and identify the directions along which the most effective and efficient projects can be realized. Due to its obvious peculiarities, a special attention is paid to the nuclear program of Indian, and, particularly, to the supply of Uranium necessary for instigation of nuclear energy production. The importance of the current moment is emphasized, when, in the context of limited energy resources, both Indian Government and society should decide what segments of population and branches of economy are to be given priorities to in meeting their growing demands, and how the priorities can be realized.

Abstract – Nonverbal languages are an integral part of human communication since they transmit substantial information such as emotions and psychological conditions, and therefore they contribute to understanding. Culture affects nonverbal behaviours. The Indian subcontinent is highly multicultural, multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multilingual, and language diversity often makes communication difficult. In India alone, there are 22 official languages besides about 400 other languages. The populations of the southern area, who speak languages of Dravidian origins, do not have a common language to communicate with people living in the North, who speak languages of Aryan origins, and even people living in the same village often speak different dialects. English, which has the status of an L2 in the country, is spoken appropriately only by those who can afford to go to English-medium schools. The majority of people can be placed in a continuum going from highly creolised forms of English to a number of ‘trade pidgins’. Yet, in spite of the inability to communicate in a common language, Indians make use of nonverbal languages, such as hand and head gestures, facial expressions, eye movements, as well as less evident messages such as dress and their colours, posture and the space between speakers. Nonverbal behaviours that Indians display in daily communication are related to those found in traditional performing and aesthetic arts. The purpose of this paper is to suggest how the knowledge of nonverbal languages is useful for an appropriate intercultural competence for interaction with migrants coming from the Indian subcontinent.

Currently the phenomenon of BRICS group became a highly disputed issue in the expert society. One general approach tends to see BRICS as just a group of states united superficially in the analysis of the international relations on the basis of their economic indicators. Consequently, according to this view, there is no real reason for the coordinated actions of these states on the global arena. Another view, on the contrary, stresses the potential of BRICS to become a new mechanism of global governance. Despite the divergence in the development models each state in this group has a rising economic profile and influential positions in the respective regions. The proposed paper aims to review critically various approaches to the role of BRICS in the transformation of global governance system, analyze prospects of and challenges to the expansion of such a role and assess the possible implications for the international relations at global and regional levels.

Female body has always been considered to be the symbol of grace, modesty, simplicity and submissiveness. This stereotype is strengthened in oral literature. Proverbs constitute one of the most important components of oral literature. Beauty is universally considered the main criterion of women. However, every society has its own notion of beauty regarding women. There are certain stereotypical expectations of female body in every society. But the standards of beauty differ from people to people, society to society. If a woman does not fulfill these norms of the society that she belongs to, she is not regarded as a perfect woman. Women, who are outside the prevailing norms of beauty, are considered to be abnormal, witch, evil-like, disobedient, cruel etc. Therefore, notions regarding female body are socially con-structed. Such, and many other related norms of feminine beauty and the female body are found in women related Assamese proverbs. The present paper tries to analyze the construction of ideas regarding womanhood with special reference to female body and feminine beauty through Assamese proverbs. It is an ethnographic study of the Nagaon district of middle Assam in India.

In this paper we will briefly review recent histories of Asian civilizations, with a focus on the accelerated international division of labor and economic growth across Asia over the last half century. We also look at the relationship with US immigration admission policies toward Asian immigrants and their consequences. We then address the recent shift from a one-way brain drain (from developing countries–in this case Asia, to developed countries–the United States) to a model of networked brain circulation among developing and developed nations. Finally we connect immigration policies and their consequences with the US’s Asia policies.

Present paper examines India’s growing interest and role which it seeks to play in this Eurasian organization. India’s economic potential, vast experience and institutional capabilities can add greater value and share best practices in newer areas, the biggest challenge for India would be to adapt to the new geopolitical reality in the region.

The paper examines terms and prospects for India to become full member-state SCO, different attitudes to this question in SCO. Changes of attitudes towards SCO in the Indian political establishment and public opinion are analyzed.